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Surname, Initial(s). (2012) Title of the thesis or dissertation. PhD. (Chemistry)/ M.Sc. (Physics)/ M.A. (Philosophy)/M.Com. (Finance) etc. [Unpublished]: University of Johannesburg. Retrieved from: https://ujdigispace.uj.ac.za (Accessed: Date). 1-510 AH(1[

THE COMPILATION OF THE QUR'AN ACCORDING TO AS-SUYiJTI

by

MUKHTAR AHMED

SHORT THESIS submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS IN SEMITIC LANGUAGES

in the

FACULTY OF ARTS

at the

RAND AFRIKAANS UNNERSITY

PROMOTER: PROFESSOR J A NAUDE

JANUARY 1990 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I gratefully acknowledge my indebtedness to all those who either directly or indirectly contributed to the fruition of this thesis.

My sincere and heartfelt gratitude to Professor JA Naude who agreed to conduct long-distance supervision, and whose enquiring mind elicited many thought provoking ideas.

The libraries of the Universities of Makka and Madina, whose books helped immeasurably in my research.

A special word of thanks to I Jhazbhay who obtained the microfilm copy of the Itqan's manuscript from the National library of Cairo.

And finally my wife Nazeema and daughter Il-haam whose patience and support have brought this research to fulfillment. ii Table of Contents * Acknowledgements * Translator's Note v * Transliteration Note vi * Introduction 1 Notes for Introduction 6

CHAPTER 1

HISTORICAL MILIEU AND AS-SUYOTl'S BIOGRAPHY 7

1. Academic Activity during the Mamliik Dynasty 7 1.1 The Oral transmission of Knowledge 9 2. Biography of Jalal ad-Din As-Suynj] 11 2.1 Suyiill'S early life 11 2.2 Education 12 2.3 Teaching career 14 2.4 His Works 16 2.5 Opponents 17 2.6 Suyiill's Death 18 Notes for Chapter 1 19

CHAPTER 2

AN INTRODUCTION TO THE ITQAN FI CULOM AL-QUR'AN 22

1. The Title 22 1.1 AI-Itqan 22 1.2 CUlUm al-Our'an 23 1.3 Al-Our'an 23 2. The Contents of the Itqan 24 2.1 Volume one 25 iii 2.2 Volume two 27 3. Impetus for writing the Itqan 31 4. Itqan's association with Burhan fi euliim al-Our'an 31 5. Sources quoted by SUyU!l 32 6. Edition. 33 Notes for Chapter 2 35

CHAPTER 3

THE COMPILATION AND SEQUENCE OF THE SUWAR OF THE QUR'AN 36

1. Compilation 36 2. Arrangement of the Ayat in the Suwar 49 Notes for Chapter 3 56

CHAPTER 4

THE ITQAN IN RELATION TO ITS SOURCES 62

1. The Case for Dependence 62 1.1 Comparison with Original Sources 63 1.2 Sequence of Material 64 1.3 Duplication of Wording 66 2. Dependence on Ibn Hajar 67 2.1 Quotations from Ibn Hajar 67 2.2 Dispersion 69 3. A Profile of Dependence 70 Notes for Chapter 4 71 IV CHAPTERS

SUYUTI'S UNDERSTANDING OF THE CONCEPT OF COMPILATION 72

1. The Compilation of the Our'an 72 1.1 The Prophetic Period 72 1.2 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr 73 1.3 The Caliphate of CUthman 74 2. The Ordering of the Suwar 76 3. An Evaluation of SUyU!l's concept of Compilation 77 3.1 The term lame 77 3.1.1 Memorization during the Prophetic Period 79 3.1.2 Documentation 81 3.2 Naskh. 82 3.3 Abu Bakr's Recension 83 3.3.1 The role of CUmar 84 3.3.2 The position of Khuzaima 84 3.4 The need for a Standardized Canon 86 3.4.1 The omission of Ibn Mas'ud 87 Notes for Chapter S 89

CONCLUSION 92

GLOSSARY OF ARABIC TERMS 95

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ARABIC WORKS 97 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ENGLISH WORKS 101

APPENDICES v

TRANSLATOR'S NOTE

All Arabic words and book titles have been italicised throughout. The words Itqan and Our'an have not been italicised due to their frequent appearance in this thesis.

The author's name Suyii!l and As-Suynji have been used interchangeably as he is known by both names.

Where English equivalents of Arabic words have been found to be unsatisfactory, the Arabic words have been retained, but with an explanatory note. All Arabic words appear in the glossary which is at the end of the thesis.

All the traditions cited by the author have been translated intact, and this includes the source authority as well as the chain of transmission. Suyii!I's work represents a paratactic style of writing, and in the translation, this researcher has incorporated punctuation and paragraphs to facilitate narrative continuity. Paragraphs were used whenever the author cited long traditions.

In some cases the author makes comments or observations which appear in the text as qultu. This researcher has translated this whenever it appears as 'I (Suyii!l) say...'. The round brackets are this researcher's additions and have been used throughout this thesis as a means of clarification.

In the latter part of the translation this researcher has used an asterisk * as a substitute for Suyii!l's phrase wa minha which means 'included in it (textual evidence)', since it is repetitive in the text. vi

NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION

Consonants ~ \..Y'. b '-" d UO t U ! .b ~ th ~ j; j C C .l h 'C ill t. kh t f ~.. d ~. q dh ~ k ~ r -.J I J'" z ..J· m .» s ~ n 0 sh . ••· L)-U w ...9 h JJ:J y. C,

Long Vowels Short Vowels \~ a a -" i ~-:r - "".!J n ~2- u -

Consonants are transcribed according to the above transliteration table. The definite article al-, when it is followed by the sun (shamsi) letters viz. t, !b, d, .Qh, r, Z, ID, ~, g, 1, !, I and n is assimilated to the following letter which is then pronounced as a double consonant ego al-ruq'a is pronounced as ar-ruq'a,

Consonantal assimilations are marked in the transliteration in this thesis. Another common assimilation occurs when the conjunction waw precedes a shamsi letter ego wa at-tilawa . In this thesis it is marked as wa-t-tilawa, The ta marbuta ego ilyat has not been transliterated, thus in this thesis it appears as ilya.

Vowels have been transliterated according to the table. INTRODUCTION 1

INTRODUCTION

The Our'an which is the divine Writ of the Muslims has attracted the attention of both Muslim as well as non-Muslim scholars. Their quest to understand the Our'an in its different dimensions and disciplines may be motivated by different reasons, but the final objective remains similar.

For a Muslim, the Our'an is not merely confined to worship but rather has a broader application which leaves no part of his life or his existence untouched. There exists an inseparable link between the Our'an and the

Revealer of the Our'an and it is on this Our'an that the Muslims base their belief and practice. The Our'an is viewed as both law and source, and the religion of Islam is conceptualized as a way of life rather than mere belief.

Scholars from the earliest times have strived to understand the Kitab Allah both in its setting and framework as well as its collection and preservation.

The latter concern forms an integral part of the development directed

towards a more comprehensive analysis and understanding of the Our'an,

The Our'anic Sciences emerged as a function of the intense preoccupation with the divine Writ in all its aspects, as opposed to the narrow view that the Our'an serves only the function of regulating religious matters.

The Our'anic Sciences or cUlam al-Qur'an encompasses such studies as

Our'anic revelation, its compilation, reasons for the descent of Ayat (Asbab INTRODUCfION 2 an-Nuzal),concerning the abrogating and abrogated passages, and what has

. explicit and implicit meaning in the Our'an,

The present thesis attempts to evaluate the contribution of SUyU!t to the

Our'anic Sciences, with reference to his conceptualization of the

compilation of the Our'an.

The first chapter locates Jalal ad-Din As-Suytij] in the historical milieu in which he lived, as well as documenting his educational achievements,

teaching career and scholarly contribution to the literary genre of the

Mamltik dynasty. SUyU!l lived in an era where documentation rather than

analysis and evaluation was the hallmark of scholarly pursuit. SUyU!t

complies religiously with this tradition, and in doing so cites the works of

earlier prodigious scholars. This serves to augment his own perceptions

and lends credence to the subject matter.

The primary focus of the second chapter is an introduction to SUyU!1's

book Itqznfi 'ulam al-Qur'an which has been translated as 'The Ultimate

Perfection in Understanding the Revelation.' This is a book in two volumes

which deals very comprehensively with the branches of the Our'anic

Sciences, which in the Itqan comprises eighty. SUyU!l presents a sequential

progression of ideas in the Itqan , which is reflected in his structuring of the

different chapters. The Itqan remains unrivalled both in its scope as well

as the precision with which the author presents the subject matter, and

bears testimony to the degree ofcomplexity to which the Our'anic Sciences INTRODUCfION 3 had developed by the 15th century."

The Itqan, to this day, serves as an introduction to the study of the Our'an and has proved to be a valuable source book to both Muslim and

Orientalist scholars.

The third chapter comprises the translation of the eighteenth chapter of the

Itqan which is entitled 'The compilation and the sequence of its (Our'an) suwar'. This chapter was translated since the history of the compilation of the Our'an is seen as the point of departure in any attempt to comprehend fully the cUlam al-Qur'an. The present researcher has endeavoured to present an idiomatic translation which he felt would introduce to the non­

Arabic reader the mode of writing employed by earlier Muslim scholars.

What was frequently encountered in effecting the translation, was the difficulty in ascertaining correctly the identity of the person who appears in the text ie. whether it is the speech of Suyii!l or whether it is that of someone whom he is quoting. This type of difficulty necessitated that the present researcher consult the sources on which Suyii!l depended, in order to clarify this matter.

The fourth chapter entails a dicussion of Suyii!l's dependence on the sources which he uses. When these sources were consulted, it came to light that Suyii!l not only depended extensively on some of the sources, but in doing so omitted to acknowledge them. A case in point is the dependence on Ibn Hajar Al-Asqalanl's work, Fath at-sa-I? When considering INTRODUCfION 4

patterns of dependency employed by SUyU!l vis a vis Ibn Hajar, an

.interesting pattern became apparent. This researcher termed it dispersion.

In the fifth chapter Suyii!1's concept of compilation is presented, as well as

an evaluation of some aspects from each of the three 'periods of

compilation' viz. the Prophetic period and the Caliphates of Abu Bakr and

CUthman. Since these are the three periods to which SUyU!l ascribes the

compilation of the Our'an, an evaluation was done within SUyU!1's

framework of understanding.

For further readings about the author As-SuyU!1, the reader can consult

three journal articles which have been published recently:

A translation of the article 'A Ignaz Goldziher on As-SuyU!1'(by Hunwick

and Barry, in Muslim World, LXVIII, 1978)

Ein Schreiben Suyii!l fiber Vorwandlungsprobleme (Gramlich, in Der

Islam, 55, 1978)

Al-Inafa fi rutbat al xilafa de Galal al-Din al-SuyU!l (Arazi,and El'Ad, in

Israel Oriental Studies, 8, 1978)

The present study was undertaken in the light of continuing debate about

such issues as: whether in fact the Our'an is the divine revelation from

Allah, or whether Muslims adhere to this belief with a kind of 'dogmatic

prejudice,3; that the present day mumaf is an incomplete record of the

Qur'mt4; that the 'CUthma nic recension story' was created to justify that ~ INTRODUCTION 5 the collection of the Our'an be undertaken after the Prophet's death, since later formulations regarding naskh necessitated that this happen.P

Thus, this study serves to review the principle views of Muslim scholarship

regarding the compilation ofthe Our'an, and the Itqan was used since their views are best represented in such an authoritative work.

This researcher concludes that Suyfi!l, In his conceptualization of the

history of the Our'anic compilation, ascribes to the traditional view of this

history, and he is thus representative of the views held by the classical

Muslim scholars.

The Itqan is a major contribution to the Our'anic Sciences and is a work

which is receptive to further research. INTRODUCfION 6

Notes for Introduction

1. A M A! -Tabar!, The Commentary on the Qur'an, An Abridged

Translation ofJamz'C al-bayan Can ta'wil ay al-Qur'an by J Cooper et

a1. , Oxford University Press, 1978, p.xxviii.

2. Ahmad cAlly Muhammad AbU al-Fadl better known as Ibn Hajar

al-Asqalani born in Egypt 773 H, died 852 H.

He is credited with approximately 150 works, most of which deals

with Hadlth. His most voluminous work is Fath al-Bari which is

considered by the scholars to be the Lexicon of the Sunna since it

is an extensive commentary of the $ahih al-Bukharl.

The Fath al-Barl took 29 years to complete and is available in

thirteen volumes.

3. T Noldeke, Geschichte des Qorans, Dieterich'schen

Verlagsbuchhandlung Leipzig, 1909, vol 2, p.58.

4. J Burton, The Collection ofthe Qur'an, Cambridge University Press,

1977, p.l06.

5. J Wansbrough, Qur'anic Studies: Sources and Method ofScriptural

Interpretation, Oxford University Press, 1977,p.46. CHAPfER 1

SUYOTI'S mSTORICAL MILIEU AND BIOGRAPHY

1. Academic activity during the Mamlnk Dynasty. 7

1.1 The Oral Transmission of Knowledge. 9

2. Biography of JaUH Ad-Din As-Suynj] 11

2.1 SUyU!l's early life. 11

2.2 Education. 12

2.3 Teaching Career. 14

2.4 Works. 16

2.5 Opponents. 17

2.6 SUyU!l's Death. 18

Notes for Chapter 1. 19 CHAPTER1 7

CHAPTER ONE

sUYOTi's mSTORICAL MILIEU AND BIOGRAPHY

1. Academic Activity during the Mamliik Dynasty

From historical accounts it would appear that As-Suynj] lived in the latter era of the Mamltik reign in Egypt. The Mamlnk dynasty spanned the periods 1250-1517 AD., and SUyiilllived from 1445-1505 AD.1 There is little evidence in support of the argument that the educational system was controlled by the Mamltiks. On the contrary, the Mamliiks acted in an administrative capacity in the appointment of some teachers to teaching posts and administered endowments and stipends allotted to mosque, madrasa (religiousinstitution) and khanqa (retreat) staff and students. The

Mamliiks frequently called upon the existent cWama in their quest for solutions to religious and educational problems. Egypt having gained the prominence and reputation as the centre of learning and culture in the

Middle East, saw the advancement of academic activityof which As-Suynj] became a part.

During this period although compilations of traditions were already in existence, the scholars of hadlth. still endeavoured to travel around both CHAPTER1 -8 inside Egypt as well as other countries in order to collect hadith from those people who had memorized it.

Once again great emphasis was placed upon the authenticity of the chain of transmitters in the acceptance of this or that hadhh. The study of hadith at this time was highly regarded and the field of hadltb literature had benefitted greatly from the classic works of Ibn Hajar who had died in 1449 when As-Suynj] was 3 years old. SUyU!l however did not share this avid enthusiasm for travel to collect hadi!.b., but he did compile a book on hadith called Jamie ~-$agftir.

In view of the era in which As-Suynjj lived as well as the academic activity which was prevalent at that time, it becomes necessary to locate As­

SUyU!l's work in the broader academic and educational framework. "JaUU

Ad-Oln As-SuyU!l represents the end of a process within Islam - the steady narrowing of traditionalism to the point that orthodoxy became equated with faithfulness in transmission''F It seems therefore that scholarly pursuits revolved not so much around critical appraisals and innovative ideas as the compilation of works executed by former prodigious scholars. "Lack of originality was probably due largely to the methods of teaching, especially to the tradition of the oral transmission of knowledge

.... This lack of enterprise was reinforced by a great respect for ancient authorities and a belief that innovation was wrong".3 CHAPTER1 9

Sartain's assertion may represent a rather harsh view of the problem particularly when one examines more closely the method of education which was current then. The relationship between student and teacher was such that great respect and reverence existed for the teacher by his student.

When a student attained a certain proficiency in the subject he was studying with his teacher, the latter could confer on the student or be asked by him for an Iiaza. !jt1za is understood as, permission granted by a teacher to his student to teach to others that which the student heard from the teacher or had read to him.4

1.1 The oral transmission of knowledge

The Ijaza since it was based largely on the teacher's own judgement and assessment of the student's standard of work, was surely relative. The standard considered acceptable probably varied from one teacher to another as did the type of Iiaza which was granted. The student was given permission to teach either all the teacher's work or such part which the teacher deemed the student suitably qualified to teach. In order to give

Ijaza the teacher had to be satisfied with the student's competence and this probably ensured that the student strived to achieve in his particular discipline. It is clear that the students would emulate their teachers in their quest to receive a full Ijaza from them. The subsequent reliance on previous authoritative works and the compilation of accepted scholarly endeavours hardly seems surprising in this compliance with tradition.

"Creative initiative, within the process of transmission was quite limited".5 CHAPTER1 10

The elders were most likely to be viewed with respect as opposed to having their work challenged or questioned. This unquestioning and uncritical approach to academic activity is seen at its best in As-Suylill'S

Itqan. This work is representative of the type of works whichwere written at that time.

On consideration of the intellectual and artistic activities which were dominant in the Mamliik dynasty in Egypt, the main contribution by the

Mamliiks was in biography. Scholars also excelled in the general field of history and Suylil1 is mentioned as one of it's eminent scholars. He is described as being: "unquestionably the outstanding literary figure of the fifteenth century/''' From the two disciplines which featured prominently during the Mamliik period namely history and biography, it is evident that the main thrust in scholarly enterprise was documentation, as opposed to analytical evaluation. The following description is given of the Itqan: "It is also representative of As-Suyli!l's life that the work is a collection of what earlier men had said, not an original effort. In this, As-Suyuj] was a man of his time." 7 The present author concludes that Suyii!l presented the ideas of earlier scholars in his writings in order to give the reader a composite view of the subjects about which he wrote. This notion is most aptly illustrated in Suyli!l's Itqan, since this work serves to inform the reader about the subject rather than to guide him to the said author's own conclusions. CHAPTER1 11

2. The Biography of lalal Ad.DiD As.Suyuti

As-Suyiill's name is JaUU ad-Din cAbd Ar-Rahman bin Ab1 Bakr al­

Kamal al-Khudayri As-SuyiilL8 His family originates from Asyiil a town at the upper part of the Nile. The name Asyii! is mentioned twice in the book MuCjam al-Buldan, in the first instance with the hamza (Asyii1) and in the second, without the hamza (Suyiil). Jalal ad-Din preferred the latter form of the word.9

2.1 Suyiitl's Early Life

Jalal Ad-Din Suyiill was born after the MaK!l.rib (sunset) prayer on

Saturday 1st Rajab 849 (H). An interesting anecdote surrounds Suyiill's birth. Suyii!l's father, himself a scholar, required a certain book from the hbrary which he requested his wife to get for him.

While in the library, SUyiill's mother experienced labour pains. Not surprisingly Jalal ad-Din acquired the pet name of ibn al-Kutub (son of the books).10 This pet-name was to prove later in Suyiill's life to be most apt. JaHU Ad-Din's family lived for many centuries in Asyiil although he himself was not born there.

As-Suyiill's family name also included al- Khudayrl • a place in Baghdad, but Suyiil1 refuted that his descent could hail from there.ll Very scant information is available about Suyiil1's mother other than Suyiil1's mention CHAPTER1 12 in his autobiography that she was Circassian. It is also claimed that his mother was an umm walad ie. a slave girl who bore her master a child.12

SUyU!l's father was Abu Bakr Kamal Ad-Din As-Suynji, born in Asyn],

Kamal Ad-Din left Asyii! for Cairo in 826 H (1422-3) where he studied under a number of scholars, the most famous of whom was Ibn Hajar al­

Asqalanl. There is very little evidence that SuyU!l's father occupied any important posts. Neither was he an outstanding scholar. He was however a fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) lecturer at the mosque of As-Shaikhtm] and preached at the mosque of Ttiltin.

Kamal Ad-Din shared a close relationship with the Caliph, al-Mustakfi billah Sulaiman and they enjoyed a sense of mutual camaradie. Kamal Ad­

Din As-SuyU!l died on 5th Safar 855 H when JaHU Ad-Din was 6 years old. From the historical accounts it seems that Suyii!l was the only child and Kamal Ad-Oln had appointed his close and pious friends as guardians to the young SuyU!1. The chief guardian was Kamal Ad-DIn bin al­

Humam, "Although Kamal Ad-Din had obviouslydone his best to provide for his child, it is unlikely that As-SuyU!1 was well off."l3

2.2 Education:

Jalal Ad-Din Suyii!l's education started at an early age. His father took great care in taking him to the Shaikhuniyya, which was directly opposite the mosque where Kamal Ad-Din taught. At the Shaikhuniyya, lessons were conducted in various Islamic disciplines and it was here that some of CHAPTERl 13 the largest gatherings took place at the time.14 Suyii!1 in his list of teachers includes the name of Al-Hafi~ ibn Hajar (D. 852 H). Suyii!1 says

"there is no doubt that I have been granted permission from him. Indeed

I was informed by reliable sources that he (Ibn Hajar) gave ijaza to those who attended his teaching sessions, and this included their children."lS

During his father's life time, Jalal Ad-DIn was taken to As-Shaikh

Muhammad al-Majziib a great saint who invoked blessings on Jalal Ad­

Dln.16 After Kamal Ad-Din's death, the young boy's appointed guardian ibn al-Humam immediately discharged his duty towards Jalal Ad-Din who at that stage had memorised the Our'an only tillAt-TahrTm, the sixty sixth sura of the Our'an,

As-Suyii!l's formal education commenced with his study of the Our'an, which he had already memorised before his eigth birthday. Thereafter he committed to memory 'Umdat al-Ahkam ofal-Jammaiil] a work on legal theory; Minha] at.-TOlib[n by An-Nawawi; the Alfiyya of ibn Malik, a comprehensive treatise on Arabic grammar; and the Minha] of Al­

Baidawl. As-8uyii!1 was tested on the first three works in Safar 864 H by cAlam ad-Din al-Bulqini, Sharaf Ad-DIn al-Munawi and others and he was awarded the Ijoza.17

It was this great propensity for memorization that assisted As-Suyii!l in his later work on the Itqan. During Suyii!l's time, manuscripts were very expensive to produce as well as some manuscripts being very rare and therefore valuable. Some of the manuscripts could not be borrowed from CHAPTER1 14 the hbraries and what frequently happened was that a writer had to depend on his memory in order to recall a piece of material he had read earlier.18

After receiving his ijaza, Suyii!l was ready to pursue higher studies.

He attended discourses conducted by most of the scholars of his time as well as studying numerous disciplines under profound scholars. The total number of scholars under whom Suyii!l is said to have studied is 300.19

Suy\i!l's student Ad-Dawud] however mentions only 51 of Suyii!l's teachers. The subjects covered by Suyii!l in his studies include Our'anic exegesis, had[tlb Fiqh, Arabic language, Mathematics, rhetoric, science of metaphors and some medicine.20

2.3 Teaching Career:

It was customary for the scholars at that time to be in certain notable positions viz. administration of waqf (endowment), judiciary, educational institutions and the issuingoftatawa(formal legal opinions).21 Suyii!l, after receiving his ijaza was teaching Arabic in 866 H, and he assumed his first teaching post at the age of 18 years. Thereafter he had a post at

Shaikhliniyya which Shaikh cAIam ad-Din al-Bulqini had authorised and who attended the first discourse given by Suyiil1.22 He started issuing fatawa in 871 H, and mentions in his work Hum al- Muha4ara that he differed with his contemporaries on 50 mas'ala (problems). He wrote on each mas'ala giving evidence for his expressed view. In 872 H As-Suynj] started teaching at the mosque of TUllin and it was here that he dictated CHAPTER1 15 ahadilll, a practise which had been performed last by ibn Hajar. SUyii!1 mentions in the Tahadduth that the first person to dictate ahadith in the mosque of Tnlnn was a Shaficr scholar Ar-Rabi? bin Sulaiman, It was the practice of this scholar to dictate ahadlth after the Friday prayer. This practise was contrary to that of ibn Hajar who in keeping with scholars like al-Kha!lb al BaghdadI and ibn As-Sakir dictated ahadlth after the Fajr

(morning) prayer.

Sartain contends that there is no indication that As-Suyii!l was officially appointed to teach at the mosque of Tiilun, though his other appointments at Shaikhu and Shaikhuniyya were official.23 At the age of twenty eight years As-Suyii!1 was appointed to the post at Tnlnn and he gave his inaugural lecture in 877 H before his professor Muhy-d-Din al-Klifiylijl, the then Shaikh of ShaikhUniyya and other members of the college.24

Besides Suyii!l's teaching posts he also occupied two administrative positions a) as the Shaikh of the Sufis at the mausoleum of Barqnq an­

Nli~irl, the governor of Syria and b) the one charged with the administration of the Baybarsiyya Khanqa for the Sufis.25 Both these appointments bode trouble for Suyii!l -in the first post as a result of his refusal to go to the Sultan Qaytbay each month to collect his salary as

Shaikh of Barqnq's tomb, and the second post- Suyii!l became increasingly unpopular as a result of his appointment as chief-QadI(judge) and being able to exercise his ownjudgement in both the appointment and dismissal of whoever he pleased in all the Muslim countries. This appointment caused great furore amongst the other Quda (pl.of qadi) with the resultant CHAPTER1 16

loss of popularity for As-Suynji. His dismissal from the post in 906 H of

Shaikh at the Baybarsiyya was also prompted by some disagreements with

the Sufis. In 906 H Suyli!l withdrew from public life after also resigning

his post as professor of hadltn at ShaikhUniyya.

2.4 ~orks:

He writes in Husn al-Muhadara that he compiled approximately 300 works.

Since the Muha4ara appeared much earlier, it seems that the number 300

is lower than his actual writings. Thus he mentions in a later work that he

wrote 500 books.26 Suyli!l himself expressed a particular preference for

18 of his books which he claims to be superlative works, unmatched by his

contemporaries.F Suyli!l's literary accomplishments can be ascribed to

the following factors a) He started writing at an early age. b) He did not

occupy any government posts, rather he was active in teaching and passing

[atawa. c) The numerous fatawn were published,and are counted as books.

A number of these works were very brief, while other treatises "prove to

be nothing other than polemical works whose sole purpose is to serve as

an exaggerated advertisement for their author.,,28 Even if these factors

are considered, Suyli!1 nevertheless is considered as an" incredibly active

and capable author whose writings, reached across the whole range of

Muslim scholarship".29 CHAPTER1 17

2.5 Opponents :

During SUyU!l's lifetime a polemic arose which involved two groups, one

led by As-Sakhawi and the other by As-Suynjj. This resulted in each group

resorting to writing, to prove their respective opinions. A large number of

the disputes arose as a result of tatawa issued by the existent cUZama.

Included in this was SUyU!1 's declaration that logic was haram

(forbidden).30 And in 875 H a dispute arose regarding the heresy or

orthodoxy of one CUmar bin al-Farid, a Sufi poet. As-SuyU!1 came out in

defense of this poet and claimed that the latter was one of God's saints.

In 888 H a similar dispute arose regarding some verses of the Sufi Muhy-d­

DIn ibn cArabl regarding their relative merit as being the words of a

heretic or a believer. As-SuyU!1 once again professed the man to be a

saint.

The most controversial issue which resulted in SUyU!l's acquisition of more

._.>; enemies than friends was on the question of ljtihad (independent legal

reasoning). His claim to being a Mujtahid (person qualified to make

ljtihad), led to dissension in many scholarly quarters. SUyU!l's opponents

called for a formal debate on this issue and all scholars irivolved as well as

the Emir gathered in the city. Suyii!1 was adamant that it would be

impractical for scholars of inferior standing to judge him and thus insisted

that two mujtahidan (pl.of mujtahid) be appointed. One to debate with

Suyii.!l while the other acted as the mediator. The issue was not resolved

since at the time no one was qualified as a mujtahid, CHAPTER1 18

This conflict amongst the cUlaml1 continued until Ibn Muzhir intervened

and As-Suyti!l conceded by writing a letter to Ibn Muzhir in which he

addressed the accusations levelled against him.31 The accusing group seem

to have been satisfied since nothing more was heard about this issue, after

Suyii!I's letter was circulated amongst the cUlaml1. This incident alludes

to the ingenuity of As-Suyti!L Suyii!l later claimed to be a mujaddid.32

In his Tahadduth he quotes a number of traditions to support this idea of

a Restorer. He says in this book" we are now living in 896 H and neither

the Mahd] nor Cisa have come and nor the signs of their coming. The

slave hopes from the bounty of Allah that Allah grant him that he be the

<, Mujaddid at the beginning of the century.,,33 It is contended that Suyti!l _0)

fancied himself to be the mujaddid ad-din (restorer of the religion) and

that one of his books is devoted almost entirely to introducing himself as

the regenerator of the tenth century.34

2.6 Suyiitl's death:

Suyii!1 died at home in the year 911 H at the age of 62 after a short

illness.35 Suyti!l's funeral was attended by people from all over Cairo

including his life long adversaries who grieved his death. Special prayers,

and Tilawa (Our'anic recitals) were conducted in several mosques of the

Al-Azhar, Suyii!l's mother erected a tombstone on his grave with money

he had left behind. Suyii!l's tomb is visited by many people when they visit

Cairo.36 CHAPTER1 19

Notes for Chapter One

1. R A Nicholson, A Literary History of the Arabs, Cambridge

University Press, 1985, p,447.

2. K Nolin, The Itqan and its Sources-A Study ofAl-Itqan ft Culam al­

Qur'an by Jalal Ad-Din As-Suytu] with special reference to Al­

Burhan ft Culum al-Qur'an by Badr Ad-Din Az- Zarkashi ( P.hd ),

Hartford, 1968, p.l.

3. EM Sartain/alaI Ad-Din As-Suyat] Biography and Background,

Cambridge University Press, vol 1, 1975, p.133.

4. M A!-Tahhan, Tays[r Mzqt.alah al-had[!!J, Dar al- Our'an al-Karlm,

1979, p.159.

5. K Nolin, op., cit; p.16.

6. P K Hitti, History ofthe Arabs, The Macmillan Press Ltd. , 1970,

p.687.

7. K Nolin, op., cit., p.16.

8. J SuyU!l, Hum al-Muha4ara ft akhbar Misr wal-Qahira Dar lhYa al­

Kutub aI-cArabiyya, Cairo, 1967, vol 1, p.344.

9. J SuyU!1, Tahadduth hi nic",atillah, (edited by E M Sartain), AI

Matba? al-cArabiyya al-hadItha, Cairo, 1975, p.12.

10. M A Al-Tdrns], An-NatAs-Safir, Matba? al-Furat, Baghdad, 1934,

p.54.

11. J SuyU!l, Hum al-Muhadara, vol 1, p.336.

12. E M Sartain, op., cit., p.23.

13. E M Sartain, ibid., p.26. CHAPTERI 20

14. N AI-Ghaza, AI-Kawaldb As-Sa'ira, AI Matba? al-Amrikiyya,

Beirut, vol 1, p.226.

15. J SuyU!l, Tahadduth bi nic matillah, pA5.

16. J SUyU!l, Husn al- Muhadara, vol 1 p.336.

17. J SUyU!l, Tahaddth bi nic matillah, p.236.

18. K Nolin, op., cit., p.86.

19. M AI- Baqir, Rawdat al-Iannat, Teheran, 1367 H, pAlO.

20. J SUyU!l, Tahadduth bi nic matillah, p.205-206.

21. E M Sartain, op., cit; p.37.

22. J SuyU!l, Husn al-Muhadra, vol 1, p.336.

23. E M Sartain, op., cit; pA2.

24. S As-Sakhawl, Ad-Dau Al-Lamii, Maktaba al-Qudsi, Cairo, vol 4,

1353 H, p.6.

25. M A Ibn Ayyas, Bada'ic Az-Zuharfi waqa'i" Ad-Duhar, Bulaq, vol

2, p.236.

26. R A Nicholson, op., cit; pA55.

27. J Suyii!l, Tahadduth bi nzoC matillah, p.l05.

28. K Nolin, op., cit; p.14.

29. J 0 Hunwick,and M Barry, Ignaz Goldziher on As-Suynjl- A

Translation of his article of 1871,with additional notes, The Muslim

World, vol LXVIII, April 1978,p.81.

30. K Nolin op., cit., p.15.

31. J SUyU!l, Al-Muzhir fi Culam al-LuK!la, Dar Jbya al-Kutub al­

CArabiyya, Cairo, (n.d.), p.658.

32. J SUyU!l, Tahadduth bi nic matiilah, p.174. CHAPTERl 21

33. Ibid., p.227.

34. J Hunwick and M Barry, op., cit., p. 86.

35. M A Ibn Ayyas, op., cit., vol 3, p.63.

36. A Taimiir, Qabr at-Imam As-Suyat], Matba? as-Salafiyya, Cairo,

1353 H, p.16-17. CHAPTER 2

THE ITQAN FI cULiJM AL-QUR'AN

1. The Title. 22

1.1 Al-Itqan, 22

1.2 CUliim. 23

1.3 Al-Our'an, 23

2. The contents of the Itqan. 24

2.1 Volume 1. 25

2.2 Volume 2. 27

3. Impetus for writing the Itqan, 31

4. Itqan's association with Burhan fi Culiim al-Our'an. 31

5. Sources quoted by Suyii!l. 32

6. Edition. 33

Notes for Chapter 2. 35 CHAPTER 2 22

CHAPTER TWO

THE ITOAN FI cULUM AL·OUR'AN

1. The Title

The Itqan of Jalal Ad- Din As-Suynj] is a comprehensive two volume book dealing with cUlam al-Qur'an. This researcher proceeds to ascertain the reason that Suyii!l chose to name his book Al-Itqan fi culam al­

Qur'an. The discrete words in the title are now considered:

1.1 Al.ltgiin

Itqan is related to the root t-q-n from tiqn and is of the IV form of the verbal noun italun. Ibn Manznr states that tiqn is normally used to describe a person who is highly proficient and very skillful,l while E W

Lane expresses its meaning as 'free from defect and imperfection'V He derives this meaning from the Our'anic aya Atqana kulla shai' (He perfected everything).3 This researcher therefore concludes that the definite article ofAI- Itqan gives it the expressed meaning of 'The ultimate perfection.' CHAPTER 2 23

1.2 euliim

stnam is in the Genitive form, and is the plural of cRm from the root{;,l-m which means to be acquainted with something, as well as understanding it.

1.3 AI-Our'iin

Al-Our'an is in the construct form (I4tlfa) with the basic meaning, to recite.

It is the verbal noun of ~ and it has acquired the meaning, the inimitable words revealed to the Prophet(SAW). Hence, in view of this construct, the meaning of cUlam al-Qur'an is attested as being the understanding of the Revelation, whether this understanding is directed towards a comprehensive conceptualization of the Our'an or a specific aspect of it, the meaning, understanding the revelation, still applies. The present writer concludes therefore that the title AI- Itqanfi CUlam al-Qur'an means 'The Ultimate Perfection in Understanding the Revelation'.

CUlam al-Qur'tln has its roots in the Prophetic era ie, at the inception of

Revelation, since the Prophet used to explain the meanings of certain words during the Friday sermons,"

Az-Zarqanl posits that he successfully retrieved what appears to be the first voluminous work on cUlam al-Qur'an. This is the work by cAliy bin

Ibrahim ibn SaCfd al-Hnwfl entitled Al- Burnan ji CUlam al- Qur'an. Thus CHAPTER 2 24

the field of 'Ulam al-Qur'an was already firmly entrenched as early as the

fifth century of Islam.

In the ninth century As-SUyii!l wrote his colossal work Al-Itqanfi CUZam al­

Qur'an which comprises eighty chapters, and the Itqan serves as an

introduction to his own commentary of the Qur'an, Maj mac al-Bahrain.

1/ After this work by Suyii!l, no other comprehensive book of such enormity

appeared until the end of the fourteenth century when scholars once again

embarked on writing in this area.5 Suyii!l's work undoubtedly represents

a most concise though comprehensive treatment of "Ulam al-Qur'an.

'Ulam al-Qur'tIn evolved as a direct result of questions relating to ego

which tJyllt were revealed in Makka and which in Madina, what were the

reasons for the descent of particular ayar, the abrogating and abrogated

tJyllt. These are but some of the many issues which Suyi1!l addresses in his

book Al-Itqan.

2. The content of the Itgin

The present author has translated the chapter headings and has classified

the different chapters in order to present the historical progression with

which Suyi1!l approached the subject of cUlam al-Qur'an. Suyi1!l bases

'ulam al-Qur'lln on a historical principle whereby at the outset of his book

he discusses the occurrence of revelation, method of revelation, science of CHAPTER 2 25 recitation, peculiar elements in the Our'an, sections of the Our'an, tools of commentators, through to the virtues and commentary of the Our'an,

2.1 Volume 1

A The occurrence of Revelation

1 Knowledge of Makkan and Madinan ( suwar ).

2 Knowledge of ( Revelation) while ( the Prophet) was at home and

( while he was ) on a journey.

3 Diurnal and nocturnal revelation.

4 Revelation in summer and in winter.

S Parts sent down while ( the Prophet ) was awake and ( while )

asleep.

6 ( What ) was revealed on earth and what ( in ) heaven.

7 The first revelation.

8 The last ( part) to be revealed.,

9 Reason for descent ( of tIytIt ).

B. Method of Revelation

10 What was sent down through the speech of some of the

Companions.

11 What was revealed repeatedly.

12 What was revealed prior to the legal ruling and what was revealed

after it. CHAPTER 2 26

13 What was revealed in fragments and what was revealed as a whole.

14 What was revealed accompanied (by many angels) and what was

revealed unaccompanied ( by one angel ).

15 Those parts which had been revealed to earlier Prophets and those

which were revealed only to the Prophet ( Muhammad ).

16 The way ( in which the Our'an ) was sent down.

C. The Collection of the Qur'an

17 The knowledge of its names and the names of its suwar.

18 The compilation and the sequence of its suwar.

19 The number of its suwar, aytlt, words, and letters.

D. Transmission

20 Knowledge of ( the Our'an's ) memorizers and transmitters.

21 Concerning the classification of isnad into" high and low."

22-27 Concerning mutawatir; ahad, sha4l1 mawdac and mudraj.

E Science of Recitation

28 Knowledge of pauses and where to commence ( in recitation ).

29 Concerning words which are joined and separated in meaning.

30 Knowledge of the fatha and imala and what is between (the two).

31 Concerning full assimilation, substitution, slight assimilation, non­

nasal assimilation.

32 Concerning lengthening and shortening ( of vowels ).

33 Concerning modification of the hamza. CHAPTER 2 27

34 How to learn and memorize the Our'an correctly.

35 Ethics of recital.

F Peculiarities

36 Knowledge of peculiar words.

37 What is in it other than the dialect of the lfijaz.

38 What occurs in it other than the Arabic language.

39 Concerning homonyms.

G Tools of Commentators

40 Knowledge of the meaning of key words needed by exegetes.

41 Knowledge of correct grammar (for recitation ).

42 Concerning the important linguistic rules which the exegete needs

to know.

2.2 Volume 2

H Problematic Elements

43 Concerning the clear and allegorical parts ( of the Our'an ).

44 Concerning what has been brought forward and what has been

delayed.

45 Concerning terms with general and specific meanings.

46 Concerning its synopsis.

47 Concerning the abrogating and abrogated ( parts ). CHAPTER 2 28

48 Concerning what is problematic and apparent contradiction

(between Ayat ).

49 Concerning what is limited and unlimited.

50 Knowledge of what is explicit and what is inherent.

I Style

51 Concerning the style of addressing ( in the Our'an ).

52 Literal and figurative ( meaning).

53 Concerning simile and metaphor.

54 Concerning its metonyms and allusion.

55 Concerning its limited and particular ( meaning ).

56 Concerning conciseness and verbosity.

57 Concerning informative and prescriptive (expressions).

58 Concerning the original style ( of the Our'an ).

J Sections of the Our'an

59 Concerning the rhyme of the ayat.

60 The openings of the suwar.

61 The endings of the suwar.

K Correspondence between ayat

62 Concerning correspondence in the ayat and in the suwar.

63 Concerning close resemblance between aynt. CHAPTER 2 29

L Miscellaneous Aspects

64 Concerning the inimitability of the Our'an.

65 Concerning knowledge derived from the Our'an.

66 Concerning parables in the Our'an,

67 Concerning oaths in the Our'an.

68 Concerning polemics of the Our'an.

69 Concerning names mentioned in the Our'an,

70 Concerning obscure ( aytlt ).

71 Concerning the names of those in whose respect the Our'an was

revealed.

M Virtues of the Our'an

72 Concerning virtues of the Our'an.

73 Concerning the superlative parts of the Our'an and its virtues.

74 Concerning the words of the Our'an.

75 Concerning the essence of the Our'an.

N Commentary of the Our'an

76 Concerning the correct script ( of the Our'an ).

77 Concerning its exegesis and commentary.

78 Concerning the prerequisites of a commentator and his decorum.

79 Concerning peculiarity of tafsir.

80 The generations of commentators. CHAPTER 2 30

The Itqan includes in two volumes these diverse areas, while other scholars have written books on such singular topics viz. The inimitability of the

Qur'an - by Abu Bakr al- Baqillani; The abrogating and the abrogated passages in the Qur'an - by Ibn As - Salam and The Commentary of the sublime Qur'an- by Ibn Kathir. CHAPTER 2 31

3. Impetus for writing the Itgan

SUyU!1 mentions in his introduction to the Itqan that on the completion of at-Tahb{rfi Culam al-Qur'an. he began to contemplate the idea of writing a comprehensive work on the Our'anic sciences. At that time he had been under the erroneous impression that no-one before him had endeavoured to undertake a task of such colossal dimensions and import.

Much to his chagrin he discovered that a work dealing with the subject had in fact been written by an earlier scholar, al-Bur.hanfi Czdam al-Qur'an, of

Az-Zarkashi. After perusing the mentioned work, As-5uyfi!1 became more resolute in his decision to accomplish what he had initially decided upon.

It was at this time that he started writing the Itqan.6

In defense of his writing another book on the Our'anic Sciences, SuyO!l writes in his introduction to the Itqan that some chapters of his work are arranged more appropriately than in Burhan. Some chapters are combined while still others are augmented. Suyfi!l continues to laud his work and says: ''You will find from this fountain (Al-Itqan) sweet water, never to be thirsty again".7

4. Al·!tgiin's association with Burhan fi Culiim aI.Qur'ao

The association and similarities between the.Itqan and Burhan according to Nolin are not coincidental. It is the former scholar's contention that CHAPTER 2 32

As-Suyi.il1 depended very extensively on the Burhan but without citing Az­

Zarkashi as the source used. "Wherever As-Suytij] has used an

anonymous formula, when the material is, in fact, from the Burhan, it would

seem to mean he is purposely concealing the extent of his dependency''P

Anonymous formulae are those non-specific ecumenical language forms

such as qlla - it lias been said, qala baidu hum - some of them have said.

This serves not only to obscure but to conceal at times the sources on

which Suyi.il1 depends for his own work.9 An anonymous formula was

only evident once on pp 60 of the Itqan, in the chapter which this

researcher has translated. A further discussion will ensue in chapter four

of the present thesis when this researcher examines in more detail the Itqan

in relation to its sources.

S. Sources quoted by Suyntl

) In writing the Itqan, Suyi.il1 consulted no less than 450 books and mentions

a total of 412 authors. Some of the authors are mentioned cursorily by

Suyi.il1 while others are mentioned more expansively.l'' From the Itqan

it is apparent that the sources consulted by Suyi.il1 were the best available

during that period, since he cites works by Al-Baqillant - al-Intisar; Abu

Dawud- Kiiab al- M~ahif and Al-Jazari - An-Nashar fi'l Qira'at.ll

The completed Itqan was sent to various countries during Suyfill's lifetime

and in his autobiography he mentions that some of his works reached CHAPTER 2 33

-----='> centres like Istanbul, Morocco, Hijaz and India. The Itqan presently serves

as a standard source on cmam al • Qur'an and may be regarded as an

introduction to the critical study of the Qur'an.12 Research done by

Orientalist scholars like Burton (1977), Wansbrough (1977) and N61deke

(1909) to mention a few, have found this work a useful reference source.

Burton in his book 'The Collection of the Our'an' cites Suyiill's Itqan no

less than 36 times.

6. Edition

This researcher used an edition ofAl-Itqan which was published by Dar al­

Fikr, Beirut, 1978. This edition has the two volumes of Itqan in a single

book which gives the reader a composite and continuous presentation of

the subject matter. Reference to the different chapters are also facilitated.

The Kitab al-JCjaz al-Qur'an of QadI Abu Bakr al-Baqillani is written on

the sides of the same pages on which the Itqan is written. This does not

pose a problem since the Itqan text is clearly demarcated from the other

text by a bold black border. This type of presentation is frequently found

in Arabic writings. This edition of the Itqan was compared with three

others:

Matba? Hijazi, (n.d.); cAlam al-Kutub, Beirut, 1951.;Dar al-Mafrifa.Beirut,

(n.d.), CHAPTER 2 34

As two of the editions were not dated and the other one was published in

1951, this researcher opted to use the later edition. He had hoped that a later edition may have a clearer print. This however was not the case since there were no significant differences in the quality of the print, as the unclearprint is due largely to the inferior quality of the paper which is used.

The only real difference between the edition used by this researcher and the other three was that the chapter headings in the former one were distinguished from the rest of the text by round brackets and an asterisk.

Thus in view of the negligible differences between the four editions, this researcher used the later edition.

The manuscript of the Itqan (see Appendix 1) was located at the National

Library of Cairo, more commonly known as Dar Al-Kutub. The manuscript had the catalogue number Tafsir-39. When comparing the manuscript with the printed edition of the Itqan which was used by this researcher, the only significant difference that became manifest was, in the manuscript the word anba'na is used in line 1 while in the printed edition haddathana is used.

The former term is normally used when permission was granted to the narrator, while the latter term is employed when it was reported to the narrator. CHAPTER 2 35

Notes for Chapter Two

1. Ibn Mangur, Lisan al-cArab, Dar al-Ma cam Cairo (n.d.).vol 1,

p.437.

2. E W Lane, Arabic English Lexicon, The Islamic Texts Society

Trust, Cambridge 1984, vol 1, p.309.

3. Our'an, Sura 27:88.

4. M Oattan, Mabahith fi 'ulam al-Qur'an, Dar as- SaCiidiyya Ii-n­

Nashr, Riyadh, 1971, p.9.

5. Ibid., p.13-14.

6. J SUyU!l, Al-Itqan fi 'ulam al-Qur'an, Dar al-Fikr Beirut, 1368 H,

p.6.·

7. Ibid; p.6.

8. K Nolin, op., cit; p.24.

9. Ibid., p.17.

10. Ibid.; p.17.

11. These classical scholars and their works are accepted as

authoritative sources in Islam.

12. R A Nicholson, op; cit; p.145. CHAPTER 3

ON THE COMPILATION AND SEQUENCE OF THE SUWAR OF THE QUR'AN

1. Compilation of the Our'an, 36

2. The arrangement of the Ayat in the Suwar. 49

Notes for Chapter 3 56 CHAPTER 3 36

CHAPTER THREE

ON THE COMPILATION AND SEQUENCE OF THE

SUWAR1 OF THE QUR'AN2

Ad-Dair CAqiiI1 has said in his book Al-Fawa'id that Ibrahim bin Bishar reported (to us),3 Sufyan bin CUyayna reported to us on the authority of

Az-Zuhri on the authority of CUbaid on the authority of Zaid who said "at the time of the Prophet's death the Our'an had not been compiled''," Al­

Khatt:ibl said that the Prophet did not compile the Our'an in a volume since he anticipated the advent of naskh5 of some of it's AhkiIm6 or

Tiltlwa.7 When the revelation ceased with the death of the Prophet, Allah inspired the Khulafq ar-Rtlshidin8 (to compile the Our'an). This was in keeping with His truthful promise to ensure it's preservation for this

Umma.9 Thus the beginning of this task of compiling the Our'an was undertaken by ~-$iddiql0 in consultation with CUmar.ll And yet according to Muslim12 from the Hadith of Abi Sacrd that the Prophet said : "Do not write anything I say except, that which is from the

Qur':in",13 does not negate that, since the statement of the Prophet relates to a special writing and in a specific manner. The entire Our'an was written in the Prophet's epoch, although it had not been collected in a single volume, nor had the suwar been arranged.14 CHAPTER 3 37

Al-Hakim says15 in his Al-Mustadrak : ''The Our'an was compiled thrice

: the first was in the presence of the Prophet." Then he narrates in a chain according to the conditions of the Shaikhain,16 on the authority of Zaid ibn Thabit who said: "We were in the presence of the Prophet when we wrote the Our'an on pieces of cloth".!7

Baihaqi narrates: "It seems that what is meant by writing (is that), the ayat18 which were revealed separately from its Suwar were compiled in it's appropriate Suwar, on the instruction of the Prophet".

The second compilation (was) in the presence of Abl Baler.

AI- Bukhari narrates in his $ahlh on the authority of Zaid ibn Thabit who said : "Abu Baler sent for me after the battle of Yamama (I went to him) and found CUmar bin al-Khattab with him. Abu Baler said: "Umar came to me and said : 'There were many casualties among the Quml'

(memorizers of the Our'WI) on the day of al-Yamama, and I am afraid that many more casualties will be sustained (amongst the memorizers) in battles in other places which will result in large portions of the Our'an being lost. Therefore I suggest that you instruct that the Our'an be compiled'. I (Abu Baler) said to CUmar: 'How can we do something which the Prophet ofAllah did not do'. CUmar replied (to me) : 'By Allah, it (the compilation) is a good thing'. (Abu Baler then said) "Umar continued to tty and persuade me until Allah opened my bosom and I was of the same opinion as CUmar'. Then Abu Baler said to me (Zaid) : 'You are an intelligent young man. We do not doubt you and you used to write CHAPTER 3 38 the revelation for Allah's Apostle. Thus, you should search for the

(fragmented) Qur'an and collect it.' (Zaid said) 'By Allah if they had entrusted me to move mountains it would not have been more difficult for me than instructing me to collect the Our'an.' 'I ( Zaid) said (to both AbU

Bakr and CUmar): 'How can you do something which the Apostle ofAllah has not done'. He (AbU Bakr) replied: 'It is a good undertaking'. Then

AbU Bakr continued to persuade me till Allah opened my bosom for that which He had opened the bosoms of AbU Bakr and COmar. Then I started my search for the Our'an, collecting it from leaf stalk, thin white stones and also from those who had committed it to memory. And I found the end of

Sura at-tawba with Khuzaima al- An~arl which I had not found with any one else except him. "Verily there hascometoyou anApostle," until the end of Bartl'tl.19 The ~uf was kept with Abl Bakr until his death, thereafter with COmar during his lifetime (until his death) and then with

H~a, the daughter of COmar".20

According to Ibn Abl Dawnd in his al-MQ§t1hif with a good chain of transmission on the authority ofcAbd Khairwho said: "I heard cAllysaying

: 'The best person who deserves the reward for the MQ§t1l1ff is AbU Bakr.

May Allah's mercy be upon him. He was the first to compile the book of

Allnh",.21 But according to Ibn Ab1 Dawnd also, in a line leading to ibn

Sirin who said : "cAlly said : 'When the Apostle of Allah passed away I swore (by Allah) that I would not wear my cloak except for the Friday prayer until I have compiled the Our'an', And so he compiled it".22 Ibn

Hajar says that this narration is weak due to interruptions.23 Should it CHAPTER 3 39 be authentic, what is probably meant by the term 'compilation' is committing (it- the Our'an) to memory. And the narration from cAbd Khair is most authentic and it is (therefore) reliable.24

I( SUyiitl) say that Ibn Ad-Durais in his al-Fada'il narrates in another line

(that) Bishr bin Mnsa reported to us, that Htid bin Khalifa reported to us that cAun on the authority of Muhammad bin Sirin on the authirity of cIkrima who said: "after the pledge to Abu Bakr, CAliy bin Talib remained in his house and Abi Bakr was told: 'He dislikes your leadership'. So he

(Abu Bakr) sent for him (cAliy) and said: 'do you disapprove of my leadership.' cAliy replied: 'No by Allah'. (Abu Bakr) continued 'What has caused you to stay away from me'. (He) cAliy replied: 'I saw (that) the

Book of Allah was being increased so I said to myself that I will not wear my cloak except for prayers until I compile it (the Our'an), Abu Bakr said to him 'Indeed your viewpoint is excellent "', Muhammad (ibn Sirin) said to cIkrima: 'Did they collect it (Our'an) in the way it was revealed - in sequence". (He) cIkrima replied: "If men and Jinn2S came together in order to compile it (this compilation), they would be unable (to do so).,,26

According to Ibn Ashta in the M~tlhif in another view on the authority of Ibn Sirin wherein is mentioned that: ''He (cAliy) wrote in his mUI!!a! the nasikh and mansakh ",27 and Ibn Sirin continues: "I requested that

Kitab from Madina but was unable to obtain it". CHAPTER 3 40

According to Ibn Abl Dawtid in a line to al-Hasan that CUmar asked about an aya from the Book of Allah and was told (that) it was with someone who was killed in the battle of al-Yamama, 'Umar recited the aya "Verily to Allah do we belong',.28 Thereafter he instructed that the Our'an be compiled. He was the first to collect it in the mzqhaf.,29 It's isnad30 is broken. And what is meant by 'the first to compile it' is, he instructed it's compilation.f!

I (SuyU!l) say that what is unusual is what has been narrated (regarding) who the first (person) was who compiled the Our'an, as can be seen in al­

M~ahif by the narration of ibn Ashta in a line leading to Kahmis, on the authority of ibn Buraida who said : "the first (person) to compile the

Our'an in a mlq,hafwas Snlim the slave of Abl Hudhaifa, who swore that he would not wear his cloak until he compiled it, and so he did. Thereafter they deliberated about what to name it. Some proposed that it be termed as-Sifr32 but Salim, the slave of Abl Hudhaifa said that this was the term used by the Jews. So they rejected this term. And he (Salim) continued

: "I saw something similar to it in Abyssinia called al-mUl,haf'. So they agreed and called it the mzqhaf. This chain is also broken. It is probable that Salim was one of the compilers under the command of Abl Bakr.33

According to Ibn Abl Dawnd in a line leading to YahYa bin cAbd Ar­

Rahman bin Ha!Ib who said (that): CUmar came and said: 'Whoever learnt a portion of the Our'an from the Prophet (SAW), let him come forth with it'. These portions were written on the ~uf,34 tablets and palm stalks. CHAPTER 3 41

Nothing was accepted until two people could testify to (it's authenticity).35

This indicates that Zaid ibn Thabit was not satisfied by it's being written, but also required people who had heard it. Though Zaid himself had memorised the Our'an, he did this as an intensive precautionary measure.36

According to Ibn Abl Dawnd in a line leading to Hisham bin COrwa on the authority of his father that Abu Bakr said to COmar and Zaid : "Sit at the door of the mosque and write down any portion of the Our'an from those who are accompanied by two witnesses who can testify to it.37

It's transmitters are reliable with interruptions. Ibn Hajar said that the concept of the two witnesses means that it should have been committed to memory as well as being documented.38 As-Sakhawl narrated in Jamal­ al-Quna' (it means) that the two witnesses should testify that the given

(ayat)were written in the presence of the Prophet, or the two had to testify from variant readings in which the Our'an was revealed.39 Abu Shama says that the objective was not to document (the ayat), except which was from the source, that which was written in the presence ofthe Prophet and not from mere memorization. It was for this reason (that Zaid mentioned) that : " I did not find the end of Sura at-tawba with anyone else i.e. I did not find it documented by anybody." For he was not satisfied by mere memorization without documentation. I (SuyU!1) say that what is meant by the concept of two witnesses is that they aught to testify that (the ayat) were revealed to the Prophet during the year preceding his death, as can CHAPTER 3 42 be understood from what has been mentioned earlier in chapter sixteen.40

According to Ibn Ashta in his M~ahif on the authority of al-Laithi bin

Sacd who said : "the first (person) to compile the Our'an was Abu Bakr and Zaid documented it. The people used to come to Zaid bin Thabit but he never wrote down an tlya without the testimony of two virtuous people.

The last portion of Sura aI-Barll'll was only found with Ab1 Khuzaima bin

Thabit. So Zaid said : "Write it, for indeed the Apostle of Allah deemed his testimony equal to those of two witnesses". So it was written. COmar came with the aya of stoning and it was not accepted because he was a single (witness).

Al-Harith al-Muhasibi stated in Fahm as-Sunan :" The writing of the

Our'an is not an innovation because the Prophet (SAW) used to instruct that it be written but it was scattered on pieces of cloth, scapula and leafstalks of date palms. As for (Abu Bakr) A§-~iddlq he ordered that

(the tlyllt be gathered together) and transcribed from one place to another in toto and this was facilitated by leaves containing tlyat which were found scattered in the Prophet's (SAW) house. So a collector gathered it and secured it with cotton to prevent (any) part of it from getting lost".41

He (Muhasib1 said) "if the reliability of the pieces of cloth and the memory of men is questioned, the reply is that (the people who compiled the

Our'an) were certain about it's inimitable composition and well-known syntax. They witnessed it's recitation from the Prophet for a period of CHAPTER 3 43 twenty years, so it was safe from any falsification. But it was (compiled) out of fear of losing a portion from it's pages.42 As mentioned earlier in the tradition of Zaid that he compiled the Our'an from al-cUsub, al­ likhtlf,ar-ruqca, adim, al-ikttlf, al-ca4]a and al-iqtab. Al-cUsub is the plural of CAs[b which is palm leave stalk. They used to remove the leaves of date palms and write on the broad end. Al-likhtIf is the plural of la!s!1fa which is a piece of flat stone. Al-Khattabi says (laWa) is a stone slab.

Ar-ruqia could be of leather, leaves or papyrus. Al-iktaf is the plural of katlf which are the bones of sheep or camel which were used to write on when they had become dry. Al-iqtab, the plural of qutub is a wooden camel saddle.43 And in the Muwatta of ibn Wahb on the authority of Malik on the authority of ibn Shihab on the authority of Salim bin CAbd-Allah bin

COmar who said: "Abu Bakr (wanted to) compile the Our'an on paper and requested Zaid ibn Thabit to do this, which he refused, until he (Abu Bakr) sought assistance from CUmar to persuade Zaid, who then compiled it".44

And in al-Magktlzi of Musa bin CUqba on the authority of ibn Shihab who said: "When the Muslims suffered casualties in the battle of al-Yamama

Abu Bakr was alarmed and feared that a group of (memorizers) of the

Our'an will be lost and therefore the people came forth with whatever

(tlytlt) they possessed and had with them, until the Our'an was compiled on papyrus during Abu Bakr's time. Thus Abu Bakr was the first (person) to .collect the Our'an in a mUI,haf.45

Ibn Hajar said, and in another narration of cAmmara ibn Ghuzaiyya that CHAPTER 3 44

Zaid ibn Thabit said: "Abu Bakr ordered me to write (the Our'an), so I wrote it on pieces of leather and palm stalk leaves. When Abu Bakr passed away and CUmar was (the KhalIfa) I wrote it in a $ahlfa and it remained with him". And he (Ibn Hajar) states that the first ( narration) is authentic since it (the Our'an) was on pieces of leather and palm stalk leaves first, before it was gathered during the time of Abu Bakr, and thereafter it was compiled in a $uhuf during Abu Bakr's reign, as validated by numerous authentic A!lt1d[th.46

Al-Hakim said that the third compilation which is the arrangement of the

Suwar, was during the period of CUthm~n.

Bukhari narrated on the authority of Anas that Hudhaifa bin al-Yaman came to CUthm~ who at the time was doing battle with the people of

Iraq against the Syrians for the conquest of Armenia and Azzabijan.

Hudhaifa was afraid of the differences in the recitation of the Our'an (by the respective Qum1') and therefore he told euthm~n: "Rescue the Umma before they fall into disputes like those between Jews and Christians".

CUthman sent (a message) to Haf~a saying : "Send us the $uhuf so that we may copy it in the MQ$t1hif. Thereafter we will return the $uhuf to you".

H~a sent it to euthm~n who ordered Zaid ibn Thabit, CAbd -A1I~h bin­

Az-Zubair, SaCld bin al-c~, cAbd ar-Rahman bin H~rith bin Hisham (to write the $uhuf in the M~a!Jjf). So they rewrote it. euthm~ then said to the three Quraish[men (from the aforementioned group) : "in the event CHAPTER 3 45 that you disagree with Zaid ibn Thabit about any aspect of the Our'an, write it in the dialect of the Qura~ for indeed it (the Our'an) was revealed in their dialect". They complied with this request. When the

~uhuf was re-writtenin the M~ahif, CUthmnn returned the (original)

~uhuf to Haf!a. He then sent one copy to every province and ordered that all other copies of the Our'an, whether it be leaflets or a complete ~u!luf, be burnt.

Zaid mentioned : "I missed an aya from al-Ahzab while we re-wrote the m~haf and because I used to hear the Apostle of Allah reciting it, we searched for it until we found it with Khuzaima bin Thabit al-Ansari.

(That tJya was) :"Among the Believers are men who are true in their covenant with Allnh".47 So we included it in it's appropriate Sura in the m~haf.48

Ibn Hajar states that this occurred in the 25th year (of the Hijra). He says that others of whom we have become aware have erred by saying it occurred in 30th year (of the Hijra), and they have no grounds for saying

·this.49

According to Ibn Ashta in a line leading to Ayyiib on the authority of Ab1

Oulaba who said : "A man from Bam CAmir whose name was Anas bin

Malik reported to me and said: 'they differed in their recitation of the

Our'an during the period of CUthmnn, pupils and teachers fought one another.' This incident reached CUthmnn bin cAftWl who said: 'I have in CHAPTER 3 46 my possession that by which you (the people) disbelieve and speak incorrectly of. Thus, whoever is far away from me would be most disbelieving and more prone to making grammatical errors. 0 companions of Muhammad, gather together and document an Imt1mSOfor the people'.

So they gathered and documented (it), and when they differed and opposed

(one another) about an aya they said: 'this (tJya) the Prophet (SAW) read to a particular person.' They would send for (that person) who will appear before the three Madanites, and he would be asked: 'How did the Prophet

(SAW) recite the particular tJya to you: The person will then recite the prescribed tJya, and this will then be documented in a space which they had left (blank) for it,"

According to Ibn Ab1 Dawnd in a line leading to Muhammad bin Sirin on the authority of Kathir bin AfIah who said: "When CUthman decided to write the Mfl§ahif he gathered twelve men from the Quraish and Ansar and they sent for the chest from CUmar's house, (which contained the

§Uhuf). And when it was brought 'Uthman united them. When they opposed one another about any part, they delayed (making a decision about it). Muhammad (ibn Sirin) said: "I presume that they did postpone it, so that they could question the (person) who was closest to the last presentation preceding the Prophet's death '. So they wrote it (the Our'an) on the person's advice."S1

Ibn Abi Dawud has narrated in a sound chain on the authority of Suwaid bin Ghafla who said : "I heard cAlly saying : 'only talk good about CHAPTER 3 47

CUthman. By Allah, he did not do (anything) in the Ma~tlhif except in our

presence'. CUthman said: 'What is your opinion about this recitation, for 4 it has reached me that some (people) say: 'my reading is superior to

yours', and this may lead to apostasy'. We said: 'What is your opinion.'

He replied: ' To gather the people on one mu§haj since this will eradicate

sects and differences". We said: 'Most excellent is what you see.",S2

Ibn At-Tin and others have asserted that the difference between the

compilation of Abu Bakr and the compilation of CUthman is : The

compilation of Abu Bakr was as a result of the fear of losing portions of

the Our'an through losing its memorizers since it was not gathered in one

place. So he gathered it (the Our'an) in the $ahtl'if, arranging the tlyat in

their Suwar on the instruction of the Prophet (SAW). CUthman's

compilation was as a result of numerous differences in the manner of

recitation until they read it in various other dialects. This led some to consider the other's reading erroneous. Hence he feared that this situation will escalate and therefore copied the ~uhuj in a single mu§haf, arranging

the Suwar, and he confined himself to the dialect of the Quraish, arguing

that it (the Our'an) was revealed in their dialect, and even if it's recitation was extensivein other (peoples) dialects. To obviate difficulty and hardship from the beginning, he saw that the need had come to a head and therefore he limited himself to one dialect.S3

AI-Qadi Abu Bakr stated in hisal-Intisar : CUthman's intention was unlike

Abu Bakr's intention in compiling the same Our'an between two covers, CHAPTER 3 48 since CUthmful compiled it on the authentic variant readings from the

Prophet, rejecting whatever was not included (in the variant readings). He made them accept one which was in the exact order, with no mansakb tlyat. It was written in a fixed script and standard recitation for fear of corruption in the text and obscurity for those who came later.54

Al-Harith al-Muhasibi said (that) it is widely accepted by the people that

CUthman is the compiler of the Our'an. This is not so. CUthman conveyed to the people the reading in only one way, according to the choice agreed upon by him and those present from among the Muhaiirin and Ansar, since they feared dissension about the variant readings (of the Our'an) between the people of Syria and Iraq. But before this (period) the

M~(Jhifwas in various eloquent readings according to the Ahru['As-Sabia 55 in which the Qur'an was revealed. However with regard to who the first person was to compile the Our'an, it was ~-Siddrq.56

CAliy has mentioned: "If I was commissioned (to compile the Our'an) I would have chosen to work with the m~ahif of CUthman".57

There exists disagreement about the number of m~ahif which CUthman sent to the provinces. The well known opinion is that it was five.58

According to Ibn Abl Dawnd in a line leading to Hamza Az-Zayyat who said: "CUthman sent four m~ahif,.59 Ibn Abl Dawnd said: "I heard

Abu Hatim As- Sajastanl saying : 'seven m~ahif were written which CHAPTER 3 49 were sent to Makka, Syria, Yemen, ai-Bahrain, al-Basra, al-Knfa and one was kept in Madina.",60

(There) is general consensus and corresponding textual evidence that the arrangement of the ayat is without any doubt divinely inspired. As far as general consensus is concerned, many sources have transmitted this, and amongst them Az- Zarkashi in the Burhan and Abu Ja'far bin Az- Zubair have stated in this regard: "the arrangement of the ayat in its suwar was completed, and took place, based on the revelation to the Prophet and his command, and there exists no dissension amongst the Muslims about this."

And what follows is the textual evidence ofscholars that authenticates this.

Included in the textual evidence is:

* Hadltb of Zaid mentioned earlier: " We were in the presence of

the Prophet (SAW)when we wrote the Qur'an on pieces of cloth."

* On the authority of Ahmad, AbO Dawnd, At-Tirmidhi, An-Nisa'I,

Ibn Habban, Al-Hakim on the authority of Ibn CAbbas who said "I

said to CUthman : 'what made you proceed from (sura) AI-An/ai,

which is from the Mathani"61 to (sura) Bara'a which is from AI­

Ma'ln,62 and you merged these two suwar without writing between

them the line Bismillaar-Rahman ar-Rahlm.(In the Name ofAllah

The Most Gracious, The Dispenser of Grace).63 And you placed

both in the seven Tiwal.t64 CUthman replied: "A sura was CHAPTER 3 50

revealed to the Prophet comprising a particular number of (ayat),

and when something (else) was revealed to him, he sent for those

(scribes) who used to write the (Revelation) saying: 'put these ayat

in the sura wherein there is mentioned this and that.' And Anfal

was amongst the first which were revealed in Madina and Bara'a

was the last of the Our'an which was revealed. And its theme

similar to that (ofAn[al), so I thought that it was from it (Bara'a).

When the Prophet (SAW) passed away, he did not clarify to us that

(Bara'a) was from it (An[al). It is for that reason that I combined

the two (suwar) without writing the line.' And CUthmBn placed it in

the seven Tiwal.'r65

• On the authority Ahmad with a sound chain on the authority of

CUthman bin Abl Al-cA§ who said: I was sitting in the presence of

the Prophet while he was staring intently, and after he lowered his

eyes he said to me : 'Gabriel came to me and instructed that I

place this aya in this place in this sura "Inna Allah ya'muru bi-l-CadI

wa-l-ihsan wa [ta'i dhil qurba66 until its end."r67

• According to Bukhan on the authority of Ibn Az-Zubair who said:

II I said to CUthman:' (the aya)68 'alladhina yatawaffawna min-kum

wayadhanZna azwaja had been made mansakh by another aya, and

you neither wrote nor omitted it,' and he replied : ' 0 son of my

brother, I do not change anything from its place." CHAPTER 3 51

* What Muslim narrated on the authority of COmar who said: "I did not enquire from the Prophet about anything more, than about the

question regarding the Ka!tJ!a,69 to the extent that the Prophet

pressed his fingers to my chest and said : 'sufficient for you is the

tlya A§- Saif which is at the end of Sura An- NistJ.",70

* The Ahadltb relating to the end of Sura AI- Baqara.

* What is narrated by Muslim on the authority of Abn Ad-Darda' (in

a chain leading to the Prophet(SAW) who said : ''whosoever

memorised the first ten tJyat of Sura al-Kah/71 will be protected

from Ad-DajjtJl ,,72 and his (Prophet) words : "and whosoever

reads the last ten tlytJt of Sura Al- Kahf."

From the following, textual evidence will be proved briefly.

In the hadhh of Hudhaifa, what authenticates this, is the Prophet's (SAW) recitation from the numerous suwarsuch asAI-Baqara, A!- clmrtJn and An­

Nisa:

In the Bukhart, the Prophet(SAW) recited AI-Ac,tJ/ in the sunset prayer?3

An- Nisa'l reported that he (Prophet) recited Qad- af1a!J:...?4 in the morning prayer, and when he reached (the part) regarding Masa and

Haran, he coughed and bowed down.75 CHAPTER 3 52

Tabranl narrated that he (Prophet) recited Ar-Ram76 in the morning prayer.

The ShaikhlJn reported that the Prophet recited Aliflammim and hal ata callJ-l-inslJn77 in the Friday dawn prayer.

In the Sahih Muslim, he (Prophet) recited Qal8 in the sermon.

In the Mustadrak and other sources he (Prophet) recited Ar-Rahman79 to the linn and in the Sahih it is reported that he recited An-Najm80 to the disbelievers in Makka, prostrating at the end.

According to Muslim, the Prophet recited Iqtaraba 81 together with Qaf in the Cld82(prayer).

According to Muslim the Prophet recited Al-Jumuia and AI- MunlJfiqln 83 in the Friday prayers.84

In the Mustadrak, on the authority of CAbd-Allah ibn Salam, that the

Prophet (SAW) recited to them ~- SajJ5 when it was revealed, until he placed it in the Mufa§§al.86

(All this) proves that the Prophet's (SAW) recitation ofit's (Our'an) suwar, in close proximity of the Companions, and the arrangement of the aylJt, are divinely inspired.

The Companions only arranged the sequence of the aylJt as they heard it from the Prophet. And this reached the level of TawlJtur. 87

Indeed what poses a problem, is what is according to Ibn Abl Dawnd in the MQ§lJ!lff in a line leading to Muhammad bin Ishaq on the authority of

Yahya bin CUbad bin cAbd-Allah bin Az- Zubair on the authority of his CHAPTER 3 53 father who said :"AI Hnrith bin Khuzaima came to me with these two ayat from the end of sura Bara'a and said: 'I testify that 1 heard both of these from the Prophet(SAW) and 1 memorised them.' So CUmar said: 'and 1 testify that 1 also heard it. If they were three ayat 1 would have placed them in a separate sura. So look at the last sura of the Our'an and place it at its end.'" 88 Ibn Hajar said that it is probable that they

(Companions) used to write the ayat on their own initiative. However there is more evidence that they did not do such a thing, except on the instruction of the Prophet. 89

1 (Suyii!l) say that this is contradicted by what is narrated by ibn Abi

Dawnd in a line leading to Abl AI_cAliyS on the authority of CUbay bin

Ka% that when they gathered the Our'an, and on reaching the aya which is in Sura Bara'a "thumma-n-~arafasarafa Allah qulaba hum bi anna hum qawmun la ya!qahan,,90 they thought that this was the last that was revealed. So CUbay said : "the Prophet (SAW) read two ayat after this to me "la qad ja'a kum rasal" 91 until the end of the sura.

Makkl and others have said that the arrangement of the ayat in the suwar is on the the instruction of the Prophet. And since he did not instruct about the beginning of Bara'a it was left without the Bismilla.

AI,.Qsdt: Abu Bakr says in Al- Intisar that the arrangement of the ayat is immutable. The angel Gabriel used to say : "Place a particular aya in a particular place." ( Qadl Abu Bakr) further says: ''we are of the opinion CHAPTER 3 54 that the entire Our'an which Allah revealed and whose writing was established (by Him) and which was not made mansakh nor (had) its

Tilawa raised after its revelation, is the one between the two covers, that is, the mu§hajof CUthman. He (CUthman) did not omit nor add anything to it, and it's arrangement and style is clearly, according to what Allah had regulated, and His Messenger arranged the ayot of the suwar in an exact order.

The umma have accurately (recorded) from the Prophet the order of the

Ay92 in each sura in its exact place, similarly they accurately recorded from him the actual Al-Qira'o and the nature of it's Tilawa. It is possible that the Prophet arranged it's suwar and entrusted this to the umma after him, and he himself did not undertake this. And this second (view) is the closest (to being correct). And according to Ibn Wahb who said "I heard

M~Uik saying: ' Verily, they compiled the Our'an in the manner in which they heard it from the Nabl"'.

Al-Baghawi in Sharh as-Sunna Q.I-$ahoba said: "They gathered between two covers that which Allah had revealed to His Messenger without adding or omitting anything from it, out of fear that they may lose part of it by losing it's memorizers, so they wrote it in the manner in which they heard it from the Prophet (S.AW.), without re-arranging and without giving a sequence which they did not receive from the Prophet. The Prophet dictated to his Companions and taught them what was revealed to him of the Our'an, in the same sequence which is in our mu§haf, by the instruction CHAPTER 3 55 of Gabriel and (Gabriel's) advice (to the Prophet) at the time of the revelation of each aya that this tlya should be written after that aya in a particular sura."

So it is established that the aim of the Companions was to gather the

Our'an in one place rather than to arrange it. Indeed the Our'an is written in the Lawh al-Ma~93 in this sequence. Allah revealed it to the sky of this earth, and thereafter He revealed it piece-meal as the need arose. The sequence of revelation is not the sequence of Tilawa.

Ibn al- Hi~ar said : ''The ordering of the suwar and the placement of its tlytlttherein was indeed by revelation. The Prophet used to say: 'place this aya in such a place.' Certainty has been achieved from Mutawatir transmissions on this sequence, from the Prophet. And the companions were unanimous in placing it like this in the mUIha[." CHAPTER 3 56

Notes for Chapter Three

1. The term suwarwhich is the plural of sura has been retained

throughout this thesis, since this researcher does not ascribe to its

common interpretation of 'chapter.'

2. This word Our'an is rendered throughout the thesis, which is

according to the majority of the Our'anic reciters, as opposed to

Quran. See A A Zanjala, Hujjat al-Qira'at, Muassasa Ar-Risala,

Beirut, 1979, p.125-126.

3. Haddathantlwill be rendered throughout the translation as 'reported

to us'. According to the scholars of the Science of Had[!Jl,

haddathana is employed when the Shaikh reads from a book or

from memory and the student listens or writes down what he has

heard. According to Ibn ~aln.h, haddathana is considered to be

more authentic than saml-ctu-'I heard' since the former is meant as

an intended action.

4. Ibn Hajar, Fath al-Barl, p.12.

5. Suppression, anullment, replacement. . 6. Divine Ordinance.

7. The revealed Qur'an.

8. The four Caliphs who were the Prophet's successors viz. Abu Bakr,

COmar, COthmnn and cAlly.

9. Refers to the followers of Muhammad.

10. Abu Bakr. This title was conferred on him by the Prophet.

11. Ibn Hajar, op., cit; p.12. CHAPTER 3 57

12. Akhraja is employed when the author (SuyUl1) is satisfied with the

verification of the ahadhb in the sources which he consulted. It is

translated throughout this thesis as 'according to'.

13. See Fath al-Bari~ p.12.

14. Ibid., p.12.

15. Qala refers to Suyill1 finding the text in a book and from which he

then quotes it. According to Ibn SaUi!1 qala would appear in

brackets when it is used. This present researcher has verified that

it does appear like this in the Itqan,

16. Bukhari and Muslim.

17. B M A Zarkashf, Burhan fi 'illam al-Qur'an, Dar al-Kutub al­

cArabiyya, 1957, vol 1, p.237.

18. Aya- meaning sign, refers here to the Revelation. This researcher

has rendered the Arabic word throughout this thesis as opposed to

'verse', since the Qur'an is JCjaz (inimitable) and not poetry.

19. Al-Our'an, 11:28.

20. I Bukhad, SahFh al-Bukharl, Dar al-Fikr, (n.d.), vol 6, p.476-478.

21. A Abu Dawnd, Kitab al-Mll§a!Jjf, Dar al-Kutub al-9Imiyya, Beirut,

1985, p.ll. The Itqan's isnad is incomplete. See Fath al-Barl, p.l2.

22. A Abu Dawnd, op., cit., p.16. Itqan's isnad is incompl~e.,.. See Fath al-Bar], p.13.

23. Refers to a hadFI!!, when the chain of transmission does not link

continuosly to the first narrator. Whether such interruptions occur

at the beginning, middle or end of the isnad.

24. Ibn Rajar, op., cit; p.13. CHAPTER 3 58

25. Demons.

26. This researcher was unable to locate this source.

27. The abrogating and the abrogated.

28. Al-Our'an, 2:156.

29. MU§haf (pI. mCl§ahif), loose pieces of writing material brought

together into a fixed order, such as between two covers, in a volume.

30. Chain of transmitters.

31. A AbU Dawad, op., cit; p.16. The isnad in the Itqan is incomplete.

See Fath al-Barl, vol 9, p.13.

32. The Scripture.

33. This researcher was unable to locate this source.

34. $uhuf (pI. $aha'if) loose pieces of writing material such as paper,

skin, and papyrus.

35. A AbU Dawad, op., cit.; p.17. Itqan's isnad is incomplete. See Fath

al-Barl, vol 9, p.14.

36. A AM Ibn Rajar, op., cit.; vol 9, p.14.

37. A AbU Dawad, op., cit; p.12. Itqan's isnad is incomplete. See Fath

al-Barl, p.14.

38. Ibn Rajar, op., cit., p.14.

39. Ibid, p.15.

40. Chapter sixteen: 'The way in which the Our'an was sent down.' This

refers to page 51 of the Itqan lines 27-29, where it is stated that

Zaid ibn Thabit witnessed the final reading from the Prophet.

41. B zarkashl, op., cit., p.238.

42. Ibid., p.238. CHAPTER 3 59

43. Ibn Hajar, op., cit., p.l4.

44. Ibid., p.l6.

45. Ibid., p.l6.

46. Ibid., p.l6.

47. Al-Our'an, 33:23.

48. I Bukhnrl, op., cit.; vol 6, p.478-480.

49. Ibn Hajar, op., cit., p.l7.

50. Refers to the standardized copy of the Our'an,

51. Abu Dawtid, op., cit; p.33. Itqan's isnad is incomplete. See Fath

al-Bari~ p.l9.

52. Ibid., p.29-30. op., cit; p.2l.

53. Ibn Hajar, op., cit.; p.21.

54. B A Zarkashl, op., cit., p.235-236.

55. Refers to the seven modes in which the Our'an was revealed.

56. B A Zarkashl, op., cit., p.239.

57. Abu Dawnd, op., cit; p.30. Itqan's isnad is incomplete.

58. Ibn Hajar, op., cit; p.20.

59. Abu Dawnd, op., cit.; p.43. Itqan's isnad is incomplete. See Fath

al-Bari, p.20.

60. Ibid., p.43.

61. Suwar with no less than 100 llyat ie. suwar 36-49.

62. Suwar with approximately 100 ayOt ie. suwar 10-35.

63. This appears at the beginning of all the suwar, except BarO'O.

64. Long suwar ie. suwar 2-10.

65. Abu Dawnd, op., cit; p.39. Isnad incomplete. CHAPTER 3 60

66. Al-Our'an, 16:90

67. This researcher was unable to locate this source.

68. Al-Qur'an, 2:234.

69. Laws concerning Inheritance.

70. M Az-Zarqani, Sharh az-Zarqanl cala Muwatta at-Imam Malik,

Dar al-Baz li-n-Nashr wat-Tawzi", Makka, 1978, vol 4, p.3.

71. An Imposter who will appear before the Hour.

72. Al-Our'an, Sura 18.

73. Abu Dawtid, Sunan AblDawad, AI-Maktaba al-c~riyya, Beirut,

vol 1, p.215.

74. Al-Our'an, Sura 18.

75. J SUyU!l, Sunan Nasa'l, Dar al-Maktaba al-Tlmiyya, (n.d.), vol 2,

p.159.

76. AI-Qur'an, Sura 30.

77. Ibid; Suwar 32 and 76.

78. Ibid., Sura 50.

79. Ibid., Sura 55.

80. Ibid., Sura 53.

81. Ibid., Sura 21.

82. Festival.

83. Al-Our'an, Suwar 62 and 63.

84. J SUyU!l, Sunan Nasa'i, vol 3, p.1U.

85. Al-Our'an, Sura 61.

86. The section of the Our'an beginning with Sura Qal ie. 50-114. CHAPTER 3 61

87. Transmitted by so many trustworthy persons as to be beyond doubt

regarding its authenticity.

88. Abu Dawnd, op., cit., p.38. Itqan's isnad is incomplete.

89. Ibn Hajar, op., cit., p.15.

90. Al-Our'an, 9:127.

91. Ibid., 9:128-129.

92. Plural of clya.

93. The literal meaning of this is 'Well guarded Tablet'. Scholars like

Ibn Kathir and Baghawl postulate that it has a metaphorical

meaning ie. Allah's promise that the Our'an will never be corrupted. CHAPTER 4

THE ITQAN IN RELATION TO ITS SOURCES

1. The Case for Dependence. 62

1.1 Comparison with Original Sources. 63

1.2 Sequence of Material. 64

1.3 Duplication of Wording. 66

2. Dependence on Ibn Hajar. 67

2.1 Quotations from Ibn Hajar. 67

2.2 Dispersion. 70

3. A Profile of Dependence. 70

Notes for Chapter 4. 71 CHAPTER 4 62

CHAPTER FOUR

THE ITOAN IN RELATION TO ITS SOURCES

This researcher now considers the sources used by SUyU!I in writing his epic work.

Nolin asserts that SuyU!l, in compiling the Itqan made far more extensive use of the Burhan by Az- ZarkashI than a superficial reading of the Itqan would convey. He presents a very detailed account of the comparisons and contrasts between the Itqan and the Burhan and claims that As-Suynj] not only failed to cite Az-ZarkashI's name when quoting from the former's work, but also "borrowed" lengthy passages from the Burhan without identifying the source used.!

1. The case for Dependence

This researcher examined the relationship between the Itqan and Kitab aI­

M~ahif of Abu Dawnd and the Itqan and Fath al-Barl of ibn Hajar in order to provide evidence that SUyU!I also depended on these two sources, and that he has used them extensively. Nolin asserts that the evidence regarding SUyU!1's dependence on sources revolves around issues of: a) comparison with original sources b) sequence of material and c) duplication of wording.2 A brief account of these three areas would clarify and focus CHAPTER 4 63 attention on SUyU!l's dependence on sources.

1.1 Comparison with original sources

Evidence for dependence is very striking in this area, when comparing the

Itqan version of a quotation with that of the original source.

1. It is likely that Ibn Hajar adapted his text from AbO DAwnd ego the latter included the isnad which Ibn Hajar in his text expresses as a "sound

chain. II

2. A second difference between the original source and the work of Ibn

Hajar is : ~}-)' ~ ~ (r> J) y; - from Abu DllwQd - ''He was the first to compile it between two covers ~ dJj\ ~tS ~ .:.r J.)' ~ - from Ibn Hajar • "He was the first to compile the book of Allah. CHAPTER 4 64

It is of interest to note that Suy\i!l's text is the same as Ibn Hajar, thus it --) is evident that he depended for his own text on the work of Ibn Hajar, but

omitting to acknowledge the latter.

1.2 Seauencence of material:

It is alleged that SUyU!l uses quotations from different authors in the same

sequence as in the Bushan. 3 The present researcher claims that the Burhan

is not the only source from which the sequence of the material is borrowed. , \:...:.; ~ J\t ~. \J: ~\;;.,~ J\; W\ ~ ~:..> :lJ'.1 y\

\:...r->\ J\; ~ cr. ~ ~ ~ .j.."..)-a.A ,J. 0J..Ju" CHAPTER 4 65

In comparing the text of the Itqan, Fath al- Barl and Kitab al-Mtqahif, it is evident that the text of Itqan and Fath al- Barlfollow the same sequence and both texts differ precisely on the same issues with Kitab al-Mtqaf1jf.

The four issues are:

1. Abu Dnwiid has cited the complete chain of transmitters while Ibn Hajar has omitted the former part of the chain, as did Suyiil1.

2. Ibn Hajar commences his narration with the name Muhammad bin

Ishnq, although Abu Dawnd cites ibn Ishnq,thus omitting the name

Muhammad. Suyii!l once again follows suit.

3. Ibn Hajar omits the two tJytlt from his text though they appear in the text of Abu Dawnd, Suyii!l also omits the two tJytlt from the Itqan,

4. In the main text of the tradition quoted above by AbO Dawnd, a dialogue ensues between CUmar and al-Harith,

CUmar-" who can support you on this ? II

Harith" - I do not know, but by Allnh...... II

Ibn Hajar as well as Suyii!l omit both the above statements from their respective texts.

In view of this same sequence which Suyii!l and Ibn Hajar have in common, this researcher concludes that Suyii!l depended on Fath al-BnrT for his work in the Itqan. CHAPTER 4 66

1.3 Duplication of wording:

This is also very evident in the Itqan although Suyii!l makes free use of

adaptation of material for his own use. Some of the word order is changed

by Suyii!l which results in the reader erroneously believing that the work

is based on an independent source. ~ ~\ ~ \..)~~) ~.: lS~J J.\1..:J\ J\i-' : Ji! c:\ ~~. ~a.\\ ~ ~\ ~. v'6W. r\.&lr-J ~\ U; ~J~) ~U ~ t-a\:. .,)J..u '.r ... u..~'J\ ~W;J\' ~\ ~\ ~-'~W' ~ ~\t~ -JJ';' ,," . ~~, lS~ ~ ~ 0~ ~.)~\ '6.u.~ "\t.,, .!.~h J'- ~ ~ s-\~\ u~ ,up w' \A.)~ "~.\' ••J\ ~ is..J~ ~~, lS"-.J ~~, ~ ~ ~~\ ~ ~ ~: 0~\ 0\£'~\ J 4,).)\ J..o r J'.! : ~ ~~ ~JJ ~ ~P!. 0'6 w La ~4~\ ~ oU\'~\ 'V\)~ .,jJ~~\ \..It ~J~') ....'6..J

u~ ~)~\ 'll,Uo.>:- s.\;J ~) u::~~\ s.\.U.;J\ .r- ~..)~ ~"u)\ ~ ~ ~~ ~\~\ 0~ ...:~, .'~ J.'- ~

The words "It is likely that the Prophet (SAW)."In the text of the Itqan the

above words have been omitted, though SUyU!l duplicates the exact

wording of the rest of the text of Ibn Hajar with only minor variations.

SUyU!l does make use of adaptation when writing his own work, although

he does not mention his dependence on Ibn Hajar.

It has already been ascertained that SUyU!l does not always acknowledge

the sources on which he depends for a greater proportion of his work. This

dependency will be discussed using the framework of Nolin, in his study of CHAPTER 4 67 the way in which Suyii!l has depended on the Burhan.

2. Dependence on Ibn Haiar

This researcher focuses on Suyii!l's dependence on the Fath al-Barl of

Ibn Hajar, in his chapter on the compilation of the Our'an, The researcher plans to adapt Nolin's framework of analysis, with the view to ascertain the extent of dependency on Ibn Hajar.

Nolin's framework encompasses: i) Quotations from - the source concerned

- other authors ii) Parallel dependency - using the said source in conjunction with another source on the same subject. iii) Composite passages iv) Special Sections v) Problem of Anonymous material.f

This researcher examined the translated chapter and found that in the 176 lines of printed text, there appears 28 acknowledgements attributed to other authors and books.S

2.1 Quotations from Ibn Haiar:

Ibn Hajar is acknowledged directly 5 times, although Suyii!l never identifies his book or works in the Itqan. The question that arises is why CHAPTER 4 68

Suyii!l acknowledges Ibn Hajar at certain points and not at others , when it has already been ascertained at the beginning of this chapter that he has depended on Ibn Hajar without acknowledging that he has done so.

This researcher, on studying the 5 quotations of Ibn Hajar which SuyO!l acknowledges, observed the following.6 Of the five quotations, the first one is used by Suyii!l to discount a hadhh. as unacceptable, based on the authority of Ibn Hajar, eg "Ibn Hajar says that this tradition is broken."

-the second quotation is used by Suyii!l to clarify a certain meaning , eg

"Ibn Hajar says that the concept of two witnesses means that it should have been committed to memory as well as being documented."

-the third , fourth and fifth quotations are used by Suyil!l to cast Ibn

Hajar as an authoritative source in deciding which one of two differing accounts are more appropriate. eg "Ibn Hajar says that this occurred in the 25th year (of the Hijra). He says that others have erred by saying that it occurred in the 30th year (of the Hijra).ll

What then is the general aim of Suyfi!l in citing Ibn Hajar by name as opposed to depending on his work without acknowledgement? SUyU!l uses

Ibn Hajar not only to justify but also to amplify his own conceptualization of the compilation of the Our'an, in view of the fact that Ibn Hajar was accepted by his contemporaries as an outstanding scholar. CHAPTER 4 69

2.2 Dispersion:

An interesting phenomenon became manifest when this researcher examined Nolin's concept of composite passages vis a vis SUyU!l'S dependence on Ibn Hajar. For the purpose of the present research the phenomenon SUyU!l engaged is termed dispersion. Nolin asserts that in his dependence on the Burnan, SUyU!l took fragments of material from different places in the Burhan and fitted these together into a new composite form in the ItqlIn.7 Quite the opposite was found when studying

SuyU!l's dependence on Ibn Hajar. SUyU!l does not cite Ibn Hajar but he uses a composite idea by the former scholar from his work Fath al-Barl and transposes it to his own work the Itqan, but in a dispersed manner.f

This is evident when looking at lines 3 to 5 of the chapter on compilation, since SUyU!l quotes from Fath al-Barl without citing the source. He also selectivelyquotes this particular part, but where in his own work Ibn Hajar uses a supporting tradition by Aba Dawnd, SuyU!l disperses the latter part of the quotation and inserts it 18 lines later in the ItqlIn.9 As discussed earlier in this chapter, this very same passage quoted in Fath al-Barl was compared with the original source namely Kitab al-M~ahif and it was established that since SUyU!l's text was the same as Ibn Hajar's, he depended for his own work on the Fath al-Barl of ibn Hajar, but omitting to cite the latter. CHAPTER 4 70

3. A Profile of Dependence

This researcher examined the text of chapter 18 in an endeavour to ascertain how many times Suyiill has quoted directly from ibn Hajar but without acknowledgement. When one considers the following profile of the translated text: Number of acknowledged authors and books = 28

Number of acknowledgements of ibn Hajar = 5

Number of quotations from this source without acknowledgement=7

Number of quotations from anonymous sources =6, the number of quotations from ibn Hajar without acknowledgement exceeds the number of acknowledgements of the said source by Suyiill.

Suyiill makes use of an 'anonymous formula' once in the text viz. "if it is asked ", He also uses the words" in another tradition". To establish the extent of dependence by Suyiill on ibn Hajar, encompassing both acknowledged as well as unacknowledged quotations, this researcher examined the lines in order to see how many lines from the total number in the translated text is from Fath ai-BarT of ibn Hajar. It was established that the number of lines totals 81 which is 46% of the entire translated text.

Judging from this chapter, it can be deduced that dependence on Ibn Hajar and on existing authoritative sources, is a characteristic feature throughout the Itqan. CHAPTER 4 71

Notes for Chapter Four

l. K Nolin, op., cit; p.27.

2. Ibid., p.32.

3. Ibid., p.37.

4. Ibid., p.48-67.

5. See Appendix 3.

6. See Appendix 4.

7. K Nolin op., cit., p.59.

8. See Itqan, p.58.

9. See Appendix 2.

.. CHAPTER 5

SU¥iJTI'S UNDERSTANDING OF THE CONCEPT OF COMPILATION

1. The Compilation of the Our'an. 72

1.1 The Prophetic Period. 72

1.2 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr. 73

1.3 The Caliphate of CUthmSn. 74

2. The Ordering of the Suwar. 76

3. An Evaluation of Suyii!l's concept of Compilation. 77

3.1 The term lame. 77

3.1.1 Memorization during the Prophetic Period. 79

3.1.2 Documentation. 81

3.2 Naskh. 82

3.3 Abu Baler's Recension. 83

3.3.1 The role of COmar. 84

3.3.2 The position of Khuzaima. 85

3.4 The need for a standardized canon. 86

3.4.1 The omission of Ibn MasCUd. 87

Notes for Chapter 5. 89 CHAPTERS 72

CHAPTER FIVE

Suyfitl's understandin2 of the concept of compilation

1. The Compilation of the Qur'iin

SUyU!l asserts that the compilation of the Qur'an is characterised by three phases namely:

a) The Prophetic Period

b) During the Caliphate of AbO Bakr.

c) During the Caliphate of CUthman.

1.1 The Prophetic Period :

The revelation of the Our'an during this period lasted for twenty years and its documentation was done on the instruction of the Prophet himself. The materials whichwere used for the purpose ofdocumenting the Our'an were varied. Pieces of cloth, palm leaf stalk, thin white stones, leaves of date palms, leather, the dried bones of sheep and camel and the wooden saddle of the camel, were the materials used. As an adjunct to the documentation the Prophet's scribes as well as some of his other companions memorised the Qur'an. The content of the entire Our'an was not compiled into a single volume in the Prophet's lifetime since he anticipated further revelation as well as the naskh of some of its Ahkam and Tilawa. CHAPTER 5 73

1.2 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr.

Suyfi!l views this phase as being inspired by Allah in keeping with his divine promise to preserve the Our'an for the Muslim umma. He sees the battle of al-Yamama, where a large number of Quml' were killed, as the impetus for the compilation of the Our'an during the Caliphate of AbO

Bakr. The compilation at that point would serve to preserve the Our'an in the event that more Qurrll' were slain in subsequent battles. Abu Bakr's initial reluctance was dispelled by CUmar and this resulted in the Our'an being compiled.

This mammoth task was assigned to an intelligent and pious young scribe

Zaid ibn Thabit whose integrity was never doubted. Zaid ibn Thabit's search for the Our'an necessitated appropriation from palm leafstalk, thin white stones and the memories of men. Zaid himself had memorised the

Our'an and in his search for the different llyllt of the Our'an, he applied exacting standards. This entailed not accepting either documented or oral ayat, but insisting that documented llyat be corroborated by oraillyat and vice versa. This precaution was necessary to ensure an authentic compilation. The Nabawl mosque was the central point where both the written material and the testimony of the two witnesses were examined.

Once again stringent measures were used to ensure authenticity, of which two were paramount i) documentation of aya: had to have been done in the presence of the Prophet and ii) the Qurrll' had to testify that they had heard the memorised llyat directly from the Prophet. CHAPTERS 74

The compilation of the Qur'an in this period is seen by SUyU!l as the collection of its scattered fragments into a single manuscript. The task of compilation was further facilitated by the retrieval of waraq containing ayat of the Our'an, which was found in the house of the Prophet. The completed manuscript was secured by using cotton and was kept with Abu

Bakr up until his death, thereafter it remained with CUmar, and after his death it came into the possession of his daughter Haf~a.

Suyti!l states that the credibility of the QU"a' is unquestionable since they were the ones who witnessed the revelation for twenty years and they were convinced about the Our'an's inimitable nature and its syntax.

SUyU!l also mentions other authorities who contend that cUmar, cAliy and

Salim compiled the Our'an, The case for CUmar is that when he sought to retrieve a particular llya, he was told that it was with a martyr. Upon hearing this, CUmar is reported to have undertaken the task of compiling the Our'an, With regard to the contention that cAliy compiled the

Our'an.he is said to have taken an oath that he would not leave his home except for the Friday prayers until he compiled the Our'an, It is also reported in another source that Salim the slave of Khuzaima was the first person to compile the Our'an. Suyii!l states however that it is Ibn Hajar's contention that the aforementioned ahadhh are weak due to interruptions. CHAPTER 5 75

1.3 During the Caliphate of CUthmiin :

The compilation during this period came about as the result of serious differences between the QU"O' in their recitation of the Our'an. As opposed to Abu Bakr's recension which came in response to the crisis posed by the death of many Our'anic readers.! CUthmlin was confronted with the problem of disputes arising out of the relative authenticity of this or that recited texts. This difference in recitation reached such proportions that students and teachers were opposing one another in their endeavour to assert the correctness of their respective readings. Faced with this impending sense of the disunity of the Umma that could occur as a result of the variant readings, CUthmlin felt compelled to compile what has become known as the standardized Our'anic text. The prototype for

CUthmlin's compilation was the tuhuf of AbO Bakr which had been in the possession of CUmar's daughter Ha~a.

CUthman was very emphatic to the committee, which comprised both

Quraish and AnllIr, that in the event of a dispute arising about any word of the Our'an, the word should be documented in the dialect of the

Quraish. He felt justified in givingthis directive since the Qur'an had been revealed in the Quraish dialect. In the event that any doubt arose about a written passage in the text, the committee applied very exacting standards.

They would insist that the disputed portion be read by someone who had heard it directly from the Prophet The CUthmanic canon was very accurate since the entire community was cognisant of its documentation. CHAPTER 5 76

CUthman is not regarded as a compiler of the Our'an, rather he undertook

: "that which had seemed unnecessary to his predecessors, namely, the standardization of the written text of the Our'an through the institution of a sole authorized canon".2 Copies of the completed recension were sent to the different provinces and some differences exist regarding the number of copies which were sent. The most common view however is that five copies were sent out.3 CUthman's attempt at creating a standardized text was highly acclaimed and was met with positive responses.

2. The ordering of the Suwar:

Suyil!l sees the ordering or sequence of the ayat in the suwar as divinely inspired. He asserts that on this issue there exists unanimity on the part of most scholars and that this same uniformity exists in the Muslim umma,

He corroborates his claim by citing myriads of Traditions, and includes in his list scholars of hadith viz. Ahmad, AbO Dawnd, At-Tirmidh1, An­

Nisa'l, Ibn Habblin, AI- Hlikim, Muslim and Bukhlirl, Ibn Hajar, AI­

Bliqilllinl and others. SuyD!I accentuates the fact that the Companions had no hand in the arrangement of the tJyat in their particular suwar.

He cites a tradition reported by Abu Dawnd alluding to the idea that the

Companions used their own initiative in the arrangement of the suwar, but he disclaims this by saying that there exists many other traditions to the contrary. He concludes this chapter by emphasising that the present day mushafis complete,that is, without any omissions or additions and that the CHAPTERS 77 arrangement of the llytJt in its suwar were executed by the Companions on the instruction of the Prophet.

3. AN EVALUATION OF sUYiiTI's CONCEPT OF COMPILATION

The present author endeavours to evaluate SUyU!l's concept ofcompilation by considering some aspect from each of the 'compilation periods' ie,

Prophetic; Caliphate of AbO Bakr and Caliphate of CUthm:ln. The three main areas which SUyU!l covers in his chapter on the compilation and the sequence of thesuwar ofthe Our'an are: 1) the individuals responsible for the collection of the Qur'an in a single canon, 2) the divine nature of both the contents of the Our'an as well as the arrangement of the llytJt in its suwar and 3) his premise that the CUthm:lnic canon is the complete and correct embodiment of the revelation which was received by the Prophet

Muhammad (S.AW.).

3.1 The term Jame

At the beginning of the translated chapter, Suyi1!l contends that: ''The

Our'an was not compiled during the Prophet's lifetime." The single word which has caused various scholars to engage in polemics is that ofjam".

Burton posits that the accepted linguistic usage ofjamC connotes 'collects' but in the context ofjamC an nils tI/(J mlJihafit has taken on the meaning of 'collate,.4 This meaning only becomes operative in the consideration of CHAPTER 5 78

CUthman, since he was instrumental in uniting the Muslims on a standardized canon.

C It seems that SUyU!l engaged the term jam II with a semantic latitude

ll 5 capable of accommodating a number of related but quite distinct actions •

For SUyU!l the collective term jam" subsumes arrangement; collection between two covers; memorization, the internal arrangement of the suwar and also the arrangement of those readings which were confirmed by the

Prophet (S.AW.).

Since this term has such a general application, it is of necessity open to ambiguity and hence its interpretation becomes problematic.

The present author attempts to locate the acquired meaning ofjamCin the context of the Prophetic period by calling on the understanding of the classical Muslim scholar Az- Zarqanl, since it is the present writer's contention that Suyil!l does ascribe to the interpretation of jamCgiven by

Az-Zarqanl, but as a precursor to his own implied meaning in the text, as it relates to 'The Our'an was not compiled during the Prophet's lifetime'.

His acceptance of Zarqanl's interpretation is evidenced on page 39 of the

third chapter of this thesis where Suyii.tf writes: II •••• Should it be authentic, what is probably meant by the term 'compilation' is committing it to memory.6 Az-Zarqanl states in his ManIJhil al-clrflln that the term jamC has two distinct meanings:

a) To preserve by memorization. Evidence for this is found in the

7 Our'an II inna CalaynlljamCahu wa qur'llna" CHAPTERS 79

b) To document its letters, words, lIylIt and suwar.8

This researcher now considers the Islamic legacy in order to ascertain whether the two meanings of jamC viz, memorization and documentation did in fact characterize the 'compilation' in the Prophetic period.

3.1.1 Memorization during the Prophetic period.

The Prophet being the sole recipient of the revelation, used to hasten in his endeavour to repeat the revelation for fear that he may forget some of the revealed words. Therefore the Prophet is admonished in Sura al-Qiyama

( tJylIt 15-17) not to hasten in the recitation of the Our'an and he was further assured of its preservation.f Thus the Prophet was the first to memorize the Our'an and he revised it annually to the Angel Gabriel. It is mentioned on the authority of cA.'isha and Fn!ima who said: "We heard the Prophet saying: 'Gabriel used to revise the Our'anonce every year, but he revised the Our'an twice this year, and I do not see anything except my destiny approaching.' ,,10 The Prophet actively encouraged all his companions to memorize the Our'an, According to Ourtubl, in the 4th year of the Hijra at B'irMacana, 40 companions who were all QurrlI' were slain.ll

Those companions who received the revelation directly from the Prophet would go immediately to their colleagues who were not present and teach them the revelation. Within a day or two the revelation was preserved in CHAPTER 5 80

the hearts ofmost ofthe companions.V The task of memorization was not

limited to a particular group or by those companions who were granted

high status or who were financially self-sufficient. The Prophet instructed

that a pauper may teach his wife portions of the Our'an as a dowry.13 This

further strengthens the idea that memorization of the Our'an was not only

recommended, but was even encouraged since even if people could ill

afford the prerequisite dowry, the wealth in reward, of a memorized

portion ofthe Our'an, is immeasurable. The Prophet further promulgated

that a person who studied the Our'an and taught it to others was regarded

very highly.14

The readers of the Our'an were accorded two special privileges.

i) The Prophet ordered that the person most learned in the Book of Allah

lead the congregational prayers.15 ii) During the battle of Uhud when

more than one person was buried in a grave, the Prophet instructed that

the person who had the most of the Our'an with him be buried first,16

This researcher concludes that any form of 'more learned' or 'has the most

Qur'an with him' indisputably confirms that memorization of the Our'an

was so highly regarded that none of the companions ever disputed on this

issue when the matter arose.

Bukharl narrated on the authority of CAbd-Allah bin CAmr al·~ that the

--I"" Prophet said : ''Read the Our'an in one month", 1 said :'1 consider myself

very capable'. The Prophet replied : "So read it in seven (days) and not

less than that".17 CHAPTER 5 81

In their quest for precision, the companions recited to one another. The

Prophet himself was directly involved in that he loved hearing the Our'an recited by others.

The above emphatically demonstrates that memorization during the

Prophetic period was given serious attention.

3.1.2 Documentation

Regarding the documentation of the revealed aya: during the Prophetic period, SUyU!l cites Zaid ibn Thabit as the principal scribe. As Zaid was a scribe for the Prophet during the Madinan period of revelation, the erroneous impression is created that documentation of ayat did not occur during the earlier Makkan phase. Thus in Suyt1!i's omission of the earlier

Makkan documentation, it adds to this impression. Whatever had been revealed prior to the Prophet's migration to Madina had already been documented in Makka.18 The number of suwar which had been documented in Makka is said to be between 42 and 45.19 Further evidence in support of Makkan documentation of revelation concerns the account of

CUmar ibn Khattab's conversion to Islam at the time of the first migration to Abyssinia. Written sheets containing two or three particular suwar were found in his sister Fa!ima's house, thus this bears further credence to the fact that documentation had been engaged in the earliest period of Islam.20

What obviates any doubt that the revelation had been documented during the Prophet's life-time is the tradition narrated by Muslim that the Prophet CHAPTERS 82

'----) (S.AW.) said: "Do not write anything about me except the Qur'~n.,,21This

was to safeguard the revelation from his personal statements.

With the great emphasis placed upon both the memorization of the Our'an

as well as its documentation, it follows that these two modes of

preservation were employed in respect of the Revelation. In view of

Suyii!i's assertion that: "The Our'an was not compiled during the

Prophet's lifetime", what is meant is that the Our'anhad not been collected

from either the memories of men or documented material and compiled in

a single place or volume.

3.2 The issue of Naskh

It is characteristic of SUyU!l that he pays attention to the isnad, whether

the isnad is complete or incomplete, when he quotes narrations in order to

make claims or substantiate ideas. In this regard he employs the criteria

which determine isnad authenticity as expounded by the scholars of the

Science ofHadlth viz. haddathanll, akhraja, can, samictu.22 In the tradition

on page 36 of chapter three, Suyii!l does not use any of these definitive

categories, rather he says qala KhatttIbI (Khatmbt: said).23

It has also been established by this researcher that among all the traditions

quoted by Suyii!l, the one concerning Khattabi is the only one which does

not have an isnad. Thus in the absence of both an authenticated narration

and a corroborating tradition, the validity of the claim that the Prophet did

not compile the Our'ansince he anticipated naskh is questionable. Should CHAPTER 5 83 the chain of transmission however be authentic, SUyU!l's statement that the

Prophet anticipated naskh is still problematic for three reasons.

1) The term naskb means abrogation,replacement,suppression, annulment, and it is not clear which meaning SUyU!l employs vis a vis the Our'an's

Ahkam and Tilc7wa.

2) He does not distinguish between the three different types of naskb which

Al-Ghazall employs ie, i) naskh al-hukm wa-t-tilawa, the annulment of both the ruling and the wording. ii)naskh al- hulan dana-t-tilawa, the replacement of the ruling of an earlier statement by the ruling of a later statement but both statements remain. iii) naskb at-tilawa dana al-hulan, the suppression of the wording while the ruling.remains valid.24

3) Naskh al-hukm dana at-tilawa is a very real and visible feature in the

Our'an.

Thus SUyU!l's claim that the Prophet did not compile the Our'an since he anticipated nasfs!:!, is invalid, as it does not account for the presence of naskh al-hukm dana-t-tilawa in the Our'an,

3.3 Abu Bakr's Recension:

Suyli!l fails to locate the beginning of the compilation of the Our'an during the Caliphate of Abu Baler vis a vis the time after the election of Abu

Bakr asCaliph; when the battle of Yamama occurred and what constitutes

'many casualties,.25 CHAPTER 5 84

The omission of such detail largely obscures this period of compilation, particularly in view of the fact that the later standardized canon of

CUthman is said to be based on the recension of Abu Bakr.

3.3.1 The role of CUmar

From other historical accounts, it is apparent that though the first compilation of the Our'an is attributed to Abu Bakr, the incentive for such an endeavour came from CUmar.26 CUmar's concern that the Our'an may be lost was prompted by the news of the death of Salim, the slave of

Hudhaifa who was killed in the battle (of Yamama), and his concern was based on the fact that the Prophet (S.AW.) had advised that the Our'an be learnt from Salim.27 Thus it seems that had CUmar not expressed this concern to AbO Bakr, the latter would not have undertaken the collection ofthe Our'an since he had been hesitant to undertake something which the

Prophet had not done.28 The term Abu Bakr's recension therefore refers more to the period of the compilation ie. during the Caliphate of Abu

Bakr, than it does to the person to whom this compilation is attributed.

3.3.2 The position of Khuzaima

SuyO!1 does not clarify the reason that Khuzaima's documentation of the tlytlt at the end of Sura al-Bara'a were accepted when he alone had the ayat, This is particularly surprising in view of the following: i) SuyO!1 repeatedly emphasized the exacting standards which were CHAPTER 5 85 employed by those who collected the Our'an ie. in the event that someone had documented ayat, two reputable and pious witnesses had to testify that either they heard it from the Prophet himself or they were present at the time the said llyat were documented. ii) When CUmar came with the llya of stoning, it was not accepted from him, since he was alone. There appears to be a contradiction, although

Suyii!l does not address the issue.

This researcher says that the reason for the apparent contradiction can be found in a tradition in Fath al·BarF. On the authority of cAmmgra bin

Khuzaima from his uncle [who was a companion of the Prophet (S.A.W.)] that the Prophet had purchased a horse from a Bedouin. The Prophet followed the Bedouin in order to pay him but on the way other interested people started bargaining for the horse with the result that its price was increased. The Bedouin turned to the Prophet and told him to produce a witness who could testify that the horse had been promised to him. The people said to the Bedouin that the Prophet spoke only the truth. At this point Khuzaima arrived, in time to hear the request for a witness and

Khuzaima said: "I testify that you promised it to the Prophet." The

Prophet then asked Khuzaima, that in view of his absence at the time of the negotiation for the horse, what his evidence was. Khuzaima replied:

"By your credibility and that you speak only the truth." Thus the Prophet deemed his evidence as that of two people. Also in Fath al-Barl, is another tradition whereby the Prophet states that whoever Khuzaima testifies for or against, his ( Khuzaima's) evidence, is sufficient.29 CHAPTERS 86

The omission by SUyU!l of an explanatory tradition for such an important notion, is quite out of the ordinary as regards SUyU!l's normal method of substantiating extensively some of his other statements. This is particularly pertinent since it is SUyU!l's premise that the Our'an was not recorded by

Khabar al-WOhid,30 rather it is Tawatur.

3.4 The need for a Standardised Canon

Suyii!l presents a very generalized reason to account for the compilation of the Our'an in the period of CUthman. On page 44 of Chapter Three he writes: "Hudhaifa was afraid of the differences in the recitation of the

Our'an by the respective Qun-o' and therefore he told CUthman ....", In

SUyU!l's cursory treatment of this issue, he does not place undue emphasis on the reason that a standardized canon become necessary, rather he stresses that CUthmnn was responsible for uniting the people on a standardized text. The reason which necessitated a standardized text is very important particularly in view of the fact that after AbO Baler's recension, no efforts were made to establish this as the sole authorized canon, nor were the various Companions prevented from keeping other recensions which they had prepared for their personal use. Thus,

CUthmnn's endeavour can be viewed as a rather courageous step, and what prompted him to undertake such a task must have been an issue of grave concern. CHAPTER 5 87

The following tradition recorded in history can explain what compelled

CUthman to issue a directive for an authorized standard text. People who followed the reading of CAbd-Allah ibn Mas'nd read the ayat

" wa atimma-l-hajja wa-l-Sumrata Ill-bait" while the majority read

"wa atimma-l-hajja wa-l-Sumrata liI-ltlh"31

This, according to AbO Hayynn was the principle reason that Hudhaifa conveyed his concern about the variant readings to CUthmnn.32 Once again, Suyil!l's omission of a substantiating tradition is noted.

3.4.2 The omission of ibn MasCUd

A marked omission by Suyil!l in his account of the compilation of the

Our'an during the Caliphate of CUthmnn is the issue of cAbd-Allnh ibn

Mas'nd, Ibn Masud is of particular importance since some scholars have engaged in debate as regards the merit of his ability to collect the Our'an, as opposed to Zaid ibn Thnbit.33 Ibn Mas'tid says in a tradition that he had received from the lips of the Prophet seventy suwar when Zaid ibn

Thabit had not even been born.34 Burton uses this idea to further support his claim that the exclusion ofcAbd-All~ ibn MasCOd from the CUthmnnic compilation was politically motivated,(in terms of his concept of companion-Qur'an-a!lnd1!h) since he was from Hudhail while the committee entrusted with the responsibility of compiling the Our'an comprised Quraish and Ansar. In addition to this the committee had been CHAPTER 5 88 instructed by CUthmlln that in the event of a dispute arising about any tlya of the Our'an, it should be documented in the dialect of the Quraish.

Burton cites a tradition from Abu Dawnd, that ibn Mas'tid was opposed to the CUthmanic canon (ie. Zaid's compilation).35 This same scholar fails to cite another tradition quoted from Abu Dawnd, that ibn Mas'nd had acknowledged the CUthmllnic canon as that which he had heard from the

Prophet.36 Ibn Kathlr mentions that CUthmlln wrote to ibn MasCUd regarding this issue, ie.of the acceptance of the former's recension, to which ibn Mas'nd responded favourably.37

In view of the preceding evidence the present writer concludes that the exclusion of ibn MasCUd from the compilation of the CUthmllnic canon is due to circumstance rather than being motivated politically or otherwise.

This derives from amongst others the work of Ibn al-cArabl who contends that at the time of the Our'anic co~pilation, ibn MasCUd was the governor of Knfa and the crisisexpressed by Hudhaifa required immediate attention.

Hence, the people in Madina were employed to undertake the task.38 CHAPTER 5 89

Notes for Chapter Five

1. L As-Said, TheRecited Koran, The Darwin Press Princeton

New Jersey, 1975, p.22.

2. Ibid., p.24.

3. Ibid., p.27.

4. J Burton, The Collection ofthe Qur'an, p.134.

5. J Wansbrough, Qur'anic Sources, p.46.

6. J SUyU!l, Itqan, p.58.

7. Our'an, 75:17.

8. MA Zarqanl, Manahil al- C[rfan fi 'ulam al-Qur'an, Dar al­

Fikr, (n.d.), p.240.

9. Ibid; p.240.

10. B zarkashl, Al-Buman fi 'U/am al-Qur'an, Dar I!!ya al­

Kutub al cArabiyya, 1957, p.232.

11. A MAl Qurtubi, Al-Jamt: li-Ahkam al-Qur'an, Dar I!!ya at­

Turath aI_cArab1, Beirut, 1952, vol 1, p.50.

12. A A Az-Zanjani, Tarlkh al-Qur'an, Islamic Propagation

Organisation, 1984, p.46.

13. M N AI-Bani, Sahih Sunan Tinnidhi, Maktaba al­

Tarbiyya al-cArabi, 1988, vall p.324.

14. J Suyfi!l, Itqan, p.122.

15; A Sabiq, Fiqh as-Sunna, Dar al-Fikr, Beirut, 1977, vol

1,p.469.

16. M A Oudama, A/-Much.ni~ Maktaba ar-Riyadh al-Haditha, CHAPTER 5 90

(n.d.),vol 2, p.181-182.

17. I Bukhad, $ah[!l al-Bukharl Translated by MM Khan,

Dar al-Fikr, (n.d.), vol 6, p.517-518.

18. M Bucaille, The Bible, the Qur't1n and Science, North

American Trust Publication, 1978, p.12S.

19. Ibid., p.12S.

20. I Hisham, Slra an-Nabl, Turath al-Islam (n.d.), vall, p.344.

21. G Oadnri, Rasm al-MUIhaf, Dar al-Fikr, 1982, p.96.

22. See note 3 in Notes for Chapter 3.

23. See note 15 in Notes for Chapter 3.

24. H al-Ghazali, Al-Mustasfa min cilm al-Usal, Dar al­

Macrifa,1324 H, vol 2, p.123-125.

25. A M A!-Tabad Tt1rlkh aL-Tabar[ Tt1rikh al-Umam wal­

Mulak; Dar aI- kutub al-Pllmiyya, 1987, vol 2, p.234-237.

26. AA Ibn Hajar, Fatllal-Bari, Muhammad bin SaCUd Islamic

University, vol 9, p.13.

27. Ibid; p.12.

28. J Suyli!l, Itqan; p.59.

29. A A Ibn Hajar, op; cit, vol 8, p.519.

30. What is narrated by only one person.

31. Qur'an, 2:196.

32. M Y Abu Hayyan, Tafsir al-Bahr al-muhI.t Matba? as­

Sacada, Cairo, 1328 H, vol 2, p.72.

33. J Burton, op., cit., p.166-167.

34. A Abu Dawnd, op., cit., p.23. CHAPTER 5 91

35. J Burton, op., cit., p.166.

36. A A Ibn Hajar, op., cit., vol 8,p.48.

37. A Ibn KathIr, al-Bidaya wa an-Nihaya, nar al-Kutub al­

cArabiyya, (n.d.), p.228. See Baqillanl, p.364.

38. A Ibn AI cArabl, Al-cAw~im min al-Qawasim, AI Maktab

al-Pllmiyya, Beirut, 1985, p.54. CONCLUSION 92 CONCLUSION 92

CONCLUSION

In this thesis the present researcher has evaluated the history of the compilation of the Our'an according to the principle views of Muslim scholarship as they are embodied in the authoritative work of As-Suynj], namely the Itqan fi culam al-Qur'an,

It has been ascertained that the Itqan represents a major contribution to the cUlam al-Qur'4n or to what Suyii!l terms 'The understanding of the

Revelation'. His comprehensive approach and extensive subject matter testifies to the author's thoroughness, and has resulted in the Itqan being regarded as an invaluable reference in the study of the Our'an,

Locating Suyii!l in his historical milieu was particularly relevant, since it served to place Suyii!l's writings in its proper historical context. The

Mamlnk dynastywas characterised bywritings of an essentially biographical and historical nature and in writing the Itqan, SUyU!l demonstrates this approach to scholarly activity most succinctly.

The Itqan deals with eighty branches of cUlam al-Qur'an, with Suyii!l presenting the study of the Our'anic Sciences as a systematic historical progression starting with the occurrence of revelation through to the generations of commentators of the Our'an, This progression is. evident from the arrangement of the chapters of the Itqan, CONCLUSION 93

On translating the chapter dealing with compilation, Suyii!l's understanding

of the history of this compilation became manifest.

Following the translation it became evident that Suyii!l depended

extensively on earlier scholarly works and felt free to use these sources

without at times acknowledging the sources used. Suytl!l's dependence on

one such scholar namely Ibn Hajar AI- Asqalanl became apparent, and

~') when the source was consulted, it was established that Suytl!l depended

~ largely on the former scholar's work in the chapter on the compilation of

_.->the Our'an, From this dependence the present researcher concluded that

Suyii!l was not an innovative or creative writer, rather he depended on

other sources in compiling his own work. This mode of scholarship was

typical of the era in whichSUyO!llived, and in writing the Itqan he did not

deviate from this trend.

SuyO!l's understanding of the Our'anic compilation represents the

traditionally accepted view of this compilation. Thus his dependence on

sources is understandable if his work is seen as a reflection of the views

held by Traditional scholars.

In evaluating Suyii!l's understanding of compilation this researcher

ascertained that the main problematic area was SUyU!l's omission of

important historical data which would have served to provide a more

complete understanding. SUytl!l is inconsistent in the way in which he

substantiates some of his claims, while others which necessitates this, he CONCLUSION 94 fails to substantiate. The study of the Our'an has evolved into an area which generates many contrasting and conflicting ideas. This is evidenced by the volume ofresearch which has been, and is currently being conducted in this field.

In the present thesis this researcher has established that SuyU.t1's dependence on Fath at-Bar]comprises a significant part of his work, while

Nolin has established the same phenomenon in his comparison of Al-Itqan in relation to the Burhan of Az-Zarkashi. Areas of research which also focus on dependence can be undertaken in other chapters of the Itqan eg.i) the extent of dependence by SUyU!l in chapters 22-27, on Ibn Al-Jazarl's,

An-Nashar fi al-Qira'at, and ii) dependence by SUyU!l in chapter 28, on

SaCfd Ad-Dam's, al-Muktafl. In this researcher's analysis of SuyO!l'S writing, the method used to verify dependence was in consulting the original sources.

A structural analysis of SUyU!l's work could be undertaken which would identify the infrastructure of relationships that exist in such a work where intertextuality is its hallmark. This will be of interest since the Itqan represents a text which does not conform to prevailing literary codes and conventions. 95

GLOSSARY OF ARABIC TERMS

a!!,kam:Divine ordinance. ijtihid:lndependent legal reasoning.

aya(playat):Sign, referringto Revelation. isnad:Chain of transmitters.

fajr:Early dawn prayer. khabr al-wahid:What is narrated only by

one person.

fatwa (pl.fatawa):Formallegalopinions.

khanqa:Retreat.

fiqh:Islamic jurisprudence.

ma'iin:Suwar with approximately 100

.!!adlth (pl.a!!adl!!U:Narratives relating ayar.

deeds and utterances of the

Prophet(SAW). madrasa:Islamic school.

J!aram:Forbidden. mamnb:Sunset prayer.

hijiz:Refers to Makka and Madina. mansUkh:Abrogated.

hijra:Muslim calender, starting with the mas'a1a:Problems.

Prophet's migration to Madina.

mathaD!:Suwarwith less than 100ayat.

mawduC:Fabrication.

ijaza:Permission granted bythe teacher to

his student, to teach to others that which mudraj:What is inserted into the isnad or

the student heard from the teacher or text of a narration.

had read to him. 96 mufassalrThe last section of the Our'an sunna:Statements, actions and beginning with sura Oaf. acknowledgements of the Prophet(SAW).

Legally binding precedents in addition to mujaddid:Restorer. the Law of the Our'an.

mujtahid:One who is qualified to engage sura (pl.suwar):Group of ayat having a ijtihad. beginning and an end.

m~af (pl.m~aJ!if):Loose pieces of tawatur:Transmiued by so many writing material brought together into a trustworthy persons, as to be beyond fixed order in a volume. doubt regarding its authenticity.

mutawatir:Successive. tiliwa:Qur'anic recitation.

nasikh:Abrogating. tiwal:Long suwar ie. suwar 2-10.

naskh:Suppression, anullment, CWama:Muslim learned scholars. replacement.

CulUm al-Our'an:Qur'anic Sciences. qadi:Judge.

umm waladiA girl who bore her master a qurra:Our'amc memorizers. child.

§u!!uf (p1.~aJ!i'if):Loose pieces of waqf:Endowment. writing material such as paper, skin and papyrus.

shadh:An opposing tradition byone who is less qualified. BffiLIOGRAPHY 97

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ARABIC WORKS

CAbd Al-Aziz A Dirasat fi, cU/am al-Qur'an, Dar al-Furqan,

cAmman, 1983.

Abu Dawnd A Kitab al-M~c1hif, Dar al-Kutub al-Tlmlyya,

Beirut, 1985

Abu Hayyan M Y Ta/sir al-Bahr al-Muhlt, Matba? As-Sa'ttda.

Cairo, 1328. H.

Ahmad F Al-Muuaqlfi cU/am al-Qur'an, Dar al-Ma'iarif,

1979.

CAlyan R and Ad -Dod QCU/am al-Qur'c1n, Dar al-Kutub, 1980

Bani MN $ahih Sunnan Tinni4!1i, Maktaba at-Tarbiyya

al-cArab1

Al-BaqillanI AB AI-In(#c1r li naql l-Qur'an, Dar al-Ma'arif,

Alexandria (ND).

Baqir M Rawdat al-Jannat, Tehran, 1367 H.

Bukhari I $ahih al Bukhc1rl, translated by M M Khan,

Dar al-Fikr (ND) 9 Vols.

Ad-Dani SU AI-Mulaafl,., edited by Y Al-Mar'ashl, Dar­

Risala, Beirut, 1984.

Ghaza N Al-KawakibAs-Sa'ira, al-Matba? al-Amrikiyya,

1945.

Al-Ghazali H AI-Musttll/c1 min '1lm al-usal, Dar al Mafrifa,

1324 H 2 Vols.

Hasan HI Tarlkh al-Islam; 7th Edition, 1967. BffiLIOGRAPHY 98

Ibn AI-CArabi A AI-CAw~im min al-Qawasim, al-Matba? aI­

cflmiyya, Beirut, 1985

Ibn al-Jazarl AM An-Nashar fi al-QirO'at, Dar al-Kutub ar

cllmiyya, Beirut, (NO), 2 Vols.

Ibn Ayyas M A BadO'z"C Az-Zuharfi waqa'i" Ad-Duhar, Bulaq,

1311 H.

Ibn Hajar A A Fath al-Bar], Muhammad bin SaCUd, Islamic

University. (NO) 11 Vals.

Ibn Hisham MA Sira An-Nabi~ Turath al-Islami (NO)

Ibn Kathir A AI-Bidaya wa-n-Nihaya, Dar al-Kutub al­

Cllmiyya, (NO) 14 Vols.

Ibn Kathlr A Tafsir aI-Qur'on al-Aziin, Dar al- Macrifa,

Beirut, 1969. 4 Vals.

Ibn Kathlr A AI-Bacilh al-Hathilf1 Sharh l/ch,qOr cUlam aI­

Hadi!lL Dar al-Kutub al-Pllmiyya, Beirut (NO)

Ibn Manznr M K Lisan al-cArab, Dar al-Ma,cl1rif, Cairo (ND) 8

Vals.

Ibn Oudama MA AI-Mu&!ni, Matba? Ar-Riyadh al-Haditha

(ND) 9 Vals.

Ibn Sacd M A!-!abaqat al-Kubra, Daras-Sadr, Beirut, 1957. cIdriisl MM An-Nar As-Sajir, Matba? al-Furat Baghdad,

1934

Ishkar MA LumMI min Tarlkh al-Qur'an, Matba? an­

Nufman (ND). BffiLIOGRAPHY 99

Al-KahHinI M Subul as-Salam, Dar IhYn Turath al-cArabt:,

1960, 2 Vols.

Oattanl M Mabahim fi cUiam al-Qur'an, Dar as­

SaCUdiyya Ii-n-Nashr, Riyadh. 1971.

Oudtir] Gh. Rasm al-M~haf, Dar aI-Filer, 1982.

Al-Ourtubi AM AI-Jt1m z"C li ahla1m al-Qur'an, Dnr IhYn al­

Turath al-cArabl, Beirut, 1952, 20 Vols.

Raslnn SD AI-Qur't1n al Hakim, Dar ath-thaqnfa li-Nashr

wa-t-Tawzi", 1984.

Rnzt: TA Tartib al-Qtlml1.1 al-Muhit, Dar al-Kutub al­

cllmiyya, 1979, 4 Vols.

Sabiq A Fiqh as-Sunna, Dnr aI-Filer, Beirut, 1977, 3

Vols.

~abOm MA At-tibyan fi 'Utam al-Qur'an, Maktaba al­

Ghaz:ill, Beirut, 1981.

As-Sajastani A Sunnan Abl Dawad, al-Maktaba al-c~riyya,

Beirut, (ND), 4 Vols

As-Sakhawi S Ad-Daw al-lamz"C, Matba? al-Oudsl, Cairo,

1353 H.

~alih S Mabt1hith fi cUlam al-Qur'an, par al- cIlm Ii-I­

malnyin, Beirut (ND).

Shahin AS TarTkh al-Qur't1n, Dar al-Qalam, 1966.

Sbalabi AI Rasm al-M~haf al-CUthmt1ni, Dar Ash

Shuriiq, Jeddah, 1983. BffiLIOGRAPHY 100

Husn al-Muht14ara, DSr IbYS al-Kutub al­

cArabiyya, Cairo, 1967.

Al-Muzhirfi cUlam al-Iugfla, DSr al-IbYS al­

Kutub al-cArabiyya, (ND)

SUyU!I J Kitab at-Tahadduth bi nfmatillah, edited by E

M Sartain, al-Matba? al CArabbiyya al­

Hadltha, Cairo, 1975.

Itqan fi cUlam al-Qur'dn, DSr al-Fikr, 1978, 2

Vols.

A!-Tabad Tt1rlkh al-Umam w-al-Mulak, DSr al-Kutub al­

cllmiyya, 1987, 5 Vols.

A!-TahhSn M TauTr Mrq!alah al-HadilfL DSr al-Our'an al­

Karim, 1978.

Taimnr A Qabrat-Imam As-Suytu], Matba? As-Salafiyya,

1364 H.

CUmar I AI-Qur't1n al Karim, Maktaba al-Falaj], 1984.

CUmar N Manhajfi cUlam al-hadilfL DSr aI-Fila, 1985.

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Mu'assasa ar-Risala, Beirut 1979.

Zanj~ AA Tarikh al-Qur'an Islamic Propagation

Organisation, 1984.

Az-Zarkashi B Al-Burhan fi cUlam al-Qur'an, DSr al-IbYS al­

Kutub al-cArabl, 1957, 2 Vols

Az-Zarqanl MA Mant1hil al-cIrft1n fi cUlam al-Qur'an DSr al­

Filer, (ND) 2 voIs BffiLIOGRAPHY 101

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ENGLISH WORKS.

As-Said L The Recited Koran, The Darwin Press,

Princeton, New Jersey, 1975.

AsadM The Message of the Qur'an, Dar al-Andalus,

Gibraltar, 1980.

Azami MM Studies in Early Had[th Literature, American

Trust Publication. 1978.

Bucaille M The Bible, the Qur'tIn and Science, North

American Trust Publication, 1978.

Burton J The Collection of the Qur'an, Cambridge

University Press, 1977.

Haykal MH The Life of Muhammad, American Trust

Publication, 1976.

Hitti PK History oftheArabs, The Macmillan Press Ltd,

1970.

Hunwick J 0 and Barry M Ignaz Goldziher on As-Suyii!l - A translation

of his article of 1871, with additional notes,

The Muslim World. Vol LXVIII April 1978.

Jeffery A Material for the History of the Qur'tIn, Brill,

Leiden, 1937.

Khalifa M The Sublime Qur'tInand Orientalism, Longman

Group Limited, 1983.

Lane EW Arabic English Lexicon, The Islamic Texts

Society Trust, Cambridge, 1984 2 Vols. BIBLIOGRAPHY 102

Lyons J Semantics, Cambridge University Press,

Cambridge, 1977, 2 Vols.

Muslim A A Al-Jami" ~-Sahi7b Translation by A H

Siddiqi, Ashraf Printing Press, 1981, 4 Vols.

Nicholson R A A Literary History of the Arabs, Cambridge

University Press, 1985.

Nida EA The Theory and Practice of Translation, Brill,

Leiden, 1982.

Noldeke I Geschichte de Qorans, Dietetich'schen,

Verlagsbuchhandlung Leipzig, 1909, 3 Vols.

Nolin K The Itqan and its Sources - A study ofal-Itqan

fi CUlam al-Qur'an by Jalal ai-Din al-Suyat]

with special referenceto al-Burhan fi CUlam al­

Qur'dn by Badr al-Dln al-Zarkash], (Phd)

Hartford, 1968.

Oettinger A G Automatic Language Translation, Harvard

University Press, Cambridge, 1960.

Rippin A Approaches to the History of the Interpretation

of the Quran, Claredon Press Oxford, 1988.

Sartain EM laltIi ad-Din As-Suyati, Biography and

Background, Cambridge University Press, 1975

A!-Taban AM The Commentary on the Qur'tIn: An abridged

translation oflamCal-bayan Can ta'wil Ay al­

Qur'tIn by J Cooper, Oxford University Press,

1978. BffiLIOGRAPHY 103

Von Denfer A cmam al-Qur'an, An Introduction to the

Sciences of the Qur'an, Islamic Foundation,

Leicester, 1981.

Wansbrough J Quranic Studies: Sources and Method of

Scriptural Interpretation, Oxford University

Press, Oxford 1977.

Watt MM Bell's Introduction to the Qur'an, Edinburgh

University Press, Edinburgh, 1977

WehrH A Dictionary of Modem Written Arabic,

Libraire du Liban Beirut, 1974. APPENDIX 1

APPENDIX 1

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.UJIJ.Jt,J.,-f)~.·~b.....JI~,)~~~Jl'~lc.i:i.i ~\.ol,i,J.J-J1,,:,"; ,jl.l.J 0 ( J..i )• ~~ Jc wl~l ~r: !J".)~ U!I (J~ ) ":I'; ~~ J ~ ~l~\.iJlJ d\..rr-- J\:II Je e:\ \.. lJ~6. ..J1djlSj}I~\.i~~~~,J\).II ~I (...lA:S :"..Jl-t:J~V~J fJucJ!-,:,="~~l~~J.~c.wljJ~jl.)'.i ~~i ~.JJ..JIJ ~~':/I~ ~J ,;81 ~.J J,J:1JlJe~; .Ju.ar,:..iJ.J-n",:,,~ jJ--Ln~\...-w)l:;.I ~,jJJ ~ J..l:...1 \aJ ~) a APPENDIX 3

APPENDIX 3

Books

Al-Burhan fi Munasibat Tartib Suwar, AbU JaCfar bin Az-Zubair

Al-Burhan fi CuIUm al-Our'an, Badr Ad-Dln az-Zarkhashl

AI-Fada'il al-Our'an, An-Nisa'1,

Al-Fawaid, Ad-Dair CAqUli

Al-Intisar, AbU Baler al-Baqillani

AI-Maghazl, Masa bin CUqba

AI-Mustadrak, Al-Imam al-Hakim

~~ahI.h, Ibn Habban

Bayan 9jaz al-Our'an, Al-Khattabf

Fadail al-Our'an, Ibn Ad-Durais

Fath aI-Ban, Ibn Hajar

Jamal al-Ourra', As-Sakhawi

Kitab al-Masahif, Ibn Ashta

Kitab al-Masahif, As-Sajastani

KiUlb al-Masahif, AbO Dawnd

Kitab Fahm as-Sunan, Al-Harith- --al-Muhasibi Musnad, Imam Ahmad

Muwatta, Ibn Wahb

SahIh Muslim, Imam Muslim

SahIh al-Bukhan, Isma'9:t Bukharl

Sharh as-Sunna a~-Sahaba, Al-Baghawf APPENDIX 3

Sunan Abi Dawtid, Abii Dawnd as-Sajastani

Sunan Baihaqi, Al-Baihaqi

Sunnan at-Tirmidhi, At-Tirmidhi

Authors

Abii Shama

Al-Tabrllni

Ibn at-Tin

Ibn al-Ha§nr

Makki

y APPENDIX 4

APPENDIX 4

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