DOCSLIB.ORG

Revolution in Rojava: Democratic Autonomy and Women's

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

Revolution in Rojava Revolution in Rojava Democratic Autonomy and Women’s Liberation in Syrian Kurdistan Michael Knapp, Anja Flach, and Ercan Ayboğa Foreword by David Graeber Afterword by Asya Abdullah Translated by Janet Biehl First published 2016 by Pluto Press 345 Archway Road, London N6 5AA www.plutobooks.com Copyright © Michael Knapp, Anja Flach and Ercan Ayboğa 2016 The right of Michael Knapp, Anja Flach and Ercan Ayboğa to be identified as the authors of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978 0 7453 3664 0 Hardback ISBN 978 0 7453 3659 6 Paperback ISBN 978 1 7837 1987 7 PDF eBook ISBN 978 1 7837 1989 1 Kindle eBook ISBN 978 1 7837 1988 4 EPUB eBook This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. Logging, pulping and manufacturing processes are expected to conform to the environmental standards of the country of origin. Typeset by Stanford DTP Services, Northampton, England Simultaneously printed in the United Kingdom and United States of America Contents List of Figures ix Translator’s Note xi Foreword by David Graeber xii Introduction xxiii Prologue: On the Road to Til Koçer xxviii 1. Background 1 1.1 Geography of Rojava 2 1.2 Historical Overview 9 2. Rojava’s Diverse Cultures 18 2.1 Kurds 18 2.2 Arabs 22 2.3 Armenians and Syriacs 26 2.4 Smaller Population Groups 32 3. Democratic Confederalism 36 3.1 The PKK and Its Paradigm Shift 36 3.2 Democratic Confederalism 39 3.3 Council Democracy 41 3.4 Democratic Concepts 43 4. The Liberation 47 4.1 Organizing Begins 47 4.2 The Arab Spring in Syria 49 4.3 Illegal Councils 51 4.4 The Hewlêr Agreement 53 4.5 The Revolution Begins in Kobanî 54 4.6 The Liberation of Dêrîk and Afrîn 55 4.7 After the Liberation 57 5. A Women’s Revolution 61 5.1 Rojava Women 62 5.2 Women in the Revolution 63 5.3 Kongreya Star 64 revolution in rojava 5.4 Women in the Three Cantons 67 5.5 Dual Leadership and the 40 Percent Quota 69 5.6 Women’s Organizations 70 5.7 Gender Equality Is Also a Men’s Issue 76 5.8 Radical Islam Versus Women’s Emancipation 77 5.9 Outlook 79 6. Democratic Autonomy in Rojava 84 6.1 The Democratic Union Party (PYD) 84 6.2 The People’s Council of West Kurdistan (MGRK) 85 6.3 The MGRK System 87 6.4 The Commune of Aleppo 95 6.5 The Supreme Kurdish Council (SKC) 103 6.6 The Municipal Administrations 104 6.7 The Social Contract 109 6.8 The Democratic-Autonomous Administrations (DAAs) 114 6.9 The Federal System in Rojava/Northern Syria (FRNS) 116 6.10 The MGRK and the DAAs 118 7. Civil Society Associations 122 7.1 Union of Civil Society Associations 124 7.2 Culture and Art 126 7.3 The Revolutionary Youth Movement 126 7.4 Association of Families of Martyrs 128 7.5 Human Rights Commission 129 7.6 Civil Society Organizing 130 8. Defense: The Theory of the Rose 133 8.1 People’s Protection Units (YPG) 133 8.2 Women’s Protection Units (YPJ) 135 8.3 Legitimate Self-defense 139 8.4 The Liberation of Serêkaniyê 140 8.5 The Liberation of Til Koçer 146 8.6 Training and Induction 148 8.7 Equipment, Units, and Tactics 152 8.8 Serêkaniyê Today 153 8.9 The Liberation of Girê Spî and Şengal 154 8.10 The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) 156 8.11 The Significance of the YPG and YPJ 158 vi contents 9. The New Justice System 164 9.1 Structure 165 9.2 Peace Committees 168 9.3 Procedures 168 9.4 Justice Platforms 170 9.4 Asayîş 171 10. The Democratization of Education 175 10.1 Before and After the Revolution 176 10.2 Reconstruction and Pedagogy 178 10.3 The Academy for Kurdish Language, History, and Literature (AZDW) 179 10.4 Academies 181 10.4 Outlook 183 11. Health Care 185 11.1 Before and After the Liberation 185 11.2 Health Assemblies 186 11.3 Challenges 188 11.2 Health Assemblies and the DAAs 189 12. The Social Economy 192 12.1 Under Ba’ath Colonization 192 12.2 Effects of the Liberation 194 12.3 The Embargo 195 12.4 The Social Economy 197 12.5 Cooperatives 199 12.6 Control of Production 204 12.7 Expanding the Cooperatives 205 12.8 The Challenges Ahead 207 13. Ecological Challenges 211 13.1 The Destruction of Biodiversity 212 13.2 Water Crisis 214 13.3 Waste Disposal 217 13.4 Air Pollution 219 13.5 Petroleum Production 219 13.6 Outlook 220 vii revolution in rojava 14. Neighbors 222 14.1 The Islamization of the Syrian Opposition 222 14.2 Islamic State (IS) 227 14.3 The Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) 231 14.4 Turkey Under the AKP 234 14.5 Democratic Autonomy in North Kurdistan 238 14.6 Turkmen Militias 241 14.7 The SDF and the Jihadists 243 15. Prospects 250 15.1 Rojava and Hegemonic Powers 250 15.2 Solutions Within Syria 254 15.3 International Solidarity 256 15.4 Communalism or Barbarism 259 Afterword: The Philosophy of Democratic Autonomy 262 Asya Abdullah Glossary 268 About the Authors 272 Index 273 viii List of Figures P.1 A house bombed to rubble in Tirbespî xxx 1.1 Rojava’s three cantons: Afrîn, Kobanî, and Cizîrê 3 2.1 Members of an Arab unit at Til Koçer 24 2.2 A Syriac priest blesses MFS fighters, Christmas 2014 in Dêrîk 31 5.1 A Kongreya Star Assembly, Dêrîk 65 5.2 Dual leadership: The co-mayors of Serêkaniyê 70 5.3 Conference of Young Revolutionary Women, May 2014, in Rimelan 73 5.4 A women’s demonstration in Qamişlo 79 6.1 A meeting of a neighborhood people’s council in Dêrîk 89 6.2 A meeting of the people’s council of Qamişlo district 90 6.3 The MGRK council system 92 6.4 The martyrs of the Qamişlo city hall 106 6.5 A TEV-DEM meeting in Kobanî in 2015 118 7.1 Memorial day for martyrs 129 8.1 A YPJ and YPG muster 134 8.2 YPG and YPJ fighters at Serêkaniyê 135 8.3 A Syriac YPJ fighter at Serêkaniyê 136 8.4 Hevala Melsa, of the YPJ, at Serêkaniyê 143 8.5 The ruined village of Keşte, near Til Xelef, May 2014. The inhabitants are returning only twenty days after the YPG/YPJ liberated the village 144 8.6 A mobile YPJ unit at Til Koçer 147 8.7 A student at the Şehîd Şîlan Women’s Military Academy 149 8.8 An Arab YPJ fighter undergoing officer training at the Sehîd Jînda Academy 151 9.1 Guards at a courthouse in Dêrîk 165 9.2 Asayîsa Jin, women’s security force, at a checkpoint in Tirbespî 174 10.1 Kurdish-language instruction in Serêkaniyê 175 11.1 Inside a hospital in Dêrîk 186 ix revolution in rojava 11.2 A team from Heyva Sor (Kurdish Red Crescent) coping with shortages 188 12.1 Oil, wheat, and animal husbandry in Cizîrê 193 12.2 A sewing cooperative in Rimelan 201 13.1 Urban gardening at the economics ministry in Dêrîk 213 14.1 Celebration of YPG/YPJ fighters in Kobanî in October 2015 230 14.2 Syriacs join a demonstration against the ditch dug by the KPD to reinforce the embargo 232 14.3 Discovery in a former IS training camp: the inscription says “Saudi Arabia and Turkey Hand in Hand.” 236 14.4 The war front as of July 31, 2016 244 15.1 Civilians and YPG/YPJ fighters in a pickup after a demonstration 259 x Translator’s Note Revolution in Rojava, the first full book to appear on the democratic, gender-equal, cooperative revolution under way in northern Syria, was originally published in German in March 2015 by VSA Verlag. This English version began as a direct translation, but over the course of 16 months, it has been extensively revised and updated, so that in many respects it is a new book. I would like to thank Pluto Press for editorial support and for bringing the book to the wide audience it deserves; Sherko Geylani, for early help with translation; and New Compass Press for solidarity. Janet Biehl xi Foreword David Graeber Even many ostensible revolutionaries nowadays seem to have secretly abandoned the idea that a revolution is actually possible. Here I am using “revolution” in its classical sense, let’s say: the overthrow of an existing structure of power and the ruling class it supports by a popular uprising of some sort, and its replacement by new forms of bottom-up popular organization. For most of the twentieth century this was not the case: even those revolutionaries who hated the Bolsheviks, for example, supported the revolution itself, even popular uprisings that came to be led by ethno-nationalists were not simply condemned if they were seen to be genuinely popular. There was an obvious reason for this. For most of that time, revolutionaries felt that, whatever temporary complications, history was flowing inevitably in the direction of greater equality and freedom. Those rising up to shake off some form of tyranny, however temporarily confused or distracted, were clearly the agents of that greater movement of liberation.
Recommended publications
  • Oral Update of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic

    Oral Update of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic

    Distr.: General 18 March 2014 Original: English Human Rights Council Twenty-fifth session Agenda item 4 Human rights situations that require the Council’s attention Oral Update of the independent international commission of inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic 1 I. Introduction 1. The harrowing violence in the Syrian Arab Republic has entered its fourth year, with no signs of abating. The lives of over one hundred thousand people have been extinguished. Thousands have been the victims of torture. The indiscriminate and disproportionate shelling and aerial bombardment of civilian-inhabited areas has intensified in the last six months, as has the use of suicide and car bombs. Civilians in besieged areas have been reduced to scavenging. In this conflict’s most recent low, people, including young children, have starved to death. 2. Save for the efforts of humanitarian agencies operating inside Syria and along its borders, the international community has done little but bear witness to the plight of those caught in the maelstrom. Syrians feel abandoned and hopeless. The overwhelming imperative is for the parties, influential states and the international community to work to ensure the protection of civilians. In particular, as set out in Security Council resolution 2139, parties must lift the sieges and allow unimpeded and safe humanitarian access. 3. Compassion does not and should not suffice. A negotiated political solution, which the commission has consistently held to be the only solution to this conflict, must be pursued with renewed vigour both by the parties and by influential states. Among victims, the need for accountability is deeply-rooted in the desire for peace.
  • Offensive Against the Syrian City of Manbij May Be the Beginning of a Campaign to Liberate the Area Near the Syrian-Turkish Border from ISIS

    Offensive Against the Syrian City of Manbij May Be the Beginning of a Campaign to Liberate the Area Near the Syrian-Turkish Border from ISIS

    June 23, 2016 Offensive against the Syrian City of Manbij May Be the Beginning of a Campaign to Liberate the Area near the Syrian-Turkish Border from ISIS Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) fighters at the western entrance to the city of Manbij (Fars, June 18, 2016). Overview 1. On May 31, 2016, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), a Kurdish-dominated military alliance supported by the United States, initiated a campaign to liberate the northern Syrian city of Manbij from ISIS. Manbij lies west of the Euphrates, about 35 kilometers (about 22 miles) south of the Syrian-Turkish border. In the three weeks since the offensive began, the SDF forces, which number several thousand, captured the rural regions around Manbij, encircled the city and invaded it. According to reports, on June 19, 2016, an SDF force entered Manbij and occupied one of the key squares at the western entrance to the city. 2. The declared objective of the ground offensive is to occupy Manbij. However, the objective of the entire campaign may be to liberate the cities of Manbij, Jarabulus, Al-Bab and Al-Rai, which lie to the west of the Euphrates and are ISIS strongholds near the Turkish border. For ISIS, the loss of the area is liable to be a severe blow to its logistic links between the outside world and the centers of its control in eastern Syria (Al-Raqqah), Iraq (Mosul). Moreover, the loss of the region will further 112-16 112-16 2 2 weaken ISIS's standing in northern Syria and strengthen the military-political position and image of the Kurdish forces leading the anti-ISIS ground offensive.
  • SYRIAN ARAB REPUBLIC IDP Movements December 2020 IDP (Wos) Task Force

    SYRIAN ARAB REPUBLIC IDP Movements December 2020 IDP (Wos) Task Force

    SYRIAN ARAB REPUBLIC IDP Movements December 2020 IDP (WoS) Task Force December 2020 updates Governorate summary 19K In December 2020, the humanitarian community tracked some 43,000 IDP Aleppo 17K movements across Syria, similar to numbers tracked in November. As in 25K preceding months, most IDP movements were concentrated in northwest 21K Idleb 13K Syria, with 92 percent occurring within and between Aleppo and Idleb 15K governorates. 800 Ar-Raqqa 800 At the sub-district level, Dana in Idleb governorate and Ghandorah, Bulbul and 800 Sharan in Aleppo governorate each received around 2,800 IDP movements in 443 Lattakia 380 December. Afrin sub-district in Aleppo governorate received around 2,700 830 movements while Maaret Tamsrin sub-district in Idleb governorate and Raju 320 Tartous 230 71% sub-district in Aleppo governorate each received some 2,500 IDP movements. 611 of IDP arrivals At the community level, Tal Aghbar - Tal Elagher community in Aleppo 438 occurred within Hama 43 governorate received the largest number of displaced people, with around 350 governorate 2,000 movements in December, followed by some 1,000 IDP movements 245 received by Afrin community in Aleppo governorate. Around 800 IDP Homs 105 122 movements were received by Sheikh Bahr community in Aleppo governorate 0 Deir-ez-Zor and Ar-Raqqa city in Ar-Raqqa governorate, and Lattakia city in Lattakia 0 IDPs departure from governorate 290 n governorate, Koknaya community in Idleb governorate and Azaz community (includes displacement from locations within 248 governorate and to outside) in Aleppo governorate each received some 600 IDP movements this month.
  • The Potential for an Assad Statelet in Syria

    The Potential for an Assad Statelet in Syria

    THE POTENTIAL FOR AN ASSAD STATELET IN SYRIA Nicholas A. Heras THE POTENTIAL FOR AN ASSAD STATELET IN SYRIA Nicholas A. Heras policy focus 132 | december 2013 the washington institute for near east policy www.washingtoninstitute.org The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessar- ily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. MAPS Fig. 1 based on map designed by W.D. Langeraar of Michael Moran & Associates that incorporates data from National Geographic, Esri, DeLorme, NAVTEQ, UNEP- WCMC, USGS, NASA, ESA, METI, NRCAN, GEBCO, NOAA, and iPC. Figs. 2, 3, and 4: detail from The Tourist Atlas of Syria, Syria Ministry of Tourism, Directorate of Tourist Relations, Damascus. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publica- tion may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2013 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Digitally rendered montage incorporating an interior photo of the tomb of Hafez al-Assad and a partial view of the wheel tapestry found in the Sheikh Daher Shrine—a 500-year-old Alawite place of worship situated in an ancient grove of wild oak; both are situated in al-Qurdaha, Syria. Photographs by Andrew Tabler/TWI; design and montage by 1000colors.
  • Policy Notes for the Trump Notes Administration the Washington Institute for Near East Policy ■ 2018 ■ Pn55

    Policy Notes for the Trump Notes Administration the Washington Institute for Near East Policy ■ 2018 ■ Pn55

    TRANSITION 2017 POLICYPOLICY NOTES FOR THE TRUMP NOTES ADMINISTRATION THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY ■ 2018 ■ PN55 TUNISIAN FOREIGN FIGHTERS IN IRAQ AND SYRIA AARON Y. ZELIN Tunisia should really open its embassy in Raqqa, not Damascus. That’s where its people are. —ABU KHALED, AN ISLAMIC STATE SPY1 THE PAST FEW YEARS have seen rising interest in foreign fighting as a general phenomenon and in fighters joining jihadist groups in particular. Tunisians figure disproportionately among the foreign jihadist cohort, yet their ubiquity is somewhat confounding. Why Tunisians? This study aims to bring clarity to this question by examining Tunisia’s foreign fighter networks mobilized to Syria and Iraq since 2011, when insurgencies shook those two countries amid the broader Arab Spring uprisings. ©2018 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY ■ NO. 30 ■ JANUARY 2017 AARON Y. ZELIN Along with seeking to determine what motivated Evolution of Tunisian Participation these individuals, it endeavors to reconcile estimated in the Iraq Jihad numbers of Tunisians who actually traveled, who were killed in theater, and who returned home. The find- Although the involvement of Tunisians in foreign jihad ings are based on a wide range of sources in multiple campaigns predates the 2003 Iraq war, that conflict languages as well as data sets created by the author inspired a new generation of recruits whose effects since 2011. Another way of framing the discussion will lasted into the aftermath of the Tunisian revolution. center on Tunisians who participated in the jihad fol- These individuals fought in groups such as Abu Musab lowing the 2003 U.S.
  • 45 the RESURRECTION of SYRIAN KURDISH POLITICS by Ro

    45 the RESURRECTION of SYRIAN KURDISH POLITICS by Ro

    THE RESURRECTION OF SYRIAN KURDISH POLITICS By Rodi Hevian* This article examines the current political landscape of the Kurdish region in Syria, the role the Kurds have played in the ongoing Syrian civil war, and intra-Kurdish relations. For many years, the Kurds in Syria were Iraqi Kurdistan to Afrin in the northwest on subjected to discrimination at the hands of the the Turkish border. This article examines the Ba’th regime and were stripped of their basic current political landscape of the Kurdish rights.1 During the 1960s and 1970s, some region in Syria, the role the Kurds have played Syrian Kurds were deprived of citizenship, in the ongoing conflict, and intra-Kurdish leaving them with no legal status in the relations. country.2 Although Syria was a key player in the modern Kurdish struggle against Turkey and Iraq, its policies toward the Kurds there THE KURDS IN SYRIA were in many cases worse than those in the neighboring countries. On the one hand, the It is estimated that there are some 3 million Asad regime provided safe haven for the Kurds in Syria, constituting 13 percent of Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and the Syria’s 23 million inhabitants. They mostly Kurdish movements in Iraq fighting Saddam’s occupy the northern part of the country, a regime. On the other hand, it cracked down on region that borders with Iraqi Kurdistan to the its own Kurds in the northern part of the east and Turkey to the north and west. There country. Kurdish parties, Kurdish language, are also some major districts in Aleppo and Kurdish culture and Kurdish names were Damascus that are populated by the Kurds.
  • BREAD and BAKERY DASHBOARD Northwest Syria Bread and Bakery Assistance 12 MARCH 2021

    BREAD and BAKERY DASHBOARD Northwest Syria Bread and Bakery Assistance 12 MARCH 2021

    BREAD AND BAKERY DASHBOARD Northwest Syria Bread and Bakery Assistance 12 MARCH 2021 ISSUE #7 • PAGE 1 Reporting Period: DECEMBER 2020 Lower Shyookh Turkey Turkey Ain Al Arab Raju 92% 100% Jarablus Syrian Arab Sharan Republic Bulbul 100% Jarablus Lebanon Iraq 100% 100% Ghandorah Suran Jordan A'zaz 100% 53% 100% 55% Aghtrin Ar-Ra'ee Ma'btali 52% 100% Afrin A'zaz Mare' 100% of the Population Sheikh Menbij El-Hadid 37% 52% in NWS (including Tell 85% Tall Refaat A'rima Abiad district) don’t meet the Afrin 76% minimum daily need of bread Jandairis Abu Qalqal based on the 5Ws data. Nabul Al Bab Al Bab Ain al Arab Turkey Daret Azza Haritan Tadaf Tell Abiad 59% Harim 71% 100% Aleppo Rasm Haram 73% Qourqeena Dana AleppoEl-Imam Suluk Jebel Saman Kafr 50% Eastern Tell Abiad 100% Takharim Atareb 73% Kwaires Ain Al Ar-Raqqa Salqin 52% Dayr Hafir Menbij Maaret Arab Harim Tamsrin Sarin 100% Ar-Raqqa 71% 56% 25% Ein Issa Jebel Saman As-Safira Maskana 45% Armanaz Teftnaz Ar-Raqqa Zarbah Hadher Ar-Raqqa 73% Al-Khafsa Banan 0 7.5 15 30 Km Darkosh Bennsh Janudiyeh 57% 36% Idleb 100% % Bread Production vs Population # of Total Bread / Flour Sarmin As-Safira Minimum Needs of Bread Q4 2020* Beneficiaries Assisted Idleb including WFP Programmes 76% Jisr-Ash-Shugur Ariha Hajeb in December 2020 0 - 99 % Mhambal Saraqab 1 - 50,000 77% 61% Tall Ed-daman 50,001 - 100,000 Badama 72% Equal or More than 100% 100,001 - 200,000 Jisr-Ash-Shugur Idleb Ariha Abul Thohur Monthly Bread Production in MT More than 200,000 81% Khanaser Q4 2020 Ehsem Not reported to 4W’s 1 cm 3720 MT Subsidized Bread Al Ma'ra Data Source: FSL Cluster & iMMAP *The represented percentages in circles on the map refer to the availability of bread by calculating Unsubsidized Bread** Disclaimer: The Boundaries and names shown Ma'arrat 0.50 cm 1860 MT the gap between currently produced bread and bread needs of the population at sub-district level.
  • Rojavadevrimi+Full+75Dpi.Pdf

    Rojavadevrimi+Full+75Dpi.Pdf

    Kitaba ilişkin bilinmesi gerekenler Elinizdeki kitabın orijinali 2014 ve 2015 yıllarında Almanca dilinde üç yazar tarafından yazıldı ve Rosa Lüksemburg Vakfı’nın desteğiyle “VSA Verlag” adlı yayınevi tarafından Almanya’da yayınlandı. 2018 yılında Almanca dilinde 4. baskısı güncellenip basılarak önemli ilgi gören bu kitap, 2016 Ekim ayında “Pluto Press” adlı yayınevi tarafından İngilizce dilinde Birleşik Krallık ‘ta yayınlandı. Bu kitabın İngilizce çevirisi ABD’de yaşayan yazar ve aktivist Janet Biehl tarafından yapıldı ve sonrasında üç yazar tarafından 2016 ilkbaharında güncellendi. En başından beri kitabın Türkçe dilinde de basılıp yayınlanası için bir planlama yapıldı. Bu amaçla bir grup gönüllü İngilizce versiyonu temel alarak Türkçe çevirisini yaptı. Türkiye’deki siyasal gelişme ve zorluklardan dolayı gecikmeler ortaya çıkınca yazarlar kitabın basılmasını 2016 yılından daha ileri bir tarihe alma kararını aldı. Bu sırada tekrar Rojava’ya giden yazarlar, elde ettikleri bilgilerle Türkçe çeviriyi doğrudan Türkçe dilinde 2017 ve 2018 yıllarında güncelleyip genişletti. Bu gelişmelere redaksiyon çalışmaları da eklenince kitabın Türkçe dilinde yayınlanması 2018 yılında olması gerekirken 2019 yılına sarktı. 2016 yılından beri kitap ayrıca Farsça, Rusça, Yunanca, İtalyanca, İsveççe, Polonca, Slovence, İspanyolca dillerine çevrilip yayınlandı. Arapça ve Kürtçe çeviriler devam etmektedir. Kitap Ağustos 2019’da yayınlandı. Ancak kitapta en son Eylül 2018’de içeriksel güncellenmeler yapıldı. 2018 yazın durum ve atmosferine göre yazıldı. Kitapta kullanılan resimlerde eğer kaynak belirtilmemişse, resimler yazarlara aittir. Aksi durumda her resmin altında resimlerin sahibi belirtilmektedir. Kapaktaki resim Rojava’da kurulmuş kadın köyü Jinwar’ı göstermekte ve Özgür Rojava Kadın Vakfı’na (WJAR) aittir. Bu kitap herhangi bir yayınevi tarafından yayınlanmamaktadır. Herkes bu kitaba erişimde serbesttir. Kitabı elektronik ve basılı olarak istediğiniz gibi yayabilirsiniz, ancak bu kitaptan gelir ve para elde etmek yazarlar tarafından izin verilmemektedir.
  • Kurdish Institute of Paris Bulletin N° 414 September 2019

    Kurdish Institute of Paris Bulletin N° 414 September 2019

    INSTITUT KURDDE PARIS E Information and liaison bulletin N° 414 SEPTEMBER 2019 The publication of this Bulletin enjoys a subsidy from the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs & Ministry of Culture This bulletin is issued in French and English Price per issue : France: 6 € — Abroad : 7,5 € Annual subscribtion (12 issues) France : 60 € — Elsewhere : 75 € Monthly review Directeur de la publication : Mohamad HASSAN ISBN 0761 1285 INSTITUT KURDE, 106, rue La Fayette - 75010 PARIS Tel. : 01-48 24 64 64 - Fax : 01-48 24 64 66 www.fikp.org E-mail: bulletin@fikp.org Information and liaison bulletin Kurdish Institute of Paris Bulletin N° 414 September 2019 • TURKEY: DESPITE SOME ACQUITTALS, STILL MASS CONVICTIONS.... • TURKEY: MANY DEMONSTRATIONS AFTER FURTHER DISMISSALS OF HDP MAYORS • ROJAVA: TURKEY CONTINUES ITS THREATS • IRAQ: A CONSTITUTION FOR THE KURDISTAN REGION? • IRAN: HIGHLY CONTESTED, THE REGIME IS AGAIN STEPPING UP ITS REPRESSION TURKEY: DESPITE SOME ACQUITTALS, STILL MASS CONVICTIONS.... he Turkish govern- economist. The vice-president of ten points lower than the previ- ment is increasingly the CHP, Aykut Erdoğdu, ous year, with the disagreement embarrassed by the recalled that the Istanbul rate rising from 38 to 48%. On economic situation. Chamber of Commerce had esti- 16, TurkStat published unem- T The TurkStat Statistical mated annual inflation at ployment figures for June: 13%, Institute reported on 2 22.55%. The figure of the trade up 2.8%, or 4,253,000 unem- September that production in the union Türk-İş is almost identical. ployed. For young people aged previous quarter fell by 1.5% HDP MP Garo Paylan ironically 15 to 24, it is 24.8%, an increase compared to the same period in said: “Mr.
  • SYRIA, YEAR 2020: Update on Incidents According to the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) Compiled by ACCORD, 25 March 2021

    SYRIA, YEAR 2020: Update on Incidents According to the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) Compiled by ACCORD, 25 March 2021

    SYRIA, YEAR 2020: Update on incidents according to the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) compiled by ACCORD, 25 March 2021 Number of reported incidents with at least one fatality Number of reported fatalities National borders: GADM, 6 May 2018a; administrative divisions: GADM, 6 May 2018b; incid- ent data: ACLED, 12 March 2021; coastlines and inland waters: Smith and Wessel, 1 May 2015 SYRIA, YEAR 2020: UPDATE ON INCIDENTS ACCORDING TO THE ARMED CONFLICT LOCATION & EVENT DATA PROJECT (ACLED) COMPILED BY ACCORD, 25 MARCH 2021 Contents Conflict incidents by category Number of Number of reported fatalities 1 Number of Number of Category incidents with at incidents fatalities Number of reported incidents with at least one fatality 1 least one fatality Explosions / Remote Conflict incidents by category 2 6187 930 2751 violence Development of conflict incidents from 2017 to 2020 2 Battles 2465 1111 4206 Strategic developments 1517 2 2 Methodology 3 Violence against civilians 1389 760 997 Conflict incidents per province 4 Protests 449 2 4 Riots 55 4 15 Localization of conflict incidents 4 Total 12062 2809 7975 Disclaimer 9 This table is based on data from ACLED (datasets used: ACLED, 12 March 2021). Development of conflict incidents from 2017 to 2020 This graph is based on data from ACLED (datasets used: ACLED, 12 March 2021). 2 SYRIA, YEAR 2020: UPDATE ON INCIDENTS ACCORDING TO THE ARMED CONFLICT LOCATION & EVENT DATA PROJECT (ACLED) COMPILED BY ACCORD, 25 MARCH 2021 Methodology GADM. Incidents that could not be located are ignored. The numbers included in this overview might therefore differ from the original ACLED data.
  • Eine Universität Für Al-Qaida? in Einer Terroristen-Akademie in Einem US

    Eine Universität Für Al-Qaida? in Einer Terroristen-Akademie in Einem US

    Der US-Autor Mike Whitney untersucht die Beteiligung der USA und anderer NATO-Staa- ten an der Bewaffnung und Ausbildung der ISIS-Terroristen. Friedenspolitische Mitteilungen aus der US-Militärregion Kaiserslautern/Ramstein LP 165/14 – 22.10.14 Eine Universität für Al-Qaida? In einer Terroristen-Akademie in einem US-Gefangenenlager im Irak wurden die ISIS-Führer ausgebildet Von Mike Whitney counterpunch, 06.10.14 ( http://www.counterpunch.org/2014/10/06/americas-terrorist-academy-in-iraq-produced-i- sis-leaders/ ) "Seit 2003 haben Großbritannien und die USA mit Al-Qaida verbundenen islamistischen Terroristengruppen im Mittleren Osten und in Afrika heimlich und offen direkte und indi- rekte Unterstützung zukommen lassen. Diese schlecht konzipierte, an Flickwerk erin- nernde Geostrategie ist ein Vermächtnis des ständig wachsenden Einflusses der neo- konservativen Ideologie, die gekennzeichnet ist durch langjährige, aber häufig wider- sprüchliche Bestrebungen, alle regionalen Ölvorkommen zu kontrollieren, durch die Verteidigung des israelischen Expansionsdrangs und durch die sich daraus ergebende Notwendigkeit, die Karte des Mittleren Ostens neu zu zeichnen." – Nafeez Ahmed, "How the West Created the Islamic State" [Wie der Westen den Islamischen Staat ge- schaffen hat, s. unter http://www.counterpunch.org/2014/09/12/how-the-west-create- d-the-islamic-state/ ] "Die USA selbst haben diese Terroristenorganisationen geschaffen. Deshalb haben sie auch nicht die moralische Autorität, eine Koalition gegen den Terrorismus zu bilden." – Hassan Nasralla, Generalsekretär der Hisbollah (s. http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hisbol- lah ) Die Entscheidung der Obama-Regierung, den syrischen Präsidenten Baschar al-Assad zu stürzen, könnte einen regionalen Krieg im Mittleren Osten auslösen, der zu einer Konfron- tation zwischen den beiden rivalisierenden Atommächten Russland und den USA führen könnte.
  • On Track Magazine

    On Track Magazine

    CDA L'Institut Institute de la CAD ~ 1987 ~ THE CONFERENCE OF DEFENCE ASSOCIATIONS INSTITUTE L’INSTITUT DE LA CONFÉRENCE DES ASSOCIATIONS DE LA DÉFENSE EUROPE IN THE GRIP OF TWO CRISES ALSO IN THIS ISSUE WHAT’S WRONG WITH CANADA’S RESERVES? ARCTIC SECURITY: THAW OR RE-FREEZE? LEADERSHIP DECAPITATION AND THE RISE OF ISIL LESSONS FROM PARIS AND BRUSSELS SUMMER 2016 | VOLUME 21, NUMBER 1 ÉTÉ 2016 | VOLUME 21, NUMÉRO 1 VOLUME 21 NUMBER 1: SUMMER / ÉTÉ 2016 CHAIR OF THE BOARD / PRÉSIDENT DU CONSEIL Major-General Daniel Gosselin, CMM, CD (Ret’d) CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER / PRÉSIDENT- DIRECTEUR-GÉNÉRAL Tony Battista EDITOR / RÉDACTEUR Dr. David S. McDonough, PhD CDA Institute / L’Institut de la CAD 151 Slater Street, Suite 412A 151, rue Slater, Suite 412A Ottawa ON K1P 5H3 Phone / Téléphone: (613) 236 9903 Email / Courriel: [email protected] Website / Site Web: www.cdainstitute.ca ON TRACK is published by the CDA Institute. Mission Statement. It is the goal of the CDA Institute to promote informed public debate on security and defence issues and the vital role played by the Canadian Armed Forces in society. It is intended that ON TRACK facilitate this educational mandate by featuring articles that explore security, defence, and strategic issues that may have an impact on Canadian interests and on the safety of its citizens. The views expressed in ON TRACK are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the CDA Institute. ON TRACK est publié par l’Institut de la CAD. Énoncé de mission. L’Institut de la CAD a pour but de non seulement encourager un débat public éclairé à propos des problématiques concernant la sécurité et de défense canadienne, mais aussi de promouvoir le rôle vital joué par les Forces armées canadiennes dans la société.