t>/ /IS lX The agreeiriaitwas a good one. The Tanzanian government gwerm went had acted with great genf erosity,^ully ¥\^ara tfiatlfe concessions to the ANC vould nleash Sou^h African government f and possibly even armed reprisals. ^Ecichfcr the ANC ■asPs^goo4^ne which gave it all it needed to cope.with its refugee responsibilities, and probably more than it had ever expected,/ It is ibtful whether the ANC lead^s^whoj^S^ed=rato-the agreement appreciated hew-fehe-condrttens he aareemsniCTSntflliavtylw g -JbffirT Effects on their school project; These cgndillgfl&'wuuld bet’ y / y / I J f N & t - e r urban or village communities. Intbet customary"parameters relationshif^the within which communitySornafcowoul^ might have shape, to operate^ influ consequences for ttiesGhool ■ ftll ' y : ___ ence or even govern the character of the irschool own experience£ And in turn, of schoolsthe school's u^ b educationalthat time would and socialhave been^w ^noolsftntegrated into living outcomes would feed back into the community and hetp shape its character; But not-oath Somafco. The conditioi inese 'Great Wall' ■betweeerivdl between Somafco's y and people outside. Between the twtwj ^there would be almost no contact, no interchange. Somafco would never b^a&tester . ibean ordina ryschooVserving a function inircommunit\j,and in turn drawing strength/f^rTrifcV’ ^11'* 1*^ AW*. Uniquely, Somafco would be 'stand alone'mstitottoft, as though isolated on an island.of its own-. £ uSvts. REALITY Perhaps^he AN^gppcedatedd ated rha concoquenees-or that isolation. If it did, it must have believed that long-distance links between the schoc rh ,/^ /^ ^ and HQ anaEducation Committee in Lusaka, and^ . f^ o r c e ugh ^ h them with a part of fehe-widar-Sotfch-fche-widar-Sotfth- , proved otherwiseJThough the NEC sought to keep tight control over Somafco, particular! y the donor" funclson which all development would depend^Lusaka was too remote from Mazimbu, and too detached frcmthe school's iicjahM sg exercise effective hands-on supervision or direction/WsI^and missions from one to the other wprp pn^jilp*^' ^nfy irregular^c/oc a a ia t considerable cost. The,W£S& Lusaka-Morogoro road was long, badly pot-holed and inade- quately maintained. costly in petrol and more costly through wear-and-tear of vehi!!'^ ^ '^ cles. Air travel between Lusaka and Dar es Salaam was even more costly. Flights were often irregu- lar or simply not available, and stHI left ???miles of extremely rough road to be travelled between He Dar and Mazimbu. Communications were, at best, intermittent; phone lines were unreliable with calls subject to delays of days on end; telex lines were regularly 'down', and postal services some- what irregular? ■Atth^&gh Qelegatteny-apd visitors from HQ-would make their way to Somafco from time-to time/ they- were generally pressed for time and anxious to go on to urgent business elsewhere? In practice, HQ appointed the first and subsequent school directors, the principals and most of the teaching staff, but foii-qtLfcfrat, Somafco 9 school on its own, without fnl^rchange withj^ommu- nity ./ P&'rSi paiEhat gave it the 'S i w g its own decisions without jaffectiVfl(outside Qversight offlnterference - which nrwght-poj make for decisiveness and efficiency. But at the administra- tive level, it could also- 5e for a narrow parochial outlookook at^^^h'JorEhe liaisliaison and fe r decision taking with inadequate information at It could encourage administration byedjct^ ^ from afar,aijjd discourage face to face consultation and discussion. It could facilitate4^1coverfngrup or explainmg^away of-£aiUng&-aRd-eff©fs, the making-ef false or misleading reports, and the-»p- pointmeRfe-of unsuitable people^*, positions of authority. ^ ^ THE MAZIMBU FACTOR *ra*i The consequences of the Mazimbu factor were as jW g^fttous at the individual and personal level as at the adm inistrativej^om afGe-as^ school without ifeS-supporting adult community/vSo&la deprive its young studentsptainessential part of normal growing up: regular interaction with and , teaEajecg from a mverse 'outside# eoromunrty-gf-inetependent adtrtls. Mazimbu, certainly, would h a n * have^simpl/ ap yonttnsr teen-age population. Like any other school Somafco would have its Di own complement adults, cofrying ou t-essentiaLfcmefrons as as^eachers, administrators, service providers and so on. But at Mazimbu, all without exception would h o w to live 'on site'lae & r* . At ANC headquarters there was no plan to accomodate^ 11 Qf-even.maFvp of these 'c^p^ndants' at Mazimbu. But in the absence of any plan, when the need arose Mazimbu seeme^/an easier, more immediate solutionjgr their accqmpdatipn problerps than any other. So Mazimbu (and at a later -stage a - Dakawa. —v.see Kp ??); . j it x., Consequence, th^adult 'non-school' population at , Mazimbu^feW at its own erratic rate, always different from the^rowth rate of the school, and therefore out of phase with ^aeh. forward planning of-seheelb u ildings or servtGOSrwa'fl undor^voy. 9- «>\ ' -'^obiemg Qn site wecamat oaiy-^feated- by/unpredicatable rates of population growth^There e tb e t/m o r e serious problem^ of demography of the child refugees themselves.! Mass refugee flights wni are qnnm lly set in rnotion by mass disasters such as flood, famine or war, waose impact-fete equally on all ift^mbefe'Cf the community. Refugees from such disasters « ffiageare therefore al most invariably whole family groups.4or ekw whole tribe^^tlpK l)‘^wtfri dlTtheir belongings and >c livestock. Adults and children move toqeth ^-f -andTTfTPy^e;lgaqr EnoogH--fep fincKefegefuge wttt~6S resawed together. AlmQ3fc;tmtquetyT refugees from the Soweto uprising and its oontinuing aft ROOTLESS IN LUSAKA *Sc?r\ W>ri.tuj ‘i h i• U e . vU* No one could know how long t~h‘gy w ^iild-cantin them to return aad-tSjwn their families.'tfcontinuin Africa gave little ground for ho£g,of an early end. omafco weyto-be-ott-that the ANC intended, fofctbew^t-woujd n^ed to Igwmore th just education and boarding. It would need to/rill the spiritual void by moro ortasa per tent separation from parents, siblings and relatives. It would have to be^seroething ef an interim home and^a-substitutc fpF=#te family <»»ire \ c . ^hearth-., t eJ* * > * v&o J j nlfe-cot iiJwd-ibe expertise would hove to « takBjon, ilities perhaps' ^ B sa a A gfrpyorpnan ■pf-e-sehool. It would have to in loco parentis, >aal an ------— ------' ’6wen time for consulted^/}, with experts and careful planning i;hese aims could -pw4wp9 have been ^ met/ But^the ur^eni/ofthe □e^s'-tiaeds did not jjllow for that Somafco was startedig_haste without such corefcH planning, ** ?veloomentmWra- t-v i***" jn any pase^ajt^ost impossible tc/|5ian. Rians ♦ffttTFie growth Q p^e^chpol cto ■ dec'erid’aiientirefy on'factors outsid^J^j^ANC's control, and chiefly the ta te & n i refugee exodus from South Africa. AmU.Uiiv >p tL 2nded on atejscuree-af-tba youth struggle against apartheid ,~uffe and blow*off course rotforderly school development.'. -Afncor>'-s#)oolf event^iinside South Africa^vefe-deeisive. •forward planning o TaozdR+a-oj/Lusaka would inevil abiy ^ e a matter of hope and guesswork rather than calculation reQ|isatioatioq ieh ap h lwavi» beyond the dii'w«4r^QotfoUMr-e^ao.,tfa&.ioQueRge-&f etther -the ANC.or the^rrhool. 'C ^Vi^Tin''distant“ aa South AfricaiyineyitaWy dictated aljposjyeverything in.this determinedly out of-2outlW\f»caf>-school^Th students would arrive, the mix of their ages, home languages and previous educational aftalBmeftte J ve k ■Hu* \p / ^ ^ <•***& 0 \ would fluctuate wm>JWiorn month to mawth as the youth struggles in the South African townships ebbed and flowed. THE INSOLUBLE ThiC; an d tts knock-on effect on the.-scho€4r wob>kl-always bo irepeedefable? beyond-the-abUtty-of-ei- ther SGboQ^pp.AN£-tP:>S9ntroj pr gv f n iwfluanun en School planning, hwn?in plangiiner would have to be some^>ek"sketchy, and-flexible enough to-attow for admend&ent or discarding- waaci necessity so-demanded: But(F}exiBility jn d adaptability would not be possible! in the planning of actual installations and structures on the s S ^ nnlfl” 7 aecisions would have to be made-wetf-ahead oftteartuajconstruction^ thegfound/Mafe'rtals and labourfet ■on-site devetopmante sailad for .ordety tobe placed and contacts entered well ahead of actual start dates on site; and ovafv -before suefc-nrdertng, the necessary TTiwiciRg would have to be obtained and guaranteed^No room for flexibility or change of mind here. i----- , ■ ■ ■ i —. ■ ■ odoutJi k * PlanningCfe r Mazimbu would therefore be likeke an exercise in 'squaring the circleV/aan uneasy mar- riage between 'set-in-concrete' planning for_^'?tmctural and physical future, and impi ise, flexible , ■ -ar planning for its ra is f'e tr e , the schooL On the school side, serious forwi*ar«j planning ^ 'ould have-to'&k» start from the^tee anc nature of th^ffupil intake/which wot>W alv^ays-6? "an unknown. NNow puptfr ^ k f) I wa**ld=be of almost any age from pre-teens to middle twenties, fjn t- r e ■mix ef genders/firsi U* v languages and educational standards, and nf pittipr ijpnctar-. 1 S©tttfr-Af«eof»-demographic statistics would be-of tittle help. Ate*het; j ANC policy^at Lusaka offer all the you pa refugees of suitable ag^he choice between two <=exvs Somafco would be nailed w ith/problomo arratng from anomalies 3tt€h-ag th'€se. Even in the very junior classes, there could be ’boys'and 'girls'w ho had missed oi^o i^e arly-ye a r education at home, and were now already adult orj^erging on adulthood. Some of thojk yopuld .have missed out on <*^1/ education altogeth^c>ttiers rie^St have lost ther jynjor l&poolto^thfettgh^e^iods of political activ ism at hprne,(or KurfucRonto camps before betaig (jp.mobiUsed fef-reasons-'o^ injury, health, or fit- ness/olsciptih| and authority would ip«d to be ifraintained in clas^mams wher^^n^dd'ytiL^tT s ' wotttd-oecupy "desks“a3eiby side vwfck adults already in their twenties^ and with teaching sty les and fiirrieula-designed for pupils below O-level standard. ^ cW*’* •fe. bss U. ! «~A«j2»y &HC ■^c’TCcfci There were both educational and social consequences of this age and gender mismatching 0FFttae '%dwatlol1gr^ta^:!^g^gv?oQ M ~t^Tinad6'e)ai^^dlff^y''t^ |pft}^ Teachers wojjfd require great tact, psychological understagdoRg^nd patience ifrthoy yere tb overcgrae thefmjilt-in handicaps special to Somafco. P^fcepsa%ANC recognised this ia^he appiointwent ef teachers. But its over riding requirement of teachers was that, in addition to/^raflssional ^ffl^th e y should be dedicated to the liberation of South Africa and the equality of all its racial groups. S»4t-wasi formally,deeded thai all Somafco teachers should be South Africans. - L ^ . f Teachers for service with the^sub^ersive' ANC cpyjd not be p a e n J ^^j^ftjp South Africa, so, in practice, recruitment wouldy6e mainly from/ef^'geete^c^ers'inthe front firTe states,- a-tiny but per btically-eonscious fraction of the country^ teachers. teachers as w^ll aGgtho first school Principakand.ite^fi5t:.DirectOEall met the nationali^cgteria, though tht^ ^ f cssgjgf ^election is unlko-^ etear.(AII of them would;In part at least of their/teacning career|fcjiave 9ervecfVn the 'Bantu Educa tion' system^ which had-been designed to bolsterand give intellectual underpinning to-Che apartheid^ ,t ^ 0 system. Som^adftiemselves been educajjed^wffiYn the Bantu Edu^tj#njwed*ney and had^atfitecf '' thair prpfaciciiorffll gxpcncn€c< tooching/ f'S anfcu' Education ad^toeteto^the curricula set by apartheid, despite theirS iS ’pppgsition to Of. A? system N°V t, U*,-^^opppsi x J a -V» c 4 ^ __It wucrftMje difficult to __rhaLiwhatever their own democratic and liberationist ideas, they . would not carry wit! them some of^h,^ baggage of that past. Or that they would not b e irtfio e ^d ^W jr* b sub-conscious^■^’it^basic tenet$4jf learning by rote and authoritarianism in the class-room* porhaps evw ^havethei^-thinking--distefted->by-^he hangover of its racially distorted social and his torical concepts, jj ^ u w fa j «»X a. , . c -, \ SIEZE THE DAY / ~ lU s * 'Problems like thace couktnotbe-avoided at Somafeo.-They came with th^territory, or perhaps more precisely with its remote and isolated 'island' location¥Few sekeete-anywhere stand alone, self- governing and without outside supervision or^tervention. Almost always there is an outside authority, be it chun^i (Tter-archy, locator geverotaent authority « board of governo J 3 & .W monitor, advisee possibly direct those with datty hands-on responsibNj^far th se over-seers without actual hands-on responsibility for the school are th ^ ^fc iia n ? •D*1 Vil — n'pfri T3* _Q School authorities, like all others, can become inwajfyooking, p^rgchial^and subject to routinism and self-servtrTg"frrtheif-wofk. Outside supervision is /corrective .^r^onitors thcrschoete performance; "* fallow s for independent assessment of the merits of pol^ies^KDnngs & fresh and independent P * £ minds to t^§ consideration planoiag and innovationJjIf the ANC Executive were conscious of the need for such^noverseein^. b«dy*io^Somaf \ I- V\ /c x iM s '*ts <3in*MVVVc X t cation for3rd delaying, action on ten decisions pending its perceived 'duty' to obtaii/pFrer~a§feeroe»t from Lusaka .-Actio n on-difrrculL dnU unwelcome decioions cotrid be-delay e d by 'buck passing ‘Trum one to the othei7 'foi long pertodb ui sumcttmes until thgir time-had- passedfor ever. ~O»j f ( " j/ 3 AJfXu ^t.C |« tf' r-i-jJLjl <*amA. /tfk fc & J l Looked1 atat now,w;nowjW^hJthe wisdom ojhindsight it is apparent that locating~Somafe«-at Mazimbu/pose^*. rujmhcr n fje n h itmo4s arx4 uniqtie problemspro for which no ready-made solutions were to hancf. Per- haps there _ -no satisfactory solutionsjand routine sc:hooUpdtieFf^|vould simply have to be adapted to18?< t Cortainiy/conventional school structures and pattonm muld noi'be Tbeffr could have beenJJIttle brne^||r the "ANC Executive „ such complications. The pressure was on them to act, not theorise. The n m ^ o f r e f u g e e s j marxling cjar^, . ^ il^ t e in,9e# notary anc* political training and guns was m ^ntm g^iexorably/^te first f t . Page 5 o f31 The Somafco Story. PART 1: GENESIS 'My blood will nourish the tree that will bear the fruit o f freedom. Tell my people that I love them.' The tragic words of a teenage African schoolboy, Solomon Mahalangu., in 1979. Solomon Mahlangu was one of thousands of black South African students, male and female, who turned their backs on their apartheid era schools, to demonstrate peaceably for change. Their years o f protest against sub-standard, under-funded and under-resourced 'Bantu' - that is 'black' - education, had finally been fanned into flame by the wholly unacceptable state decree that henceforth, teaching in black schools would be done in the Afrikaans language In the streets, the young school demonstrators were met with the full fury o f the apartheid state, with batons, tear-gas, police dogs and rifle fire. No full inventory or accounting of the cost of the following months of clashes in the black townships has ever been given. The lesser costs are measured by school windows broken, classrooms trashed and school buildings vandalised.; the major costs in children shot dead, many more maimed, bullet scarred and gassed, savaged by dogs, arrested in hundreds, held incommunicado in police cells, and tortured. This came to be known as the 'Soweto Uprising' in recognition of its start in the Johannesburg black township, and where the protests were strongest and sustained the longest. In the end, overwhelming state forced triumphed. The protesters were bludgeoned into apparent submission. But without sweeping reform of the education system there would be no return o f tranquility to the schools; and without fundamental reform of policing, law and the administration of justice, no return to normality and security for the protesters. The strongest, most determined and boldest of them continued with sporadic protests, strikes and clandestine acts of vandalism, testimony to an unrequited anger and desperation over the authorities, the schools, and the symbols and servants of the police state. Others returned sullenly to the vandalised schools and the generally unsympathetic and vengeful teaching staff. Some who had simply fled from the terror went into hiding with friends or with neighbours, finding refuge where they could, keeping their heads down till the storm blew over or exploring ways to extend the fight against the hated state. Amongst these was Solomon Mahlangu. On the Run: A whole generation of school children whose lives had been brutally shattered found themselves separated from school friends, families and familiar home places. Gradually, the boldest, the angriest and the most politically commited of them found the way to 03/04/01 Page 6 o f 31 9 get away from the violent country. Alone or with small groups o f friends, they crossed the frontiers secretly without guides or maps, into the 'front-line' states o f Lesotho, Swaziland, Mocambique, and above all Botswana. Here, according to what they had gleaned from township rumour, there would be safety to be found in refugee camps established by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), or with the South African liberation forces in exile - the African National Congress (ANC)and the smaller Pan African Congress (PAC) What was not generally appreciated by the township rumour-mongers was that even there, across the border, these exile movements themselves faced regular harassment and raids from South African police and agents who crossed freely back and forth across the borders. Crossing the frontier would not be the end o f their journeys into safety. Across the Border: In all these cross-border countries with independent black governments, there were small South African colonies of emigres and exiles who would provide shelter and help. In Lesotho and Botswawana there were skeletal sub-sections of the Liberation Movements which functioned openly with the tolerance and even muted encouragement from the territorial governments. Their solidarity with the anti-apartheid struggles in South Africa and its refugees however did not include a right for refugees to take up permanent residence. The bordering states had problems enough of their own - severe unemployment and inadequate educational, health and social welfare services. Refugees would be welcome to pass through, but anywhere in the border states they would be likely targets for cross-border kidnapping or armed South African raids. The states faced the prospects both of South African military and economic reprisals, and the prospect that long-term refugees could become a burden on their already over-burdened resources. Refugees were welcomed, but encouraged to move on to somewhere else. The Lusaka Link: Zambia, sheltered by buffer states, was partially sheltered also from bandit actions by South Africa's armed forces. Its government had agreed to harbour a formal ANC apparatus in exile, which would act as its interim National Executive Committee while the real elected leaders were all either in South African prisons or abroad in exile. After the Soweto uprising, a steady stream o f male and female school children began streaming into Lusaka, en route from one or other border state. The overwhelming majority o f them looked to the ANC to ensure their safety and welfare. But also often for the training and equipment with which to return to their country, and there renew the battle with apartheid - with firearms. The ANC Lusaka was not designed for such a custodian role, and quite unprepared for the number o f refugees arriving with high expectation. Prior to the Soweto uprising, a trickle of refugees had been painlessly absorbed into the small local community of recent South African immigrants. After the uprising, the numbers overwhelmed the resources of the ANC in spite of Zambian 03/04/01 Page 7 o f 31 government patronage. As long as police repression continued unrestrained in the South African townships, the numbers would to grow and grow. The call for shelter, provisioning and welfare would outgrow the ANC's capacity and, sooner or later, spill over into a clamour for some o f the already stretched resources o f the Zambian state. The government o f Zambia, and particularly its President Kenneth Kaunda, were staunch in their support for the South African liberation movement. But this was becoming a burden they could not be expected to bear. They already had deep problems of unemployment and of inadequate, under-funded welfare provision for their own nationals. Aready they were taking a calculated risk of South African reprisals for the helping hand they were extending to the ANC. Realistically, they could not be expected to do more, nor could the ANC ask for more. Help in coping with the ever expanding refugee problem would have to be sought elsewhere. Choose the Road: Meanwhile, all new refugees reaching the ANC Lusaka were being given two choices: military training and service in the ANC's military wing Umkhonto we Sizwe - which would mean their transfer to an Umkhonto camp in one or other friendly state; or for those of school-going age, a return to schooling wherever the ANC would be able to arrange for it. Insert here: The ANC decision to approach Tanzania, and the outcome with decision to start a school. Memory o f Martyrdom: Solomon Mahlangu was one o f those given the choice. He had opted for the military road, and been sent for training in an Umkhonto camp in the Angolan bush. When his training as a guerilla was complete, he had been smuggled back into South Africa with two colleagues. Their secret mission was to join with the still continuing militant student protests. The enterprise misfired. Before they had completed their mission, they were trapped by police in Johannesburg. They attempted to fight their way out o f the trap, but in the ensuing gun battle Solomon and one o f his companions were taken prisoner. The third member o f the party escaped. Mondy Motloung, the captured companion, was so badly beaten in captivity that he was later certified brain damaged and unfit to stand trial. Solomon stood trial alone. He pleaded 'not guilty'. In March, 1977, he was found guilty o f murder, and sentenced to death. As sentence was passed, from the dock he gave the ANC's clenched fist salute and called its slogan: 'Amandala Ngawethu! Power will be ours!' He was held in prison for another year, virtually incommunicado, repeatedly beaten and brutalised r before he was taken to the • gallows and hanged on April 6th, 1979. His last words were: My blood will nourish the tree that will bear the fruit o f freedom. Tell my people that I love them... t hey must continue the fight! 03/04/01 Page 8 o f31 He was 23 years old. PART 2: BIRTH RITES Insert: The NEC decision on start-up arrangements. And the conditions. It was decided that the project would be named : The SOLOMON MAHLANGU FREEDOM COLLEGE (SOMAFCO). * 'SCHOOL': An institution or building at which children and young people usually under 19 receive education. To discipline or control. 'COLLEGE': An institution o f higher education; part o f a university. (Collins English Dictionary.) * Perhaps 'Freedom College' can be exempted from the dictionary definition. Somafco was not really intended to be 'an institution of higher education' or to be restricted to young people under 19. Some of the refugees reaching Lusaka were at or over that age, though still nominally in need of schooling. Many of them were educationally backward for their age through a combination o f apartheid's Bantu Education system, inadequate school facilities, and the regular disruption of schooling in times of political turmoil. Somafco would take them in; but it would be a school nevertheless, providing education to a level where they could graduate out to 'higher education'. Discovery: The site at Mazimbu had been the only one on offer. There the state had inherited what had once been a sisal estate in the days before artificial fibres almost eliminated sisal from the world markets. On the its unused land already reverting to bush there remained little sign of its former usage, except for two disused, semi-derelict buildings which had once been store-rooms or offices. Mazimbu was little more than a place-name on the map, ??? kilometres from the nearest South African border. The only access was from the Tanzanian town o f Morogoro some 6 kilometres away, along a rough dirt track which branched the main but badly pot-holed Morogro-Arusha road to Zambia. The track petered out at the bank o f a stream at a low-level ford which was sometimes dry but sometimes impassable when the stream was in flood. Across the stream the site which would become Somafco's. In time, those who became familiar with the place fell into the habit of using the two names inter changeably, as though Somafco and Mazimbu were one and the same. Not so. Correctly, Mazimbu was the place-name, and Somafco the educational institution which would be developed on it. Just what would be required to turn derelict site into school was probably not fully appreciated by 03/04/01 Solomon Mahlangu Page 1 of 4 SOLOMON MAHLANGU • WHO WAS SOLOMON MAHLANGU? . HAMBA KAHLE SOLOMON MAHLANGU, SECHABA JUNE 1979 • STATEMENT BY THE CHAIRMAN - LESLIE O. HARRiMAN (NIGERIA) - CONDEMNING THE DEATH SENTENCE IMPOSED ON SOLOMON MAHLANGU, JULY 19, 1978 • STATEMENT BY THE AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS OF SOUTH AFRICA ON EXECUTION OF SOLOMON MAHLANGU, APRIL 6, 1979 • STATEMENT BY CHAIRMAN OF UN SPECIAL COMMITTEE AGAINST APARTHEID, LESLIE O. HARRIMAN, ON THE EXECUTION OF SOLOMON MAHLANGU, APRIL 6, 1979 • HANGED FOR MURDERS HE DIDN'T COMMIT. ARTICLE IN THE MAIL & GUARDIAN, 9 APRIL 1999 WHO WAS SOLOMON MAHLANGU? Up until 1976, Solomon Mahlangu was a student, living under the Apartheid regime in South Africa. On June 16 the school-children of Soweto, protesting the introduction of Afrikaans as the medium of instruction in their schools, took to the streets in a massive, peaceful demonstration. Police reaction to the demonstration was brutal as they shot at the unarmed students. That day at least 25 people were killed. Twelve year old Hector Peterson was the first to fall. The violence precipitated a spontaneous uprising led by the students that spread rapidly to all parts of the country. By the end of the year "an official (and doubtless underestimated) figure was given of 575 dead and 2, 389 wounded in the conflict." (Worden, 1994. p. 119.) A wave of detentions and bannings were used by the state in an attempt to crush the revolt. 21, 000 people were prosecuted for offenses related to the uprising. (Marx, 1990. p. 68.) Thousands left the country in the face of this repression. They left to carry on the struggle from outside the country. Nineteen year-old Solomon Kalushi Mahlangu was among them. He left his home in the night, not telling even his mother where he was going or if he would ever return. Determined to fight for change, he sought training as a soldier. A year later, he returned home as a cadre of the of the armed wing of the African National Congress (ANC), Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), the Spear of the Nation. Solomon returned to South Africa in 1977, on a mission to join student protests commemorating the Soweto massacre. He never made it to the protests. He and his team, Monty Motloung and George "Lucky" Mahlangu were accosted by police in Johannesburg, and in the gunfight that followed, two white civilians were killed. George Mahlangu escaped. Solomon and Monty Motloung were captured. Monty was so brutally beaten during the /Course of his capture that he suffered severe brain damage leaving him unfit to stand trial. Solomon had not fired a http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/history/people/mahlangu_s.html 15/11/00 Solomon Mahlangu Page 2 of 4 shot, but was left to face the murder charges alone. The trial was started without his lawyers' knowledge (SECHABA, 1979), and it was inevitable that he was found guilty of murder. On March 2, 1977, Solomon was sentenced to death by hanging. When he heard his sentence, he shouted "Amandla!" - Power! Indeed, his cause wielded power. For two years the international democratic community campaigned against his execution and called for the recognition of all South African freedom fighters as prisoners of war. But, despite international pressure, the Apartheid government was not swayed. On April 6, 1979, 23 year old Solomon Mahlangu faced the gallows, raised his hand in the ANC salute, and met his death at the hands of a racist regime. His final words are reputed to have been: "My blood will nourish the tree that will bear the fruits o f freedom. Tell my people that I love them. They must continue the fight." Solomon's people did continue the fight. In honour of his courage and dedication to the cause of freedom, the ANC named a new school after him: The Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College (SOMAFCO). References Marx, Anthony W. Lessons of struggle: South African internal opposition, 1960-1990. Oxford University Press. Cape Town, 1992 Masha be la, Harry A people on the boil: reflections on Soweto. Skotaville. Johannesburg, 1987 Worden, Nigel. The making of modern South Africa: conquest, segregation and Apartheid. Blackwell. Oxford, 1994 HAMBA KAHLE SOLOMON MAHLANGU On March 2, 1978 Solomon Kalushi Mahlangu was sentenced to death. He had pleaded 'not guilty' and as the death sentence was passed he raised his clenched fist and shouted the ANC slogan 'Amandla'. Since then he has spent more than a year in a death cell at Pretoria Central Prison; he was not allowed visits other than from his family and a minister of religion appointed by the state; he was not allowed reading material from outside but was supplied with novels and a bible by the prison. Even before the death sentence was passed Solomon did not have a fair trial. Since his arrest in June 1977 he was severely tortured and brutally assaulted in the prisons. He was not allowed to be seen by any member of the community including his lawyers. He did not even know that he was being legally represented and the attorneys first heard of his court appearance after reading a report about it in the press. After months of torture his friend and comrade Mondy Motloung was declared unfit to stand trial due to brain damage. Nobody knows about his fate and where- abouts! On April 6,1979 Solomon Mahlangu was executed. He went to the gallows courageously and confidently. He was s aware that the black people of South Africa whom he loved and served - were behind him and indeed the whole of progressive humanity supported him. Solomon has been murdered but his spirit-like that of Mini, Khayinga, Mkhaba and others - is not dead. His blood will t nourish the seeds of freedom which are germinating throughout the country. The ANC and its military wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe, has sworn that Solomon Mahlangu shall be avenged and those who have taken his young life will one day have to answer for the innumerable crimes and irreparable damage they have caused. These crimes must stop! During this Year of the Spear we pledge to sharpen our spears so that we can meet the enemy on equal terms. Sechaba June 1979 http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/history/people/mahlangu_s.html 15/11/00 STATEMENT ON MAZINBU HANDOVER Page 1 o f 2 STATEMENT ON MAZINBU HANDOVER HANDOVER CEREMONY OF THE ANC SETTLEMENTS MAZIMBU & DAKAWA TO THE PEOPLE AND GOVERNMENT OF TANZANIA. Oliver Tambo, on behalf of the ANC, yesterday handed to Ali Hassan Mwinyi, the President of Tanzania, the ANC settlements of Mazimbu and Dakawa. The ceremony with 300 guests took place in Mazimbu, itself, which is situated 200kms South West of Dar-es-Salaam. The people of Tanzania are inheriting from the ANC the two largest educational establishments built by the ANC. They include creches, primary and secondary schools, a vocational training centre, in addition to a fully comprehensive small hospital, 2 farms and a number of small industries, which supported the communities, allowing for greater selfreliance. By 1990 the two communities had grown to about 4,600 For those involved in the struggle Mazimbu and Dakawa have symbolised the beginnings of a new democratic South Africa, where communities lived and worked in harmony, with equal opportunity and education free from prejudice and oppression. Mazimbu, the first and largest settlement was begun in 1977, expressly for the purpose of providing a just and relevant education for the masses of youths who fled the country after the uprisings of 1976. All had suffered from the inequities of Bantu education and interrupted schooling. The school, SOMAFCO, named after the first executed MK combatent Solomon Mahlangu, was begun under the trees but by 1990 it boasted a well equipped creche, primary and secondary school, the latter with 9 modern science, technical, arts and classroom blocks, full dormitory units, multi-purpose hall and library. The schools catered for over a thousand students. Dakawa, begun in 1982 focused upon adult and vocational education, offering skills in plumbing, electricity, carpentry and construction besides literacy, language and basic studies. In order to further develop ANC members skills and to support the two communities 2 farms were established, reputed to be the most modern in Tanzania, and small industries such as a Carpentry and Garment factories, Leather, Welding and Print & Textile workshops and a tailoring unit. The ANC-Holland Solidarity Hospital comprises out-patient facilities (averaging 3,500 per month), X- ray department, 2 operating theatres, pharmacy and fully equipped laboratory. The ANC built these impressive settlements from scratch. The land, untamed natural bush, was generously donated by the Tanzanian Government. All the basic infra-structure of water, electricity, sewerage had to be laid. When one sees the beautifully laid out and well maintained settlements one cannot but marvel at the success of this ambitious feat. Besides the construction, was the fact that all these programmes and institutions were run by ANC members, offering a great learning experience for all who lived there in preparation fro playing a valuable role in a future South Africa. SOMAFCO school initiated a new and relevant curriculum, which shall be of value in a new South Africa. Besides the ANC and Tanzanian delegations invited guests includes diplomatic representatives from Sweden, Norway, Finland, Denmark, India, Australia, Italy and Nigeria and representatives from the many and varied development, aid and solidarity organisations who had for so long have supported the liberation struggle. Issued by The Department of Information and Publicity PO Box 61884 Marshalltown 2107 10 July, 1992 http ://mail. anc. org. za/ancdocs/ pr/1992/pr0710. html 15/ 11/00 Collection Number: A3299 Collection Name: Hilda and Rusty BERNSTEIN Papers, 1931-2006 PUBLISHER: Publisher: Historical Papers Research Archive Collection Funder: Bernstein family Location: Johannesburg ©2015 LEGAL NOTICES: Copyright Notice: All materials on the Historical Papers website are protected by South African copyright law and may not be reproduced, distributed, transmitted, displayed, or otherwise published in any format, without the prior written permission of the copyright owner. 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Solomon Mahlangu
