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Wealth, Poverty, and Vocation in the Life and Times of Claude-François Poullart Des Places Jotham Parsons Ph.D

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Wealth, Poverty, and Vocation in the Life and Times of Claude-François Poullart Des Places Jotham Parsons Ph.D Spiritan Horizons Volume 4 | Issue 4 Article 9 Fall 2009 Wealth, Poverty, and Vocation in the Life and Times of Claude-François Poullart des Places Jotham Parsons Ph.D. Follow this and additional works at: https://dsc.duq.edu/spiritan-horizons Part of the Catholic Studies Commons Recommended Citation Parsons, J. (2009). Wealth, Poverty, and Vocation in the Life and Times of Claude-François Poullart des Places. Spiritan Horizons, 4 (4). Retrieved from https://dsc.duq.edu/spiritan-horizons/vol4/iss4/9 This Soundings is brought to you for free and open access by Duquesne Scholarship Collection. It has been accepted for inclusion in Spiritan Horizons by an authorized editor of Duquesne Scholarship Collection. Horizons Wealth, Poverty, and Vocation in the Life and Times of Jotham Parsons, Claude-François Poullart des Ph.D. Places Jotham Parsons received his Ph.D. from Johns Hopkins Pierre Thomas (1687–1751) was one of the earliest University and is currently companions of Claude-François Poullart des Places (1679– associate professor of history 1709), and was his first biographer. His account of the founder at Duquesne University, where of the Congregation of the Holy Spirit’s life dwells on two things: he has taught since 2003. He is the author of The Church in the struggle against worldly ambition that brought Poullart des the Republic: Gallicanism and Places to his vocation, and the self-abnegation that he embraced Political Ideology in Renaissance once he had entered into that vocation. His experience of poverty France (2005), as well as a summed up both of these strands: number of articles on various aspects of the culture and Before his conversion, M. des Places would not have found the politics of early modern France. He is completing a study of allowance that [his father] gave him enough for his own needs; money, governance, and society once converted, he found it enough for himself and for seeing in sixteenth-century France. to the needs of many others, so ingenious does charity joined to the spirit of mortification make one at finding even in one’s necessities a kind of surplus to give to the poor. He hoped one day to see himself stripped of everything after having given everything away, and to live only from alms.1 Thomas considered this conversion from worldly wealth to spiritual poverty exemplary, a guarantee both of the founder’s personal religious progress and of the foundation’s roots in divine rather than human will. But Thomas would not have been alone in his day, for he echoed concerns that both he and Claude- François would have encountered many times in their youth. In the final decades of the Sun King’s reign, many French men undoubtedly entered into Holy Orders with little serious reflection, merely because it seemed to them or their families to be the easiest or most advantageous of the careers open to them. “People enter Holy Orders on their own whim,” according to one particularly severe commentator, “and look on them as steps to climb up, to get to the jobs to which their ambition draws them. They pursue the most important ecclesiastical dignities, and use all their credit, and that of their relatives and friends to get them; sometimes, they even make use of very shameful tactics.”2 This, however, was not the way it was supposed to be. The plentiful and widely-read French moral and devotional litera- ture of the years around 1700 made it clear that any vocation in 35 Jotham Parsons, Ph.D. life, and particularly a religious vocation, was only to be entered into in the most serious and disinterested spirit, consulting the promptings only of God, nature, and one’s spiritual director.3 It is of course almost impossible to say how many people took this advice, but some surely did, and the available evidence strongly suggests that Claude-François Poullart des Places was among them. Looking at his career in light of contemporary religious culture can help to fill in some of the many gaps in our under- standing of the Spiritans’ earliest history.4 It suggests, in particu- lar, that Thomas was right in believing that des Places was led to his particular vocation in part by his complex relationship to the way wealth and social standing operated in his society. In 1700, France was a In 1700, France was a deeply Catholic country; more so, deeply Catholic country; probably, than it ever had been before or ever would be again.5 more so, probably, than Over a century of enthusiasm, spiritual and mystical develop- it ever had been before or ment, and institution-building had produced an exceptionally active and engaged Christianity, shared by a broad elite and in- ever would be again.5 creasingly integrating the longstanding piety of the rural and, to a lesser extent, the urban poor. Protestantism, outlawed with the 1685 revocation of the Edict of Nantes, was hardly even a marginal force. If 1700 marked a high point, though, one would ...the seeds of decline were expect that the seeds of decline were already germinating, and already germinating... indeed this was the case. The victory over Calvinism would prove pyrrhic, identifying the Church with bigotry and repression rath- er than any more Evangelical qualities; more immediately, the Jansenist controversy, which had been going on for more than a generation, had begun to inflict serious damage. It would lead to schism in the Netherlands in 1706. In France the schism was spiritual rather than organizational, but no less real for all that, and rather than taking sides the French public was beginning to become disgusted with the entire enterprise of Catholic theology. And the proliferation of mystics and mystical theory that had characterized the century was also giving way to a backlash, most dramatically in the campaign against the “quietism” of Miguel de Molinos and Mme. Guyon, and against its most prominent French defender, François de la Mothe Fénelon, whose advocacy was condemned by a papal bull in 1699. Given even this very abbreviated catalogue of issues, it is no wonder that a serious and pious young Catholic Frenchman coming of age in the years around 1700 would feel a combi- nation of elation and anxiety at the prospects for his religion. Even for the most pious, though, other aspects of the contem- porary situation would also have seemed enormously significant. In particular, if the seventeenth century had been good for the 36 Horizons Gallican Church, it had been very bad for the French economy, which had stagnated at best since about 1620; and if the dawning eighteenth century promised religious difficulties, it threatened economic disaster as harvests failed and Louis XIV’s long series Seventeenth-century of increasingly costly and increasingly unsuccessful wars came to its climax in the War of the Spanish Succession (1701–1714). France boasted one of Seventeenth-century France boasted one of the least egalitarian the least egalitarian societies the West has ever known, but by the end of the century societies the West has ever even French elites had become concerned by the levels of poverty known... and inequality they were seeing. Their concern was heightened by the fact that much of that elite had obtained its wealth and its status as officials and nobles in ways that were widely seen as more or less illegitimate: through participation in the oppressive, opaque, and corrupt world of the royal finances, and through the purchase of royal offices.6 François Poullart des Places, Claude- François’ father, was a wealthy financier who hoped (as Thomas very plausibly has it) to claim or reclaim noble status by purchas- ing a royal office for his talented son.7 As he considered his vocation, then, Claude-François did so from the perspective of the son of a rich but socially inse- ...the perplexities of the cure man in an increasingly impoverished society. He would not rich Christian were a have lacked for advice concerning the dilemmas he faced; the popular subject of pious perplexities of the rich Christian were a popular subject of pious literature... literature, partly for the purely commercial reason that the rich were likely to buy advice books, but partly for the more profound one that much of the French Catholic elite naturally came from the wealthy classes and had a personal interest in their spiritual problems. By the end of the seventeenth century the medieval impulse to condemn wealth out of hand, always somewhat mar- ginal, had almost completely vanished, but Claude-François would still have found plenty of warnings against its dangers, and much encouragement towards some level of voluntary poverty. His Jesuit mentors, not generally known for fleeing the world, cherished the memory of Pierre Lallement (1587–1635), who “loved poverty, which the world usually avoids. As soon as he un- dertook to follow Jesus Christ, he wanted for his own use only those things that were absolutely necessary, and the nastiest, oldest, and least comfortable ones in the community.”8 A more contemporary figure, very influential in the field of ecclesiastical education in Paris, was the Oratorian Louis Thom- assin (1619–1695). At his funeral, his pastor “announced some- thing he had had to keep secret until then, that every year Fr. Tho- massin gave him half of his thousand-pound pension for the poor.” And he had “other virtues that he hid no less carefully. Though he 37 Jotham Parsons, Ph.D. was fastidious by nature, he loved poverty in his clothing, his furni- ture, and everything to do with himself; and he would have preferred never to witness the distinction that the dignities of some of his family gave them in the world.”9 Thomassin’s family was indeed distinguished, dominating the robe nobility in Provence.
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