DOCSLIB.ORG

Introduction John N

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Introduction John N Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-51494-1 - Tudor Books and Readers: Materiality and the Construction of Meaning Edited by John N. King Excerpt More information Introduction John N. King Tudor books and readers: materiality and the construction of meaning inves- tigates connections between the physical construction of books and their 1 reception by readers during the era of the Tudor monarchs (1485–1603). By assessing the trajectory of book production, acquisition and reading across the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, contributions to this collection challenge the conventional fragmentation of an era by scholars who discover binary divisions when they identify watersheds in the 1530s, notably histor- 2 ians concerned with the impact of the English Reformation; or in 1557,by bibliographers and historians of the book who rightly see the foundation of the Company of Stationers during the reign of Mary I as a major point of 3 transition; or 1558, at the death of Mary I and accession of Elizabeth I, where many literary historians have drawn an arbitrary line between the inaptly termed ‘early Tudor’ era, which encompasses the reigns of four 1 Basic sources include ODNB, OED and STC. Cross-references among chapters in this book are indicated in parentheses by the surname of contributors. 2 In English Woodcuts: 1480–1535 (London: Oxford University Press for the Bibliographical Society, 1935), Edward Hodnett limits his census to woodcuts in books printed before 1535 not only because Wynkyn de Worde, Richard Pynson and many of their contemporaries had ceased operation by that date, but also on the basis of the dubious view that ‘no printer working before or after that date issued any new illustrated books of consequence later’ (vi). In actual fact, many woodcuts fell out of use when ‘papist’ books were banned during the 1530s. A cursory examination of entries in Ruth Samson Luborsky and Elizabeth Morley Ingram, A guide to English illustrated books, 1536–1603, 2 vols. (Tempe, AZ: Medieval of Renaissance Texts & Studies, 1998), a magisterial catalogue of illustrations in books printed up to the end of the Elizabethan age, disproves Hodnett’s assertion that Tudor book illustration atrophies after 1535. See also John N. King, English Reformation literature: the Tudor origins of the Protestant tradition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), pp. 462–4. 3 E.g. H. S. Bennett, English books and readers, 1475–1557, being a study in the history of the book trade from Caxton to the incorporation of the Stationers’ Company (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1952) and English books and readers 1558–1603: being a study in the history of the book trade in the reign of Elizabeth I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965); Lotte Hellinga and J. B. Trapp, eds., The Cambridge history of the book in Britain, volume iii: 1400–1557 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999) (hereafter cited as CHBB 3); John Barnard and D. F. McKenzie, eds., The Cambridge history of the book in Britain, volume iv: 1557–1695 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002) (hereafter cited as CHBB 4). 1 © in this web service Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-51494-1 - Tudor Books and Readers: Materiality and the Construction of Meaning Edited by John N. King Excerpt More information 2 john n. king monarchs, and the ‘Elizabethan’ age, despite the fact that the latter’s first and second decades are marked by continuity with pre-existing cultural 4 norms; or circa 1580, by literary critics whose attention to imported Italianate aspects of the ‘golden age’ of Spenser, Sidney, Marlowe and Shakespeare leads them to neglect the vitality and integrity of the pre- 5 existing native tradition. A more plausible scheme for periodization differ- entiates between the ‘long Tudor period’, which is the one that follows the dynastic fortunes of the house of Tudor, and the early (c. 1485–1530), middle 6 (c. 1530–80), and late (c. 1580–1603) Tudor phases that it contains. By investigating the question of what came before and after these putative points of demarcation, chapters in this volume offer a more comprehensive account of Tudor book culture than any comparable vol- ume. The contributors address continuity and change in book production and reading that are rooted in late medieval book culture characteristic of the end of the Yorkist era, on the one hand, but carry over to the genuinely early modern book culture in place when the death of Elizabeth I led to the extinction of the Tudor dynasty (24 March 1603), on the other hand. Although they are arranged in topical rather than chronological order, chapters within this volume chart developments between the foundation of England’s first printing press by William Caxton and the posthumous marketing of folio editions of the works of Edmund Spenser, the epic poet of Tudor England, during the early years of the seventeenth century. The inception of English printing represents a natural point of departure for our consideration of Tudor books and readers, even though it predated the origination of the Tudor dynasty following the Battle of Bosworth Field (22 August 1485). Even though debate swirls about claims that the advent of printing had a revolutionary impact on the production and sale of books 7 and on practices related to reading, it clearly encouraged the growth of literacy and dissemination of books on a scale more massive than previously possible. 4 William A. Ringler, Jr, Bibliography and index of English verse printed 1476–1558 (London and New York: Mansell, 1988) and Bibliography and index of English verse in manuscript 1476–1558 (London and New York: Mansell, 1992); William A. Ringler, Jr, and Steven W. May, Elizabethan poetry: a bibliography and first-line index of English verse, 1559–1603, 3 vols. (New York: Thoemmes Continuum, 2004). 5 C. S. Lewis, English literature in the sixteenth century excluding drama (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1954), pp. 64–5. 6 Michael Pincombe, ‘Introduction: new lamps for old?’ Yearbook of English Studies 38 (2008): 9. 7 See Anthony Grafton, Elizabeth L. Eisenstein and Adrian Johns, ‘AHR Forum: “How revolutionary was the print revolution?”“An unacknowledged revolution revisited”, and “How to acknowledge a revolution”’, American Historical Review 107 (2002): 84–128. © in this web service Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-51494-1 - Tudor Books and Readers: Materiality and the Construction of Meaning Edited by John N. King Excerpt More information Introduction 3 The craft of printing had a belated arrival in the British Isles when Caxton established his printing house at the sign of the Red Pale within the precincts of Westminster circa 1476. A full generation earlier, Johann Gutenberg had begun to print books at Mainz in the early 1450s. Production of his 42-line Bible (c. 1455) has attained iconic status, even though it is inappropriate to think of it as the earliest European book printed with movable type. The technology for printing books on the 8 hand-operated press remained substantially the same for the next 300 years. Printing spread rapidly from Mainz to other cities including Cologne, Basel, Rome and Venice. Having learned the trade of printing in Cologne, Caxton collaborated with Johannes Veldener in establishing the printing press at Bruges on which they produced the earliest extant book printed in the English language, Caxton’s own translation of Raoul Le Fèvre’s Recuyell of the historyes of Troye (1473/4). A unique engraved frontispiece in the copy preserved at the Henry E. Huntington Library portrays a kneeling figure presumably representative of Caxton handing a book to his patroness, 9 Margaret, Duchess of Burgundy. She was the sister of England’s reigning monarch, Edward IV. Returning to England soon after the publication of Le Fèvre’s history of Troy, Caxton established his premises at Westminster, in close proximity to Whitehall Palace, which constituted an ideal location for the marketing of books to aristocrats and courtiers who circulated within the environs of the royal court. Nonetheless, he never received patronage from the Yorkist kings (Hellinga). Although the earliest known example of printing in 10 England is an indulgence, religious material represented a minor compo- nent of his production. This represents a departure from the prevailing practice of Tudor printing as a whole. To a considerable degree, Caxton catered to elite taste for translations of French romances and historical texts that were fashionable at the Burgundian court from which Caxton initially received patronage. Aristocratic fashion presumably determined his selec- tion of works of English poetry, history, romance and other kinds of writing. Folio format dominated fifteenth-century English printing, whereas sixteenth-century printers favoured smaller formats. Because the efficiency of folios made them more cost-effective than smaller formats in the printing 8 I assume that Joseph Moxon’s Mechanick exercises on the whole art of printing (1683–4) provides a reasonably accurate account of printing technology during the hand-press era. 9 Call no. 62222. 10 William Caxton: an exhibition to commemorate the quincentenary of the introduction of printing into England (London: British Library Publications, 1976), p. 38. © in this web service Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-51494-1 - Tudor Books and Readers: Materiality and the Construction of Meaning Edited by John N. King Excerpt More information 4 john n. king of texts of comparable lengths, it seems likely a shift in printing conventions or preferences, rather than economic considerations, led to this transition. One may not assume that quarto editions constitute ‘cheap’ print because printing a given text in quarto format may require as much or more paper than in folio (Dane and Gillespie). Additionally, publication in folio may result in highly cost-efficient books (Galbraith).
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Two Missals Printed for Wynkyn De Worde
    TWO MISSALS PRINTED FOR WYNKYN DE WORDE GEORGE D. PAINTER, DENNIS E. RHODES, AND HOWARD M. NIXON The British Library has recently acquired two important and exceedingly rare editions of the Sarum Missal. These mere produced in Paris m I4gj and i^ii for Wynkyn de Worde and others., and are fully described in the second and third sections of this article. The first section gives a brief general account of the printing of the Sarum Missal for the English market during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. I THE English printers of the fifteenth century seemed curiously reluctant to print the major service-books of their own national liturgy, the rite of Sarum. This apparent disinclination cannot be explained by any lack of a market for such works. The Sarum Missal, above all, was certainly in greater demand than any other single book in pre- Reformation England, for every mass-saying priest and every church or chapel in the land was obliged to own or share a copy for daily use. Yet it is a striking fact that of the twelve known editions of the Sarum Missal during the incunable period all but two were printed abroad, in Paris, Basle, Venice, or Rouen, and imported to England. The cause of this paradoxical abstention was no doubt the inability of English printers to rise to the required magnificence of type-founts and woodcut decoration, and to meet the exceptional technical demands of high-quality red-printing, music printing, and beauty of setting, which were necessary for the chief service-book of the Roman Church in England.
    [Show full text]
  • Latin Books Published in Paris, 1501-1540
    Latin Books Published in Paris, 1501-1540 Sophie Mullins This thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 6 September 2013 1. Candidate’s declarations: I, Sophie Anne Mullins hereby certify that this thesis, which is approximately 76,400 words in length, has been written by me, that it is the record of work carried out by me and that it has not been submitted in any previous application for a higher degree. I was admitted as a research student in September 2007 and as a candidate for the degree of PhD in September 2007; the higher study for which this is a record was carried out in the University of St Andrews between [2007] and 2013. (If you received assistance in writing from anyone other than your supervisor/s): I, …..., received assistance in the writing of this thesis in respect of [language, grammar, spelling or syntax], which was provided by …… Date 2/5/14 signature of candidate ……… 2. Supervisor’s declaration: I hereby certify that the candidate has fulfilled the conditions of the Resolution and Regulations appropriate for the degree of PhD in the University of St Andrews and that the candidate is qualified to submit this thesis in application for that degree. Date 2/5/14 signature of supervisor ……… 3. Permission for electronic publication: (to be signed by both candidate and supervisor) In submitting this thesis to the University of St Andrews I understand that I am giving permission for it to be made available for use in accordance with the regulations of the University Library for the time being in force, subject to any copyright vested in the work not being affected thereby.
    [Show full text]
  • I. a Humanist John Merbecke
    Durham E-Theses Renaissance humanism and John Merbecke's - The booke of Common praier noted (1550) Kim, Hyun-Ah How to cite: Kim, Hyun-Ah (2005) Renaissance humanism and John Merbecke's - The booke of Common praier noted (1550), Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/2767/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 Renaissance Humanism and John Merbecke's The booke of Common praier noted (1550) Hyun-Ah Kim A copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Durham University Department of Music Durham University .2005 m 2001 ABSTRACT Hyun-Ah Kim Renaissance Humanism and John Merbecke's The booke of Common praier noted (1550) Renaissance humanism was an intellectual technique which contributed most to the origin and development of the Reformation.
    [Show full text]
  • The Account Book of a Marian Bookseller, 1553-4
    THE ACCOUNT BOOK OF A MARIAN BOOKSELLER, 1553-4 JOHN N. KING MS. EGERTON 2974, fois. 67-8, preserves in fragmentary form accounts from the day-book of a London stationer who was active during the brief interval between the death on 6 July 1553 of Edward VI, whose regents allowed unprecedented liberty to Protestant authors, printers, publishers, and booksellers, and the reimposition of statutory restraints on publication by the government of Queen Mary. The entries for dates, titles, quantities, paper, and prices make it clear that the leaves come from a bookseller's ledger book. Their record of the articles sold each day at the stationer's shop provides a unique view of the London book trade at an unusually turbulent point in the history of English publishing. Before they came into the holdings of the British Museum, the two paper leaves (fig. i) were removed from a copy of William Alley's The poore mans librarie (1565) that belonged to Thomas Sharpe of Coventry. They are described as having been pasted at the end ofthe volume *as a fly leaf, and after their removal, William Hamper enclosed them as a gift in a letter of 17 March 1810 to the Revd Thomas Frognall Dibdin (MS. Egerton 2974, fois. 62, 64). The leaves are unevenly trimmed, but each measures approximately 376 x 145 mm overall. Because of their format they are now bound separately, but they formed part of a group of letters to Dibdin purchased loose and later bound in the Museum, so they belong together with MS.
    [Show full text]
  • Translation, Early Printing, and Gender in England, 1484-1535
    05fl_23.1_hosington.qxd 2008/11/19 16:00 PM Page 41 Translation, Early Printing, and Gender in England, 1484-1535 Brenda M. Hosington Translation cannot be divorced from the context in which it flourishes, that is, from the linguistic, literary, social, and cultural developments taking place at a given time and in a given setting. Nor can it be fully comprehended without a consideration of certain ideological impulses. One of the socio-cultural developments affecting translation in the years 1484-1535 is the introduction of printing to England. One of the ideological con- cerns in the period also affecting translation is that of gender. Both intersect in the pro- duction of translations concerning women and women’s issues, of which there is a sig- nificant number. These, I think, should be considered against the backdrop of early printing in England, for printers and patrons often had specific agendas in mind, moti- vated by ideological concerns — be they religious, moral, or commercial — which dic- tated not only the choice of texts to be published but also the editorial changes to be made within those texts. As Lotte Hellinga has pointed out, the history of printing reflects two dynamics that are in varying balance — the obvious one that is commercial and borne of the printer’s need to cover expenses and make a profit, and the more complex one that is non-commercial and relates to the power of the printed text to disseminate knowledge, implant new ideas, and so on.1 The first, the commercial aspect, has been an ongoing consideration in the history of print.
    [Show full text]
  • The English Reformation in Image and Print: Cultural Continuity, Disruptions, and Communications in Tudor Art
    University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2010 The English Reformation In Image And Print: Cultural Continuity, Disruptions, And Communications In Tudor Art Jessica Hoeschen University of Central Florida Part of the History Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Hoeschen, Jessica, "The English Reformation In Image And Print: Cultural Continuity, Disruptions, And Communications In Tudor Art" (2010). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 4353. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/4353 THE ENGLISH REFORMATION IN IMAGE AND PRINT: CULTURAL CONTINUITY, DISRUPTIONS, AND COMMUNICATIONS IN TUDOR ART by JESSICA LYNN HOESCHEN B.A. University of Central Florida, 2007 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Humanities at the University of Central Florida Orlando, FL Spring Term 2010 © 2010 Jessica L. Hoeschen ii ABSTRACT In the sixteenth century, Martin Luther‟s Protestant Reformation generated multiple reform movements and political transformations in Europe. Within this general period of reform, political and cultural changes from the Tudor era (1485-1603) created a separate English Reformation. The English Reformation evolved from the different agendas of the early Tudor monarchs and occurred in two distinct waves: an initial, more moderate Henrician Reformation and a later, more complete Edwardian Reformation.
    [Show full text]
  • Love Thy Neighbor
    Love Thy Neighbor An Exhibition Commemorating the Completion of the Episcopal Chapel of St. John the Divine Curated by Christopher D. Cook Urbana The Rare Book & Manuscript Library 2007 Designed and typeset by the curator in eleven-point Garamond Premier Pro using Adobe InDesign CS3 Published online and in print to accompany an exhibition held at The Rare Book & Manuscript Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 16 November 2007 through 12 January 2008 [Print version: ISBN 978-0-9788134-1-3] Copyright © 2007 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois All rights reserved. Published 2007 Manufactured in the United States of America Contents Commendation, The Reverend Timothy J. Hallett 5 Introduction 7 A Brief History of the Book of Common Prayer, Thomas D. Kilton 9 Catalog of the Exhibition Beginnings 11 Embroidered Bindings 19 The Episcopal Church in the United States 21 On Church Buildings 24 Bibliography 27 [blank] Commendation It is perhaps a graceful accident that the Episcopal Chapel of St. John the Divine resides across the street from the University of Illinois Library’s remarkable collection of Anglicana. The Book of Common Prayer and the King James version of the Bible have been at the heart of Anglican liturgies for centuries. Both have also enriched the life and worship of millions of Christians beyond the Anglican Communion. This exhibition makes historic editions of these books accessible to a wide audience. Work on the Chapel has been undertaken not just for Anglicans and Episcopalians, but for the enrichment of the University and of the community, and will make our Church a more accessible resource to all comers.
    [Show full text]
  • A Short History of English Printing : 1476-1900
    J \ Books about Books Edited by A. W. Pollard A Short History of English Printing BOOKS ABOUT BOOKS Edited bv A. W. POLLARD POPULAR RE-ISSUE BOOKS IN MANUSCRIPT. By Falconer Madan, Bodley's Librarian, Oxford. THE BINDING OF BOOKS. By H. P. HORNE. A SHORT HISTORY OF ENGLISH PRINTING. By II. K. Plomer. EARLY ILLUSTRATED BOOKS. By A. W. POLI.ARD. Other volumes in pi-eparatioit. A Short History of English Printing 1476-1900 By Henry R. Plomer London Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibncr & Co., Ltd. Broadway House, 68-74 Carter Lane, E.C, MDCCCCXV I-'irst Edition, 1900 Second (Popular) Edition, 1915 The rights of translation and of reproduction are reserved Editor's Preface When Mr. Plomer consented at my request to write a short history of EngHsh printing which should stop neither at the end of the fifteenth century, nor at the end of the sixteenth century, nor at 1640, but should come down, as best it could, to our ovm day, we were not without appre- hensions that the task might prove one of some difficulty. How difficult it would be we had certainly no idea, or the book would never have been begun, and now that it is Imished I would bespeak the reader's sympathies, on Mr. Plomer 's behalf, that its inevitable shortcomings may be the more generously forgiven. If we look at what has already been written on the subject the diffi- culties will be more easily appreciated. In England, as in other countries, the period in the history of the press which is best known to us is, by the perversity of antiquaries, that which is furthest removed from our own time.
    [Show full text]
  • The Boke of Comforte Agaynste All Trybulacyons an Introductory Study1
    Ágnes Ecsedy The Boke of Comforte Agaynste All Trybulacyons An Introductory Study1 This paper explores the textual history, readership, and the literary and spiritual con- text of The Boke of Comforte Agaynste All Trybulacyons, printed in London around 1505. The Boke is the English version of the Livret des consolacions printed some years earlier in Paris. I propose that the Boke and its French antecedent are the direct descendants of a Latin compilation printed on the Continent, including the works of Jacobus Gruytrodius, Petrus Blesensis, and Isidore of Seville. I also aim to point out the Boke’s stylistic properties and its place in the tradition of English prose. Both this work and its contemporaries (i.e., early printed material from the 16th century) can contribute greatly to our understanding of early Tudor English literature, spirituality, and book culture. “[A] wondir olde boke of lytil quantiti the whiche as to the syghte semed as of none reputacion. .”2 1 Introduction After Wynkyn de Worde had inherited William Caxton’s workshop in Westminster, he soon found that its location was not favourable with respect to business. It was well for Caxton to settle at Westminster, near to his courtly patrons, but for de Worde, whose target clientele consisted chiefly of commoners, Flete Street was a much more advantageous location.3 There he set up his workshop and started his 1. My research on The Boke of Comforte Agaynste Trybulacyons has been carefully super- vised by Prof. Benedek Péter Tóta; a great part of this article owes its being to his support and guidance.
    [Show full text]
  • The Canonical Documents of the Edwardian Church of England, 1547–1553
    chapter 5 Printing for the Reformation: The Canonical Documents of the Edwardian Church of England, 1547–1553 Celyn Richards The Council are always intent upon consolidating the new doctrine by the dissemination of new books François van der Delft, Imperial ambassador in London, to Charles V on 29 May 15471 ∵ The reign of Edward VI ushered in a period of defiant evangelicalism in England. Imperial ambassador François van der Delft wrote to Charles V in worried tones just months into the reign about the surging evangelicalism that followed Edward’s accession. The publication and compulsory provision of new official church documents spearheaded the Edwardian reformation.2 Between 1547 and 1553, the regime introduced five new official publications to be purchased by every parish church in the realm: Archbishop Cranmer’s Homilies and Erasmus’ Paraphrases (31 July 1547), the Order of Communion and the Catechism (8 March 1548), and the Book of Common Prayer (January 1549 and November 1552).3 These publications, along with the Henrician Great 1 Quote taken from Martin A.S. Hume and Royall Tyler (eds.), Calendar of Letters, Despatches and State Papers relating to the negotiations between England and Spain in the Archives of Simancas and Elsewhere (9 vols., London: H.M. Stationery Office, 1862–1912), pp. 90–93. This paper is derived from a doctoral thesis completed at Durham University, funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council, via the Northern Bridge doctoral training partnership and the International Placement Scheme. Research was conducted at the Huntington Library, San Marino California. 2 John Craig, ‘Erasmus or Calvin? The Politics of Book Purchase in the Early Modern English Parish’, in Polly Ha and Patrick Collinson (eds.), The Reception of Continental Reformation in Britain (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), p.
    [Show full text]
  • Making the Caxton Brand: an Examination of the Role of the Brand Name in Early Modern Publishing
    MAKING THE CAXTON BRAND: AN EXAMINATION OF THE ROLE OF THE BRAND NAME IN EARLY MODERN PUBLISHING JONATHAN MARTIN MPHIL THE UNIVERSITY OF YORK DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH AND RELATED LITERATURE OCTOBER 2010 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the utility of applying the concept of the “brand” to literary and biographical studies via an exploration of the career of England’s first printer of vernacular texts - William Caxton (active c.1473-1492). Presently, the brand is generally conceived as an interface between commerce and culture. Recent work by Naomi Klein and Celia Lury has suggested that the goal of the brand is to engender a lifestyle – or, rather, to become a culture unto itself. Generally, perhaps rightly, this view arouses considerable suspicion about the role of branding in everyday life. As tension between Art and Commerce (articulated by Pierre Bourdieu in The Rules of Art) is present in many aspects of literary criticism (particularly biography), it is common to find that figures like William Caxton often have their non-commercial activities marginalized on account of their business practices. My work seeks to address this problem by rejecting the either/or tension between Art and Commerce in favor of a new, more inclusive model centered on the brand. The brand, in contrast to the current, dominant paradigm, is a multi-faceted entity that operates in aesthetic and commercial spheres simultaneously. By using the brand as a model for biographical and historiographical studies, we are able to ascribe both of these aspects to an individual without negating the whole. As Michael Saenger has observed: “The idea of an artless publisher may be as much of a myth as the idea of a noncommercial artist.” Accordingly, I recognize the necessary interconnectedness of artistic and commercial production, and propose that we approach Caxton (and his legacy) as we would explore the evolution of any other brand.
    [Show full text]
  • A Myrrovre for Magistrates: the Sociology of a Mid-Tudor Text
    A MYRROVRE FOR MAGISTRATES: THE SOCIOLOGY OF A MID-TUDOR TEXT by Michael Timothy Sirles Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in English Middle Tennessee State University December 2018 Dissertation Committee: Dr. Marion Hollings, Chair Dr. Kevin Donovan Dr. Philip E. Phillips This dissertation is dedicated to my mother, Linda, who told me I could, to my dearest Rebecca, who told me I should, to Clancy and Libby, who taught me why, and to the memory of Dr. Elizabeth Oakes, who taught me how. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: This work would not have been possible without the unwavering support of Professor Marion Hollings, who has been a continual source of inspiration and encouragement. I would also like to acknowledge a few of the many other professors who have paved this way for me: Kevin Donovan, Philip Phillips, Ted Sherman, Lloyd Davies, Sandy Hughes, Katie Green, and Elizabeth Weston. I owe a debt of gratitude for the support of Ryan Farnau, Terry Smith, Christopher Rush, Betty Dennis, Jay Christian, Josephine Larson, Alex Brazil, Adam Trumbo, Hailey Gallivan, Kelly Kaiser, Anastassiya Andrianova, Russell Bernstein, Ashley Garrett, and Zach Derbyshire for getting me through a tough time in this process. I would also like to thank Aziz at NY Pizza in Nashville and the good people, past and present, at Nashville Pedicab, especially Andrew Ward, Dustin Olsen, Alex Haddad, Shawn Orphey, Bobby Brown, Craig Davis, Jes Knapp, Richard McBride, Dan Clendenon, Janelle Faiman, Ash Buehl, Chris Sanders, and Justin Allen. You have done more for me than you can know.
    [Show full text]