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Intellectuals In Intellectuals in The Origins of the New Left and Radical Liberalism, 1945 –1970 KEVIN MATTSON Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Mattson, Kevin, 1966– Intellectuals in action : the origins of the new left and radical liberalism, 1945–1970 / Kevin Mattson. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-271-02148-9 (cloth : alk. paper) — ISBN 0-271-02206-X (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. New Left—United States. 2. Radicalism—United States. 3. Intellectuals— United States—Political activity. 4. United States and government—1945–1989. I. Title. HN90.R3 M368 2002 320.51Ј3Ј092273—dc21 2001055298 Copyright ᭧ 2002 The Pennsylvania State University All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America Published by The Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, PA 16802–1003 It is the policy of The Pennsylvania State University Press to use acid-free paper for the first printing of all clothbound books. Publications on uncoated stock satisfy the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1992. For Vicky—and making a family together In my own thinking and writing I have deliberately allowed certain implicit values which I hold to remain, because even though they are quite unrealizable in the immediate future, they still seem to me worth displaying. One just has to wait, as others before one have, while remembering that what in one decade is utopian may in the next be implementable. —C. Wright Mills, “Commentary on Our Country, Our Culture,” 1952 Contents Acknowledgments ix Introduction: Why Go Back? 1 1 A Preface to the politics of Intellectual Life in Postwar America: The Possibility of New Left Beginnings 23 2 The Godfather, C. Wright Mills: The Intellectual as Agent 43 3 Paul Goodman, Anarchist Reformer: The Politics of Decentralization 97 4 William Appleman Williams, Republican Leftist: History as Political Lesson 145 5 Arnold Kaufman, Radical Liberal: Liberalism Rediscovered 187 6 Studies on the Left and New University Thought: Lessons Learned and Disintegrations 229 Conclusion: Lost Causes, Radical Liberalism, and the Future 263 Selected Bibliography 275 Index 297 vii Acknowledgments It is always a pleasure to thank those who helped along the way. In my case, there were many. Thanks first of all to Taylor Stoehr. I contacted Taylor because of his immense knowledge about Paul Goodman’s life, but he wound up giving more help than I deserved or expected—including plenty of editing and some fun, sharp debates about the overall project. Everyone I interviewed provided great insight and a willingness to answer pestering questions with grace. There were others who helped by reading the manu- script and providing remarkably astute advice: thanks to Robb Westbrook (for last time, this time, and more, I hope), Tom Bender (for a perfectly timed letter), John McMillian, Leon Fink, Mark Button, John Summers, David Sampliner (the best historian turned filmmaker that I know), Mark Schmitt (my anti-majoritarian friend), David Kallick (who keeps ideas like the ones explored here alive—and who suggested good titles), and Patrick Kavanagh (who read some drafts and drank a few with me). Penn State Press, as usual, provided wonderful assistance. Thanks especially go to Sandy Thatcher and Cherene Holland. Laura Reed-Morrisson did an amazingly astute job at editing and helped hone the book’s arguments. The Press also lined up two great readers for this book: Paul Buhle (who sharpened my thinking) and Maurice Isserman (who shared his knowledge of the 1960s and something about why history actually matters). It goes without saying that all the readers I list here are not responsible for any errors in this book. I would like to thank the following institutions and individuals for giving me permission to quote from unpublished papers and for providing me with assistance in my research endeavors: Yale University Library, Manuscripts and Archives, for permission to quote from the Dwight Macdonald Papers; the Center for American History at the University of Texas at Austin, for permission to quote from the C. Wright Mills Papers, 1934–1965 (with special thanks to Ralph Elder for so much assistance during my research at the Center); the Houghton Library, Harvard University, for allowing me to quote from the Paul Goodman Papers (bMS Am 2062 [174]; bMS Am 2062 ix x Acknowledgments [463]; bMS Am 2062 [177]; bMS Am 2062 [1143]; bMS Am 2062 [33]; bMS Am 2062 [34]; bMS Am 2062 [455]; bMS Am 2062 [6]; bMS Am 2062 [1218]: bMS Am 2062 [195]; bMS Am 2062 [185]; bMS Am 2062 [529]; bMS 2062 [1149]; bMS Am 2062 [165]; bMS Am 2062 [231]; bMS Am 2062 [205]; bMS Am 2062 [186]; bMS Am 2062 [148]; bMS Am 2062 [203]); Sally Goodman, for giving me permission to quote from the Paul Goodman Papers; the University of Oregon’s Valley Library, for permission to quote from the William Appleman Williams Papers; and Elizabeth Kauf- man, for permission to quote from the Arnold Kaufman Papers. Thanks are also due to the Bentley Historical Library at the University of Michigan for helping with my research into the Arnold Kaufman Papers and to the Wis- consin Historical Society for helping me with my research into the records of Studies on the Left, Radical America, and Students for a Democratic Society. I presented this work and got helpful feedback at Indiana University (a special thanks to Jeff Isaac there) and the University of Maryland (thanks to Peter Levine). Another presentation at Ohio University to my colleagues— unbeknownst at the time—helped me think about some of the broader issues within the book. Without the support of Ben Barber and other folks at the Whitman Center, this book could not have been completed. My comrades have remained loyal throughout it all; Jeff is more like my brother than a friend, and Richard is not only a friend but also a mensch. Finally, there’s my family: my mom has supported me in ways that are hard to imagine. And now there’s Vicky, whose joy and exuberance at all of life makes me happier than she can ever know. I especially thank her for build- ing a family together. For those I forgot: thanks, and mea culpa. Introduction: Why Go Back? The use of history . is to rescue from oblivion the lost causes of the past. History is especially important when those lost causes haunt us in the present as unfinished business. —Paul Goodman, Growing Up Absurd, 1960 Lamenting the lack of an effective left in American politics is a venerable tradition. The title of Werner Sombart’s classic work, Why Is There No So- cialism in the United States? (1906), asked a formidable question—and Som- bart did not need to justify asking it. Nearly one hundred years after he wrote, however, the words that best capture the state of the left in America are “dissolution” and “invisibility.” Hanging on in a dwindling labor move- ment—itself not entirely trusted by left-leaning intellectuals who have in- creasingly gravitated toward the ivory tower—and a handful of politicians, the left is not simply small in number but also marginalized. It lacks any significant voice in the Democratic Party, having been displaced by the cen- trist (if not downright conservative) Democratic Leadership Council, which helped elect Bill Clinton as president. As a journalist wrote about the presi- dential election of 2000, “On big bread-and-butter issues, the triumph of market economics and the fear of a loaded label have left the [left-liberal] movement with neither a clear national champion nor a coherent agenda.” This book hopes to address this deficit by examining a pivotal historical moment for the American left.1 I have confronted this political void in my personal life as well. I came of political age during the 1980s and worked within the remnants of organiza- tions that had descended from the New Left of the 1960s, cutting my teeth in movements against the nuclear arms buildup and American foreign inter- 1. John Harwood, “Left Out: No Leader, No Real Candidate, Liberals Just Languish,” Wall Street Journal, January 13, 2000 (I should note that I worked with an organization men- tioned in this story); Werner Sombart, Why Is There No Socialism in the United States? (1906; reprint: White Plains, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1976). See also my own essays, “Where Are the Young Left Intellectuals?” Social Policy (Spring 1999): 53–58, and “Talking About My Gener- ation (and the Left),” Dissent (Fall 1999): 58–63. 1 2 Intellectuals in Action vention in Central America, especially El Salvador and Nicaragua. These movements called for America to decrease military spending in order to tackle the problems of rising social inequality. Organizations on the left had numerous strategic and reflective discussions in which political debate merged with action. I listened and took part in deliberations about whether peace movement organizations should concentrate on nonviolent direct ac- tion or more “legitimate” means of protest (and in D.C., my hometown, that meant a big march from the Washington Monument to the Capitol). A group that I helped organize constantly debated whether we should get our message across through the mass media (while potentially jeopardizing con- trol over our ideas). My experiences within these movements and the de- bates they engendered also exposed me to the thinking of numerous political organizers who had come out of the struggles of the New Left—challenging the notion that all 1960s activists, such as Jerry Rubin, had “sold out” to become yuppies. Along with others in my generation, I heard a great deal about the heyday of the New Left during the 1960s.
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