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European Muslims and the Secular State, in a Comparative Perspective

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European Muslims and the Secular State, in a Comparative Perspective École Pratique des Hautes Etudes GROUPE DE SOCIOLOGIE DES RELIGIONS ET DE LA LAÏCITE EUROPEAN COMMISSION DG RESEARCH Program “Improving the Human Research Potential and the Socio-Economic Knowledge Base” 5TH FRAMEWORK RESEARCH PROGRAM ACCOMPANYING MEASURE Contract No HPSE-CT-2001-60027 : Islam, Citizenship and the Dynamics of European Integration “EUROPEAN MUSLIMS AND THE SECULAR STATE IN A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE” JUNE 30 & JULY 1, 2003 BY THE NETWORK OF COMPARATIVE RESEARCH ON ISLAM AND MUSLIMS IN EUROPE Final Symposium Report Editor and Coordinator Jocelyne Cesari 1 TABLE OF CONTENT 1 SESSION I: MODES OF INTERACTION IN NON MUSLIM SOCIETIES 4 Silence and Speech in the Muslim Groups in Sweden Jonas Otterbeck, Malmö University 4 Communication in Conflict:Germany and the Muslim Other in the Aftermath of 9/11 20 Gerdien Jonker / University of Muenster – Germany Jewish Life in Sweden Lars Dencik, Roskilde University 41 Beyond Victimhood – From the Global to the Local: A British Case-Study Philip Lewis, Bradford University 63 Discussion Led by Tuula Sakaranaho, University of Helsinki, Finland 85 Debate 89 SESSION II: MUSLIM LEADERSHIP AND INSTITUTIONAL CONSTRAINTS IN EUROPE 100 Islam, Citizenship and Civil Society: ‘New’ Muslim Leaderships in the UK Seán McLoughlin, Leeds University 100 Building Religious Authorities Among Muslims in Europe: Some Examples from France Valérie Amiraux, CURAPP-CNRS, Amiens 125 Teaching Dutch Ways to Foreign Imams. Between Government Policy and Muslim Initiative Welmoet Boender, ISIM, Leiden 130 Discussion Led by Martin Van Bruinessen, ISIM, Utrecht University 141 Debate 143 2 SESSION III: RELIGIOUS AUTHORITIES IN THE GLOBAL ERA: ETHNICITY AND DIASPORAS 152 Muslim Leadership in Europe: What Connections with the Ummah? Jocelyne Cesari, GSRL-CNRS, Paris and Harvard University 152 ‘God is Great’, The Transnational Development of Pentecostalism in an Age of Secularization Sébastien Fath, GSRL (CNRS/EPHE), Paris 167 McJihad: Globalization, Radical Transnationalism and Terrorism of the Diaspora Yngve G. Lithman, University of Bergen 180 The Formation of Transnational Identities among Young Muslims in Denmark Garbi Schmidt, Danish National Institute of Social Research and the Academy of Migration Studies in Denmark 206 Discussion Led by Jonathan Friedman, EHESS, Paris 226 Debate 231 SESSION IV: ISLAM AND EUROPEAN URBAN LIFE 239 Mapping the Muslim Leadership in Spanish Urban Centers Gema Martín-Muñoz, Autónoma University of Madrid 239 Muslims in British Cities: Are They Different from Other Migrants? Dilwar Hussain, The Islamic Foundation, Leicester 246 Discussion Led by Jose Casanova, New School University, New York City 264 Debate 270 Conclusion, Tariq Ramadan, University of Fribourg 279 FINAL CONCLUSION, Jocelyne Cesari, GSRL-CNRS, Paris / Harvard University 281 3 SESSION I: MODES OF INTERACTION IN NON MUSLIM SOCIETIES SILENCE AND SPEECH IN THE MUSLIM GROUPS IN SWEDEN, JONAS OTTERBECK, MALMÖ UNIVERSITY One striking feature when observing Islam in Sweden is the number of Muslim women participating in public discourse on Islam. Women are active in debates or are interviewed on television and radio. They compose and translate texts on Islam. Women are spokespersons for Islamic organisations giving lectures and making statements. How do we understand this? Has traditional gender roles changed among Muslims in Sweden paving the way for a public participation of women? Can we find structures explaining the situation? This article deals with Muslim leadership in Sweden. I will develop an argument on leadership and gender based on a theory on speech and silence. When discussing gender (or any other similarly broad categorisation of humans) one has to be aware of differences within (for a discussion, see Brah 1996). In this article/paper, gender will have to be understood as conflated with at least ethnicity, social and cultural capital. My main argument is that Muslim women can be leaders in spite of their sex rather than due to or regardless of it. One of the reasons to conclude this is that they are not (with few exceptions) leaders or representatives within the groups. Generally they have a function representing the group and the faith outside the group. Another reason is that the women who represent a group are of different Nordic ethnicities; they have not immigrated to Sweden from Muslim societies nor have their parents immigrated before them. These women have converted to Islam and have Swedish (or another Scandinavian 4 language) as their native tongue. Another important factor is the understanding of Muslim genders among the non-Muslim majority of Sweden. Gender specific prejudices about Muslim men and women and a fascination with the converted women make politicians, journalists, researchers and seminar organisers seek out the converts. Leadership, Gender, Speech and Silence In organisations and groups that market the Truth with capital ”T”, speech and silence is likely to be disciplined. It is important who is speaking and who is silent in public. But silence and speech are complicated issues. Are the acts of speech or silence voluntary or imposed, i.e. can you chose your speech (and its content) or your silence, or are you forced to speak (and to do it in a disciplined way) or are you silenced? Could there be elements of silence in speech and vice versa? Jeremy R. Carrette (2000:25ff) has reworked some of Michel Foucault’s central concepts and ideas on religion to be able to formulate a position admittedly never reached by Foucault himself. Carrette starts with Foucault’s interest in silence and confession especially focused on Christianity (i.e. Catholicism) and tries to develop a Foucaldian theory on religion, silence and speech. Through an extended discussion on leadership, gender, speech, and silence, I hope to be able to apply these thoughts in the analyses. Leadership Leadership is intimately connected to legitimacy, authority and power. Max Weber suggested three ideal types of authority that are at the core of classical sociology of religion: traditional, legal-rational and charismatic authority (Weber 1920/1996:58ff.). Meredith McGuire (1983:6f) claims that Weber thought charisma to be an inherent personal quality. Due to an increased theorising on socialisation and social psychology, it seems more accurate to understand charisma as a result of the interaction of a leader, or a potential leader, and his or her followers in which the successful leader develops a competence of getting legitimised as an authority. The crucial thing is that charismatic authority relates to the individual not the office or the position of the person. Traditional authority, on the other hand, is based on a specific cultural understanding of who is invested with authority. Which class, sex/gender, age group, ethnicity, family, education, 5 or profession do you have to be part of to be a potential candidate? Legal-rational authority is according to Weber the typical type of authority in modern societies. It is based on rational arguments and a belief in the fairness of the legislative bureaucracy and the meritocratic system. In this article I will consider anyone who has a position in a group, or who can represent a group in public, a leader. By this broad scope I hope to be able to position male and female leadership more clearly. Being in Control of Speech and Silence One important skill when seeking authority is the managing of speech and silence. A person invested with authority is likely to be in control of his or her speech and silence. By choosing the media and when and where to speak, an authority can avoid uncomfortable critique, questions or just discussions or, for that matter, create a forum in which discussion, critique or questions are so arranged that the authority will have the final word. But the act of speech also involves silence. When choosing one topic he or she can be silent on another. By controlling the moment of appearance, he or she also controls the moments when not appearing. A person in control can, with the help of for example a religious ritual in a ritual building or on consecrated ground, create a situation in which speech is extremely disciplined and silence is imposed. Rituals are often combined with an extensive use of signs in the form of concrete symbols, clothing, holy scriptures, liturgical languages, etc. An almost perfect example of this is the ways in which Usama bin Laden has tried to be perceived as an authority and leader among Muslims. His sparse speeches on video, in which he tries to convey an aura of Islamic morale and modern Jihad aesthetics, are totally controlled by him (or at least by his organisation). No one can pose uncomfortable questions or disturb him. He directs his speech – others are silenced; then he himself becomes silent and in fact unreachable leaving the crowd to spread legends about him and his organisation. In this it becomes clear that speech and silence are not to be seen as binary oppositions, instead speech and silence are inscribed in each other. 6 The initial anecdote of Michael Gilsenan in his book Recognizing Islam (1982/1992:9ff.), stress the importance of role taking, leadership and speech/silence. When in Yemen, Gilsenan observed a ritual homage paid by a student to two young sharifs (descendants of the Prophet Muhammad) and the sharifs’ appropriate response. Gilsenan followed the sharifs to their home in which they immediately threw off turbans, put a cassette on with Western pop music, opened a bottle of whiskey and discussed how boring Yemen was. Later when meeting the student alone, Gilsenan learned that he was a Nasserist just waiting for the revolution to come. What can be said (or done) in private or in public – indeed the borders of what is private – varies greatly. Disciplined Speech and Silence Not everyone is allowed to speak in public in the name of an organisation or parish, and those who are might not be or feel at liberty to speak their minds.
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