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Claiming Sounds, Constructing Selves: the Racial and Social

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Claiming Sounds, Constructing Selves: the Racial and Social Claiming Sounds, Constructing Selves: The Racial and Social. Imaginaries ofSouth African Popular Music Mary Robertson Submitted in fulfilment ofthe requirements for the degree ofMaster of Arts in the Department ofMusic University of KwaZulu-Natal 2005 Acknowledgements: Without a number ofpeople and institutions, this thesis would not have been possible, and I would like to convey my sincere appreciation to all ofthose listed below. Firstly, I would like to thank the NRF for their generous financial assistance throughout the course ofmy Masters. Secondly, I would like to thank my supervisor Professor ehris Ballantine for his encouragement, insight, and support, and for being as excited as me by the issues explored in this research project. Thirdly, I would like to thank my friends and family. To my parents, thank you for using up your free minutes on my weekly blow-by-blow accounts of my progress. To Lindelwa (and Lindo), thank you for always challenging me, and for teaching iny landlord more than he wanted to know about Bhaktin. And to Jay, thank you for your never-ending patience, and for being there. And for the coffee. Finally, I would like to thank my research participants, who gave me their time and allowed me a glimpse into their lives and experiences, and from whom I have learnt a great deal. Declaration I declare that this dissertation is my own, original work. It has not been submitted before for any degree or examination. ->J;,-/k----~.....:::....:-"'<------ Signed: -!lfM-I-..........:.'.:..1-. Durban, _3_ day of IV(; Vtfh her ,2005. Abstract: This thesis explores some of the ways in which listening to South African popular music allows individuals to enter into imaginative engagements with others in South Africa, and in so doing, negotiate their place in the social landscape. Taking as its starting pointthe notion ofthe "musical imaginary" - the web of connotational meanings arising out ofthe interaction between music and society, rendering it a particularly suitable medium through which to imagine social actors - it focuses specifically on the role ofmusic in constructions of 'race' and, to a lesser extent, of 'nation'. It examines some of the ways in which dominant discourses exert pressure on what is imagined, as well as highlighting the creativity oflisteners who appropriate the musical imaginary for their own ends of identification. It attempts to depict the complexity ofmusical identification in post­ apartheid South Africa, in which individuals must negotiate multiple boundaries marking difference, including categories of 'race', ethnicity, gender and class. It also investigates perceptions ofthe role ofmusic in generating new identities and modes of social interaction, and offers some speculations as to how an analysis of these perceptions may contribute to current theoretical models of change in multicultural societies. 1 Table of Contents: Page number Chapter 1: Introduction 2 Chapter 2: The Dissemination, Interpretation, and Internalisation ofDominant Discourses ofMusic and 'Race' in South Africa 9 Chapter 3: Examining the Discourses ofKwaito 26 Chapter 4: Examining the Discourses ofSouth African Jazz 50 Chapter 5: Examining the Discourses ofSouth African Rock 72 Chapter 6: The Role ofSouth African Popular Music in Imagining a National Identity 93 Chapter 7: The Role ofMusic in Social Change in South Africa 124 Chapter 8: Conclusion 161 Appendix A: List ofInterviewees 170 Appendix B: List ofBands and Artists 173 Works Cited 184 Select Discography 191 2 Chapter 1: Introduction In this thesis, I examine ways in which music is involved in imagining identity - one's own and those of others. This examination is located within the context of contemporary South Africa, and the analysis is drawn from the experiences and perceptions of individual South Africans as expressed in interviews, focusing specifically on the role of music in imagining and engaging with the construction of 'race' and, to a lesser extent, 'nation' 1. Central to this discussion is Born and Hesmondhalgh's notion of the "musical imaginary" (2000: 2). This concept refers to the web of connotational meanings arising out of the interaction between music and society, making it a particularly suitable medium for imagining identities. They suggest that "[i]t is precisely music's extraordinary powers of imaginary evocation of identity and of cross-cultural and intersubjective empathy that render it a primary means ofboth marking and transforming individual and collective identities" (Born & Hesmondhalgh 2000: 32). They also stress that these imaginary processes are shaped and directed by dominant musical discourses. They argue that when researching these issues, we must be aware that "cultural expectations and norms, or dominant musical discourses, may be in tension with individual identities and may exert powerful pressures ofmusical subjectification." (Born & Hesmondhalgh 2000: 33). In their edited volume, articles focus on the musical imaginary as expressed by composers and musicians. In my research I wished to focus rather on the ways in which listeners imagine through music, and how these imaginary identifications are influenced by the dominant musical discourses referred to by Born and Hesmondhalgh. In particular, I was interested to investigate how the omnipresence in everyday life in South Africa of "race thinking" (Mare 2001: 79) feeds into discourses constructing music as a marker of racial identity. I was curious as to how ordinary South Africans who listen to popular 1 In this thesis, I use single inverted commas as 'scare' quotes, and double inverted commas to indicate quotes and song titles. 3 music experience and deal with the linking of 'race' and music. For example, I wondered whether listeners utilise the imaginative potential of music to reinforce prior identities focus~g on 'race', or, alternatively, to negotiate new ones that extend beyond the confmes of the rigid racial classifications entrenched by the Apartheid government, and still in official use ten years into democracy (Posel 2001). In a society such as South Africa in which individual subjects are constantly made aware of racial classification - their own and those of others - (Mare 200I), I anticipated that the dominant articulations of group identity to music would involve 'race'. For this reason, the bulk of my interview questions focused on drawing out perceptions of the links between 'race' and music. However, a secondary goal ofthis study was to discover to what extent listeners imagine a South African national identity through music. Coming from a history in which racial and ethnic identity were emphasised at the expense of a South African identity - in which 'race' and ethnicity were, in some cases, used to exclude individuals from sharing in a South African identity, and to limit their citizenship to that of their putative 'homeland' - establishing a common national identity in post­ apartheid South Africa has been an elusive goal (cfGqola 2001, Alexander 2002). I was interested to find out whether music was involved in constructing a shared post-apartheid South African identity in the consciousness oflisteners. In analysing the processes of imagining through mUSIC discussed by my research participants, I found it useful to take into consideration a point made by Hesmondhalgh (2003: 2) in a paper discussing lacks in empirical music research. Hesmond~algh criticises the use of the 'interactionist' model, in which the perceptions of listeners are analysed as if individuals are free to interpret the meanings of the music they hear in whichever way they choose. In order to avoid an analysis infonned by this approach, throughout the process of interpreting the interviews I made every effort to remain vigilant for evidence of social nonns and discourses constraining the interpretive freedom of research participants. In this study, I attempt to draw out and make clear the traces of these dominant interpretative nonns as they were present in the interviews. I also explore the various ways in which these individuals engage with such discourses and social 4 conventions of musical meaning in their efforts to imagine their place in relation to constructions of 'race' and nation. In planning this research project, I chose to focus my study primarily on music genres rather than on particular songs or artists. This decision was informed by Frith's argument that in linking musical sounds to social worlds, generic classification plays a pivotal role (1998: 89-90). For Frith, genre "must refer to an implied community" (1998: 91). Following from this, I assumed that the discourses constructing the relationship between 2 music and 'race' would be most evident in interviewees' discussions of genre . For this reason, I selected the genres of kwaito, South African rock and South African jazz as the focus points around which to conduct research into the articulations of 'race' and music. I selected these three particular genres because in my experience as a young South African, each had very different racial associations: I had heard kwaito labelled as 'black music', rock as 'white music', whereas the racial articulations ofjazz seemed less rigid and the audiences less racially exclusive. I anticipated that these genres would present contrasting imaginative possibilities to the listener, and hoped that by focusing my study on them, I would gain insight into varying permutations ofthe 'musical imaginary'. Methodology I conducted in-depth interviews with 31 South Africans from across the racial spectrum. As a young South African who has lived through South Africa's transition from apartheid to democracy, and who has only recently become aware of the powerful role of racial discourses in shaping the formation of my subjectivity, including my choices regarding what music to study and listen to, I was curious to learn about the perceptions and experiences of other South Africans of a similar age. Furthermore, being a university student allowed me relatively easy access to young South Africans in the form of other students. For these two reasons I chose to limit my sample according to age, and select research participants between the ages of 18 and 25.
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