Torture and Respect Jacob Bronsther

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Torture and Respect Jacob Bronsther Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology Volume 109 Article 1 Issue 3 Summer Summer 2019 Torture and Respect Jacob Bronsther Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/jclc Part of the Criminal Law Commons Recommended Citation Jacob Bronsther, Torture and Respect, 109 J. Crim. L. & Criminology 423 (2019). https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/jclc/vol109/iss3/1 This Criminal Law is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern Pritzker School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology by an authorized editor of Northwestern Pritzker School of Law Scholarly Commons. 0091-4169/19/10903-0423 THE JOURNAL OF CRIMINAL LAW & CRIMINOLOGY Vol. 109, No. 3 Copyright © 2019 by Jacob Bronsther Printed in U.S.A. CRIMINAL LAW TORTURE AND RESPECT JACOB BRONSTHER* There are two well-worn arguments against a severe punishment like long-term incarceration: it is disproportionate /o /"e o##ender’s Frongdoing and an inefficient use of state resources. This Article considers a third response, one which penal reformers and theorists have radically neglected, even though it is recognized in the law: the punishment is degrading. In considering penal degradation, this Article examines what judges and scholars have deemed the exemplar of degrading treatment—torture. What is torture, and why is it wrong to torture people? If we can answer this question, this Article maintains, then we can understand when and why certain punishments—like perhaps long-term incarceration—are impermissibly degrading, regardless of their proportionality or social utility otherwise. This Article develops an original theory of torture. It argues that torture is the intentional infliction of a suffusive panic and that its central wrongness is the extreme disrespect i/ de5ons/ra/es /oFard a -i$/i5’s $a3a$i/E /o realiCe value. Humans realize value diachronically, stitching moments together through time to construct a good life as a whole. Torture takes such a being, one with a past and a future, and via the infliction of a make it stop right now 3ani$, $on-er/s "er in/o a >s"rillE s2.ealing 3igle/ a/ sla.g"/er,, in Jean 154rE’s Fords, restricting her awareness to a maximally terrible present. The Article then considers what this theory of torture means for our understanding of degradation more generally. It argues that punishment is impermissibly degrading, regardless of our other penal considerations, when * Climenko Fellow & Lecturer on Law, Harvard Law School. For their intellectual guidance and incisive comments on multiple drafts, I am indebted to Nicola Lacey and Peter Ramsay. I am also extremely grateful to Lindsay Farmer, John Goldberg, Martha Minow, Carmel Nemirovky, Diana Newmark, Shalev Roisman, Victor Tadros, Will Thomas, Susannah Barton Tobin, Jeremy Waldron, the JCLC editors, and participants at a presentation at Harvard Law School for valuable comments and discussion. 423 424 BRONSTHER [Vol. 109 i/ reIe$/s an o##ender’s s/a/.s as a ".5an: Punishment reaches this threshold 7E de5ons/ra/ing /"a/ /"e o##ender’s li#e-building capacity—the very basis of his humanity—is completely absent or fundamentally worthless. To so thoroughly deny so5eone’s -al.e, e-en so5eone F"o "as $o55i//ed a heinous crime, violates the liberal commitment to human inviolability. The Article closes by suggesting that long-term incarceration rejects an o##ender’s s/a/.s as a ".5an, and is /"ere#ore on a 3ar Fi/" 3enal /or/.re, given that removing someone from free society for decades makes it exceedingly difficult for him to construct a good life as a whole. TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION.................................................................................. 425 I. DEGRADATION LIMITATIONS......................................................... 430 II. LEGAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL CONCEPTIONS OF TORTURE ........... 433 A. The Legal Conception....................................................... 434 1. Explication .................................................................. 434 2. Critique........................................................................ 438 B. Philosophical Conceptions ................................................ 440 1. Shue: Torture as an Assault on the Defenseless.......... 440 2. Sussman: Torture as Self-Betrayal.............................. 442 III. PANIC AND RESPECT ................................................................... 447 A. Suffusive Panic ................................................................. 447 1. Blinding Pain............................................................... 447 2. =r06* ;N/() ................................................................. 450 3. Interpretative Constraint.............................................. 456 4. Counter-Example ........................................................ 457 B. Disrespect .......................................................................... 459 1. Respect and Value....................................................... 460 2. Symbolic and Non-Symbolic Respect ........................ 462 3. Respect as an Epistemic Virtue................................... 464 C. Human Value..................................................................... 465 1. Diachronic Human Value ........................................... 466 2. Practical Reason.......................................................... 472 IV.TORTURE AS EXTREME DISRESPECT........................................... 473 A. The Spectrum of Disrespect.............................................. 476 B. Symbolic Degradation....................................................... 479 C. Degrees of Degradation..................................................... 481 D. Inviolability and Degradation ........................................... 481 E. Ticking Time Bomb........................................................... 483 F. Long-Term Incarceration................................................... 484 1. Associational Deprivations ......................................... 485 2019] TORTURE AND RESPECT 425 2. Slow Degradation........................................................ 486 CONCLUSION ..................................................................................... 489 INTRODUCTION There are two well-worn arguments against a severe punishment like long-term incarceration: it is disproportionate )/ )NT /QQT0UT+6* o+/0OU/M0O and an inefficient use of state resources. This Article considers a third response, one which penal reformers and theorists have radically neglected, even though it is recognized in the law: the punishment is degrading.1 "Tl/0U PUTO+rUM0Oh: /)NT+ +TJT'r0) rULTW)M'T* M0WJ(UTh r) JTr*)h PW+(TJh: PM0N(1r0h: PM0N(1r0Th:2 Pqr+qr+MWh: r0U Pq+()rJf: There is considerable overlap between these terms, however, and we ought to conceive of the reasons that oppose such punishments as a unified or general category.3 PYou $anno/ do /"a/ /o a ".5an 7eing, captures the ideal in broad brush. Let us +TQT+ )/ )NM* Wr)TO/+l /Q *T0)T0WM0O W/0*MUT+r)M/0* r* PUTO+rUr)M/0 JM1M)r)M/0*f: 1 See G.A. Res. 217 (III) A, Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Dec. 10, 1948) [hereinafter UDHRt j-+/NMqM)M0O )/+)(+T r0U PW+(TJh M0N(1r0h /+ UTO+rUM0O: )+Tr)1T0) /+ punishment); European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms art. 3, Nov. 4, 1950, 213 U.N.T.S. 221 [hereinafter ECHR] (same); International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights art. 7, Dec. 19, 1966, 999 U.N.T.S. 171 [hereinafter ICCPR] (same); American Convention on Human Rights art. 5(2), Nov. 22, 1969, 1144 U.N.T.S. 143 (same); S. AFR. CONST., 1996, ch. 2, § 12(1)(d)-(e) (same); Bundesverfassung [BV][Constitution] Apr. 18, 1999 SR 101, art. 10, para. 3 (Switz.) (same); U.S. CONST. amend. 4^^^ j-+/NMqM)M0O PW+(TJ r0U (0(*(rJ: -(0M*N1T0)i% N.Y. CONST. art. 1, § 5 (same); Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, s 12, Part I of the Constitution Act, 1982, being Schedule B to the Canada Act 1982, c 11 (U.K.) (same);TEX. CONST. art. 1, § IF j-+/NMqM)M0O PW+(TJ or (0(*(rJ: -(0M*N1T0)i jT1-Nr*M* rUUTUi% CONSTITUI!eZO FEDERAL [C.F.] [Constitution] art. 5 (III) (Braz.) (prohibiting torture and PM0N(1r0 /+ UTO+rUM0O: treatment); New Zealand Bill of <MON)* #W) I@@ch * @ jXfvfi j-+/NMqM)M0O )/+)(+T r0U PW+(TJh UTO+rUM0Oh /+ UM*-+/-/+)M/0r)TJl *T'T+T: )+Tr)1T0t or punishment.); Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment art. 16, § 1, Dec. 10, 1984, 108 Stat. 382, 1465 U.N.T.S. AD uNT+TM0rQ)T+ !#9t jPbrWN ;)r)T =r+)l *NrJJ (0UT+)rKT )/ -+T'T0) M0 r0l )T++M)/+l (0UT+ its jurisdiction other acts of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment which do not amount to torture as defined . :if 2 See Jeremy Waldron, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment: The Words Themselves, 23 CAN. J. L. & JURIS. 269, 278–79 (2010) (r+O(M0O )Nr) PM0N(1r0T: )+Tr)1T0) M* UM*)M0W) Q+/1 r0U 1MJUT+ )Nr0 PM0N(1r0: )+Tr)1T0)if 3 For attempts to parse the meanings of the various terms, see Waldron, id. and John Vorhaus, On Degradation. Part One: Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights, 31 COMMON L. WORLD REV. 374 (2002). But see Ribitsch v. Austria, 33 Eur. Ct. H.R. (ser. A) GC jI@@Di j1rKM0O r QM0UM0O /Q PM0N(1r0 r0U UTO+rUM0O: )+Tr)1T0) oM)N/() UM*)M0O(M*NM0O between the two terms); Tomasi v. France, 241 Eur. Ct. H.R. (ser. A) 7 (1992) (same). 426 BRONSTHER [Vol. 109 This Article examines penal degradation from the inside out. It looks to the exemplar of degrading
Recommended publications
  • The Prevention of Unjust Wars
    The Prevention of Unjust Wars 1 The Doctrine of the Permissibility of Participation War is a great moral evil. … The first great moral challenge of war, then, is: prevention. For most possible wars the best response is prevention. Occasionally, a war may be the least available evil among a bad lot of choices. Since war always involves the commission of so much wrongful killing and injuring, making war itself a supreme evil, a particular war can be the least available evil only if it prevents, or anyhow is likely to prevent, an alternative evil that is very great indeed.1 This passage from a recent paper by Henry Shue and Janina Dill articulates a view of war that is hard to challenge, even for those who are antipathetic to pacifism. It is echoed in the succinct claim of Michael Walzer and Avishai Margalit that “the point of just war theory is to regulate warfare, to limit its occasions.”2 These are, I take it, claims about war understood as a phenomenon comprising the belligerent acts of all the parties to a conflict. The Second World War was a war in this sense, one that was clearly a great evil, though if the only alternative to its occurrence was the unopposed conquest of Europe by the Nazis, it was an evil that Shue and Dill would presumably concede to have been the “least available evil” in the circumstances. Notice, however, that the Second World War was neither a just war nor an unjust war; rather, it comprised both just and unjust wars.
    [Show full text]
  • Editors' Interview with Michael Walzer
    [50] JOURNAL OF POLITICAL THOUGHT INTERVIEW [with Michael Walzer] Michael Walzer is a prominent American political theorist and public intel- lectual. A professor emeritus at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princ- eton, New Jersey, he is co-editor of Dissent, an intellectual magazine that he has been affiliated with since his years as an undergraduate at Brandeis University. He has written about a wide variety of topics in political theory and moral philosophy, including political obligation, just and unjust war, nationalism and ethnicity, economic justice, and the welfare state. He has played a critical role in the revival of a practical, issue-focused ethics and in the development of a pluralist approach to political and moral life. Wal- zer’s books include Just and Unjust Wars (1977), On Toleration (1997), and Spheres of Justice (1983). We sat down with him in May for a wide- ranging conversation on the interplay between personal identity and po- litical thought, the state of political theory today, and the overlapping chal- lenges posed by religion and ethnicity for the contemporary nation-state. I. Identity and the Political interested in left-issue politics. Theory License My teachers at Brandeis told me I should apply to graduate school JPT: What first drew you to the in political science, because it field of political theory? wasn’t really a field and you could do whatever you wanted. Whereas MW: When I was a history major in history you would be commit- at Brandeis, I was first interested ted to archival research, in politi- in studying the history of ideas.
    [Show full text]
  • Rhyming Dictionary
    Merriam-Webster's Rhyming Dictionary Merriam-Webster, Incorporated Springfield, Massachusetts A GENUINE MERRIAM-WEBSTER The name Webster alone is no guarantee of excellence. It is used by a number of publishers and may serve mainly to mislead an unwary buyer. Merriam-Webster™ is the name you should look for when you consider the purchase of dictionaries or other fine reference books. It carries the reputation of a company that has been publishing since 1831 and is your assurance of quality and authority. Copyright © 2002 by Merriam-Webster, Incorporated Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Merriam-Webster's rhyming dictionary, p. cm. ISBN 0-87779-632-7 1. English language-Rhyme-Dictionaries. I. Title: Rhyming dictionary. II. Merriam-Webster, Inc. PE1519 .M47 2002 423'.l-dc21 2001052192 All rights reserved. No part of this book covered by the copyrights hereon may be reproduced or copied in any form or by any means—graphic, electronic, or mechanical, including photocopying, taping, or information storage and retrieval systems—without written permission of the publisher. Printed and bound in the United States of America 234RRD/H05040302 Explanatory Notes MERRIAM-WEBSTER's RHYMING DICTIONARY is a listing of words grouped according to the way they rhyme. The words are drawn from Merriam- Webster's Collegiate Dictionary. Though many uncommon words can be found here, many highly technical or obscure words have been omitted, as have words whose only meanings are vulgar or offensive. Rhyming sound Words in this book are gathered into entries on the basis of their rhyming sound. The rhyming sound is the last part of the word, from the vowel sound in the last stressed syllable to the end of the word.
    [Show full text]
  • Proportionality in Warfare Keith Pavlischek
    Proportionality in Warfare Keith Pavlischek The last two times Israel went to war, international commentators crit- icized the country’s use of force as “disproportionate.” During the Israel- Hezbollah war in 2006, officials from the United Nations, the European Union, and several countries used that word to describe Israel’s mili- tary actions in Lebanon. Coverage in the press was similar—one news- paper columnist, for example, criticized the “utterly disproportionate... carnage.” Two and a half years later, during the Gaza War of 2008-09, the same charge was leveled against Israel by some of the same institu- tions and individuals; it also appeared throughout the controversial U.N. report about the conflict (the “Goldstone Report”). This criticism reveals an important moral misunderstanding. In everyday usage, the word “proportional” implies numerical comparability, and that seems to be what most of Israel’s critics have in mind: the ethics of war, they suggest, requires something like a tit-for-tat response. So if the number of losses suffered by Hezbollah or Hamas greatly exceeds the number of casualties among the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), then Israel is morally and perhaps legally culpable for the “disproportionate” casualties. But these critics seem largely unaware that “proportionality” has a technical meaning connected to the ethics of war. The long tradition of just war theory distinguishes between the principles governing the justice of going to war (jus ad bellum) and those governing just con- duct in warfare (jus in bello). There are two main jus in bello criteria. The criterion of discrimination prohibits direct and intentional attacks on noncombatants, although neither international law nor the just war tradition that has morally informed it requires that a legitimate military target must be spared from attack simply because its destruction may unintentionally injure or kill noncombatants or damage civilian property and infrastructure.
    [Show full text]
  • Auditing Israeli Democracy – 2005 a Decade After the Assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin Asher Arian, Shlomit Barnea
    Auditing Israeli Democracy – 2005 A Decade after the Assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin Asher Arian, Shlomit Barnea, Pazit Ben-Nun, Raphael Ventura, Michal Shamir The Israel Democracy Institute is an independent body that assists the Knesset and its committees, government offices and institutions, local government bodies, and political parties, through studies and proposals designed to bring about changes and reforms in their manner of operation. In addition, the Israel Democracy Institute fulfills its public charge through the presentation of comparative information on legislative topics and the various ways in which democratic regimes function. It also strives to enrich public discourse and encourage new ways of thinking through the initiation of discussion on topics of current political, social and economic interest, both by bringing together legislators, administrators and academics and through the publication of research findings. The Guttman Center was established at The Israel Democracy Institute in 1998 with the transfer of The Guttman Institute for Applied Social Research to the IDI. Formed in 1949 by Professor Louis Guttman, The Guttman Institute was the pioneer of public opinion research and advances in social science methodology in Israel. The goal of The Guttman Center is to enrich research projects at the IDI and discussions of public policy with data-based information and analyses. Editor-in-Chief Uri Dromi Publishing Director Edna Granit Library Editor Yael Mosheiff Content and Hebrew Language Editor Carmit Gai Linguistic Editor (Hebrew) Ronit Tapiero Translator Batya Stein English Editor Asher Weill Copy Editor Naomi Shmueli Production Coordinator Nadav Shtechman Design Ron Haran Printed in Jerusalem, by Art Plus, Ltd.
    [Show full text]
  • Margalit Halbertal Liberalism and the Right to Culture.Pdf
    Liberalism and the Right to Culture Authors(s): AVISHAI MARGALIT and MOSHE HALBERTAL Source: Social Research, Vol. 61, No. 3, Liberalism (FALL 1994), pp. 491-510 Published by: The New School Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40971045 Accessed: 24-03-2016 19:06 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40971045?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The New School is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Social Research http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 137.110.74.76 on Thu, 24 Mar 2016 19:06:54 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Liberalism and the Right to BY AVISHAI MARGALIT Culture /. AND MOSHE HALBERTAL Setting Up the Problem JlTuman beings have a right to culture- not just any culture, but their own. The right to culture has far-reaching implications for the liberal conception of the state. A culture essentially requires a group, and the right to culture may involve giving groups a status that contradicts the status of the individual in a liberal state.
    [Show full text]
  • Legitimation of Political Violence: the Cases of Hamas and the Khmer Rouge
    LEGITIMATION OF POLITICAL VIOLENCE: THE CASES OF HAMAS AND THE KHMER ROUGE Raisa Asikainen & Minna Saarnivaara INTRODUCTION This article discusses the legitimization of political violence in/by two different organizations, namely the Palestinian Hamas and the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia' Both Hamas and the Khmer Rouge fit the category of radical political orgaruza- tions which use violence. In order to analyze the legitimation of political violence, the authors will ponder on the question of what has changed in the use of political violence during the time discussed in this article and, most importantly, how this change has been possible. In this article, Hamas is discussed until spring 2004, when Hamas leader Ahmad Yasin was killed, and the Khmer Rouge is discussed until spring 1975, when it gained power in Cambodia. The reason for this time frame is the radicali- zation of the two organizations. With Hamas, radicalization refers to the increase in the amount of so called suicide attacks against civilians during the period in question. With the Khmer Rouge, radicalization refers to the increasing use of violence towards civilians towards the end of the period in question and the inclu- sion of violence in standard practices such as interrogations. The intemational situation played a key role in both organizations' action. However, due to the scope of this article, this aspect is not scrutinizedin great detail in this article. Violence can be defined as action causing injury to people. The violence discussed in this article is coordinated violence carried out by specific organiza- tions. By political violence the authors refer to violence, the purpose of which is to affect a change in people's actions.
    [Show full text]
  • The Oslo Accords 525
    THE OSLO ACCORDS 525 REVIEW ESSAY EXPLORING THE OSLO ACCORDS: RECIPE FOR PEACE OR FOOTNOTE TO HISTORY? JOSEPH W. DELLAPENNA• The Oslo Accords: International Law and the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreements by Geoffrey R. Watson (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000) The Middle East Peace Process opened in 1991 in the wake of the Gulf War. 1 The ensuing negotiations were divided into a series of bilateral talks between Israel and its neighbours, conducted in Washington, and several "multilateral tracks," meeting in various venues around the world, that were intended to address regional problems in a comprehensive manner. Initially, Israel entered into negotiations regarding the Occupied Territories with a delegation jointly representing the Palestinians and the Kingdom of Jordan. Then unexpectedly, in August 1993, it was announced that Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization had been engaged in secret, direct negotiations in Oslo, Norway. 2 A few weeks later, on 13 Septem her 1993, the two parties signed the Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements. 3 The Declaration of Principles sets out a framework for achieving peace between the Israelis and the Palestinians. The Declaration of Principles contemplated a five-year interim arrangement to be followed by a final "pennanent-status" arrangement between the two sides. During the interim period, unspecified portions of the Occupied Territories would be transferred to Palestinian administration, while the two sides undertook an array of other confidence-building measures across a broad range of issues. The Declaration of Principles was deliberately ambiguous about many issues and did not even address explicitly what were likely to be the most difficult questions - the fate of Jerusalem and of the Israeli settlements in the West Bank and Gaza.
    [Show full text]
  • Israel: Civilians & Combatants
    Israel: Civilians & Combatants by Avishai Margalit and Michael Walzer | The New York ... Page 1 of 10 May 14, 2009 Issue Israel: Civilians & Combatants Avishai Margalit and Michael Walzer Warrick Page/Corbis Israeli soldiers returning from the war in Gaza, near the Israeli town of Sderot, January 18, 2009 In 2005, Asa Kasher and Amos Yadlin published in an American academic journal “Assassination and Preventive Killing,”1 an essay that explores the issue of “assassination within the framework of fighting terror.” There are good reasons to believe that the political and practical significance of this essay goes far beyond its academic interest. Asa Kasher is professor of professional ethics and philosophy of practice at Tel Aviv University and an academic adviser to the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). Amos Yadlin is a major general who at the time the article appeared was the military attaché of the embassy of Israel in Washington; he is currently the head of Israeli army intelligence. The writers are quick to point out that the “views expressed in the present paper are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the…IDF or the State of Israel.” But the issue is not whether their views are official, but whether they are in fact influential in the Israeli army. Soon after the recent Israeli intervention in Gaza, Amos Harel argued in Haaretz (February 6, 2009) that the guidelines suggested in the article are indeed the ones that http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2009/may/14/israel-civilians-combatants/ 2/10/2014 Israel: Civilians & Combatants by Avishai Margalit and Michael Walzer | The New York ..
    [Show full text]
  • Becoming Israel: War, Peace, and the Politics of Israel's Identity POL 345 Y1
    Becoming Israel: War, Peace, and the Politics of Israel's Identity POL 345 Y1 Professor Emanuel Adler Fall 2013-Winter 2014 Lectures: Wednesday 2:00-5:00 Office Hours: Monday 2:00-4:00 Office: Munk School of Global Affairs, at the Observatory 315 Bloor Street, Room 218; Phone: 416-946-8931. E-mail Address: [email protected] Teaching Assistant: Israela Stein: [email protected] Israelis probably are among the few peoples in the world who, even after several generations of independent existence, still ask: "who were we?," "who are we?," "who is we?," "what are we?, "where are we?," and "who will we become?" Attempting to show why this is so, this course introduces students to Israeli politics, society, institutions and political practice from the distinctive perspective of the development of Israeli identity (identities). Special attention will be given to the sources of Israeli identity, the main players involved in its politics, and the role of regional war and the peace process in its development and inner conflicts. In particular, the course will trace the construction of Israeli identity, starting from the early times of Zionism and ending with the contemporary identity conflicts over the failed Oslo peace process with the Palestinians and the recent Intifada. I will try to show that there is a direct connection between Zionist constituting ideologies, the nature of Israel's institutions and society, and the split soul of Israeli identity. Course requirements: A review paper (20%) on Yael Zerubavel’s book Recovered Roots (maximum 5 pages, double space), which is due on November 6, 2013; a mid-term paper (30%) on the origins of Israeli political and social institutions (maximum 10 pages, double space), which is due on March 5, 2014 and two exams (25% each) at the end of the fall and winter semesters.
    [Show full text]
  • Edrey-Cz 1..172
    Theocracy and the Rule of Law: A Novel Josephan Doctrine and Its Modern Misconceptions David C. Flatto Returning to the roots of the notion of ‘‘theocracy’’ helps elucidate this much maligned and misunderstood concept. In popular modern discourse, this term is often used to censure fundamentalist religious leadership that undermines lawful values.1 Academic scholarship, which applies this label in a more neutral manner, likewise associates it with an absence of formal rules, what Martin Buber famously described as a state of spiritual anarchy.2 In this article, I will explore the origins of this term in the writings of Josephus, which reveals a very different, almost opposite notion of theocracy that is grounded in the rule of law and constitutionalism. The substantial contrast between the original concept and its modern iteration can even be discerned in a recent book entitled Constitutional Theocracy, which proposes to co-join these terms.3 Describing the worldwide 1 See, e.g., Kevin Phillips, American Theocracy: The Peril and Politics of Radical Re- ligion, Oil, and Borrowed Money in the 21st Century (New York: Viking, 2006); James Rudin, The Baptizing of America: The Religious Right’s Plans for the Rest of Us (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 2006); Michelle Goldberg, Kingdom Coming: The Rise of Christian Nationalism (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 2006); Randall Balmer, Thy Kingdom Come: How The Religious Right Distorts the Faith and Threatens America: An Evangelical’s Lament (New York: Basic Books, 2006); Damon Linker, The Theocons: Secular America Under Siege (New York: Doubleday, 2006); Ross Douthaut, ‘‘Theocracy, Theocracy, Theocracy,’’ First Things 165 (2006): 23-30.
    [Show full text]
  • ABSTRACT Title of Document: HAWKS to DOVES
    ABSTRACT Title of Document: HAWKS TO DOVES: THE ROLE OF PERSONALITY IN FOREIGN POLICY DECISION-MAKING Guy Ziv, Ph. D., 2008 Directed by: Professor Shibley Telhami Anwar Sadat Professor for Peace and Development Department of Government and Politics Why do some hawkish leaders become doves, and what determines whether these leaders’ views affect dramatic change in a state’s foreign policy? Structural and domestic political explanations of foreign policy change tend to overlook the importance of leaders in such change. Political psychologists offer important insight into how and why certain leaders are inclined to revise their beliefs. Two psychological factors in particular hold great promise for explaining leaders’ foreign policy shifts: cognitive openness and cognitive complexity. Cognitively open leaders are receptive to new information and are thus more prone to changing their beliefs than cognitively closed leaders. Similarly, cognitively complex leaders recognize that distinct situations possess multiple dimensions, and so are more likely to engage in adaptive behavior than their cognitively simple counterparts. The primary case explored in this dissertation is that of Shimon Peres, who began his political career as a tough-minded hawk and, in mid-career, transformed into a leading dove. Peres is found to possess particularly high levels of cognitive openness and complexity, thus explaining why his dovish shift was more expansive and occurred sooner than did Yitzhak Rabin’s dovish turn. Begin and Shamir, by contrast, are found to be more cognitively closed and simple than either Peres or Rabin, thus explaining why these hawks remained hawks despite having witnessed the same systemic-structural and domestic political events as Peres and Rabin.
    [Show full text]