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The Italian Fascist Regime, the Catholic Church and Protestant Religious Minorities in Terre Redente (1918–40)

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The Italian Fascist Regime, the Catholic Church and Protestant Religious Minorities in Terre Redente (1918–40) GAŠPER MITHANS The Italian Fascist regime, the Catholic Church and Protestant religious minorities in terre redente (1918–40) DOI: https://doi.org/10.30664/ar.80505 Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) his article explores the policies of discrimin­ called the Austrian Littoral) along the ation and oppression towards Protestant northern Adriatic after World War I, will Tcommunities in interwar Italy exercised by the state authorities and often incited by the be discussed based on a regional case study Catholic Church. In particular, the circumstances analysing the involvement of major actors in the multi­ethnic north­eastern region, the with a contextualization of the legal instru­ Julian March, are analysed in the context of so­ ments and practices used.1 called Border Fascism. The Protestant Churches The relevance of the research issue in had had in the past a prevalently ethnic character, but with the annexation to Italy, their background this particular geo­political framework and had been in several cases either concealed or, time is multifarious. Few other regions of through migrations, Italians eventually became the world experienced such radical changes majorities. Another significant characteristic is of political structures and shifting borders. that Slovene and Croatian minorities only rarely adhered to Protestantism, other than the rela­ In 1797 this territory, previously part of tively few Seventh­day Adventists and ‘Fratelli’. the Venetian Republic, was assigned to the Based on the archival documents, oppressive Austrian Empire. A brief period of French actions of the Fascist authorities against Advent­ rule followed between the years 1805–9 ists in Trieste as a response to a complaint by the (Kingdom of Italy) and 1809–13 (Illyrian Catholic curia accusing them of proselytism are reconstructed. The investigations and harass­ Provinces), while the Congress of Vienna ments of Adventists show all basic similarities to (1814/15) consolidated the borders of the the episodes of oppression against certain Prot­ Austrian Littoral for approximately one estant minorities in other parts of Italy, while the century (Grandits 2018: 21–3; Žitko 2016: nationality of their members was a crucial factor in determining why of all minority religions, aside 61–2; Žitko 1999: 577–8). The territory from the Jewish, it was this community which identified as the birthplace of the concept experienced the most oppressive police treat­ of irredentism, the political action that ment in the Julian March region. aggravated the relationship between Italian Historical context The implementation of oppressive state 1 The author acknowledges that the research policies and measures, largely towards project ‘Antifascism in the Julian March Protestant minorities in the new terri­ in Transnational Perspective, 1919–1954’ (J6­9356) in the scope of which this article tories that Italy gained from the dissolved is published, has been financially supported Habsburg monarchy (mainly the region by the Slovenian Research Agency. Approaching Religion • Vol. 9, No. 1–2 • October 2019 57 and Slavic populations as early as the nine­ Giulia, Slo. and Cro. Julijska krajina) to teenth century; Italians demanding that the Italy, although the majority of its popula­ region with its significant Italian minority tion were ethnic ally Slovenians and Croats. be incorporated into Italy (Hametz 2012: Much of these lands, that in the interwar 32; Wörsdörfer 2009: 16). The 1920 Rapallo period were comprised of the province of Treaty assigned the area that became Gorizia, Trieste, Pula and Rijeka (the latter known as the Julian March (It. Venezia since 1924), were of Venetian historical The changing borders between Italy and Yugoslavia/Slovenia in the 20th century. Herigona, 29.12.2009. Wikimedia Commons. Approaching Religion • Vol. 9, No. 1–2 • October 2019 58 Wikimedia Commons provenance: hence, the name terre redente (‘redeemed lands’). However, in the after­ math of WWI, the time of social crises pro­ vided an opportun ity for inhabitants with pro­Italian nationalist agendas to substan­ tially influence public opinion, increasing at least the noise of dissatisfaction with the new border that did not include all territories promised by the Allies to Italy in the Treaty of London (1915). The feel­ ing of vittoria mutilata (‘mutilated vic­ tory’) and the so­called culture of defeat (see Schivelbusch 2003) were especi­ ally evident in this multicultural border­ Fascists burning down the Slovenian National land, which became the place of one of the Home and Hotel Balkan in Trieste, 1920. first violent Fascist acts directed towards the Slovenian and Croatian minority; for example, the squadrists’ attack on the of Trieste (1947–54) that divided part of Yugoslav consulate in Trieste and the arson the former Julian March into Italian and that destroyed the Slovenian National Yugoslav administration zones. In 1954 Home (Kacin Wohinz and Verginella the area was divided between Italy and 2008: 17–28; Pirjevec 2016; Gerwarth and Yugoslavia, while it was only the Treaty of Horne 2012: 4). Consequently, the first Osimo in 1975/7 which finally settled the anti­Fascist and other previously anti­Ital­ border that has remained intact following ian movements also emerged in the Julian the split of Yugoslavia and today divides the March; Slovenians and Croatians particu­ historical region among three countries. larly acting in opposition to the intensify­ The exploration of the cooperation ing Fascist policy of a forced assimilation between two institutions with similar inter­ of (never recognised) national minorities ests but different motives in relation to that openly supported inclusion into the religious minorities – the Fascist regime territory of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the Catholic Church – in the Julian (‘Slavic irredentism’) (Kacin Wohinz and March, compared to other parts of Italy, Verginella 2008: 24). This severe Fascist to some extent depicts certain particularit­ policy was based on the conviction that the ies. This is due primarily to the special region must be annexed to the rest of Italy regional policy (‘Border Fascism’) towards as soon as possible and to that end it should the Slovenian and Croatian Catholic clergy be politically controlled and ethnically and also frequent suspicions of the anti­ homogenized to blend in with the rest of regime activities of certain Catholic and the nation (Klabjan 2018: 991). The border Protestant groups, mostly but not solely remained a major issue after World War II. based on national affiliation rather than Between the years 1945 and 1947 the insti­ religion. The viewpoints will be examined tution of Zone A and Zone B of the Julian through the archival and other sources of March was introduced under Allied and the state (predominantly the archives of Yugoslav military administration, followed the police and the prefecture) and Church by the establishment of the Free Territory archives covering the interwar period and Approaching Religion • Vol. 9, No. 1–2 • October 2019 59 the months following Italy’s declaration of Italy, especially in the 1930s. In Rijeka war on the Allies on 10 June 1940, which Protestantism was until 1918 mostly linked exhibit a clear discourse of exclusion, with with the Hungarian and German com­ references to a ‘freely interpreted’ concor­ munities, but, as would be expected, this dat and relevant laws. ethnic character was gradually lost with The matter of religious minorities under emigration, Waldensian evangelism and the Fascist regime during the interwar the Fascist policy of national unification. In period in the region of the Julian March has this sense we can understand that the larger been scantily researched, with the exception ‘Hungarian’ Reformed Church and smaller of the repression of Jews after the introduc­ ‘German’ Lutheran Church affiliated with tion of the Italian Racial Laws (by authors the ‘Italian’ Waldensian Church in 1921 such as Bettin 2007; De Felice 2001; Bon to strengthen their position as Protestant 2000; Podbersič 2016). Although the vast Churches, while it was at the same time a majority of the population in Italy2 and the sign of a compromise, endorsing ‘Italian’ northern Adriatic were Catholic, including Protestantism. Likewise, in Opatija, the in the borderland’s major centres, they dis­ ‘German’ Evangelical Lutheran Church in played religious diversity in the nineteenth 1920 was affiliated with the Waldensian century and even before that. In interwar Church. In Pula the ‘German’ Evangelical Trieste several Protestant communities Church of Augustan and Helvetic confes­ were allowed to operate. The Evangelical sion closed in 1919, but in the same year Lutheran Church with a Germanophone the Italian Methodist Episcopalian Church ethnic background and the Swiss Reformed was opened. The merger also happened Church had been present continuously in Gorizia, where a once strong German since the eighteenth century; the Anglican Evangelical Church of Augustan and Church was founded in the first half of the Helvetic confession was mostly dissolved, nineteenth century; the Methodist Church while their premises were taken over by the with Italian character formed in the late ‘Italian’ Methodist Church in 1922 (Carrari nineteenth century; while the Waldensian 2002: 143–54; Gottardi 1993: 81, 98, 101–3; Evangelical Church, also with typically Rajšp 2018: 11–40). Italian followers, was constituted in the Moreover, the scholarship has mostly area only after World War I. The latter
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