Fascism and Sexuality
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THE PERSECUTION of HOMOSEXUALS in NAZI GERMANY Kaleb Cahoon HIST 495: Senior Seminar May 1, 2017
THE PERSECUTION OF HOMOSEXUALS IN NAZI GERMANY Kaleb Cahoon HIST 495: Senior Seminar May 1, 2017 1 On May 6, 1933, a group of students from the College of Physical Education in Berlin arrived early in the morning to raid the office headquarters of the Institute for Sexual Research in Berlin. According to a contemporary anonymous report, the invading students “took up a military-style position in front of the house and then forced their way inside, with musical accompaniment… [and then] they smashed down the doors.”1 Once inside, the same group commenced to ransack the place: they “emptied inkwells, pouring ink onto various papers and carpets, and then set about the private bookcases” and then “took with them what struck them as suspicious, keeping mainly to the so-called black list.”2 Later that day, after the students had left “large piles of ruined pictures and broken glass” in their wake, a contingent of Storm Troopers arrived to complete the operation by confiscating nearly ten thousand books that they subsequently burned three days later.3 This raid was part of an overall campaign to purge “books with an un-German spirit from Berlin libraries,” undertaken early in the regime of the Third Reich. Their target, the Institute for Sexual Research founded by the pioneering German sexologist Magnus Hirschfeld, was one of the premier centers of progressive thought concerning human sexuality – most notably homosexuality – in the world.4 This episode raises a number of questions, including why Nazi leaders deemed this organization to possess “an un-German spirit” that thus warranted a thorough purge so early in the regime.5 The fact that Hirschfeld, like many other leading sexologists in Germany, was Jewish and that many Nazis thus regarded the burgeoning field of “Sexualwissenschaft, or the science of sex,” as “Jewish science” likely 1 “How Magnus Hirschfeld’s Institute for Sexual Science Was Demolished and Destroyed,” (1933) in The Third Reich Sourcebook, ed. -
On Rereading Klaus Theweleit's Male Fantasies Kevin S
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Digital Repository @ Iowa State University World Languages and Cultures Publications World Languages and Cultures 6-2009 On Rereading Klaus Theweleit's Male Fantasies Kevin S. Amidon Iowa State University, [email protected] Daniel A. Krier Iowa State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://lib.dr.iastate.edu/language_pubs Part of the German Literature Commons, Inequality and Stratification Commons, Other Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons, Other Sociology Commons, and the Race, Ethnicity and Post-Colonial Studies Commons The ompc lete bibliographic information for this item can be found at http://lib.dr.iastate.edu/ language_pubs/83. For information on how to cite this item, please visit http://lib.dr.iastate.edu/ howtocite.html. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the World Languages and Cultures at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in World Languages and Cultures Publications by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. On Rereading Klaus Theweleit's Male Fantasies Abstract Klaus Theweleit's Male Fantasies has generated broad interest in the literature of several academic disciplines. His analysis of the symbolic and gender dynamics of the leaders of the German Freikorps (German paramilitary mercenary units of the period 1918-1923) has been widely generalized into a theory of modern masculinity. Two issues inadequately explored in Theweleit's work nonetheless must be read through more recent empirical and theoretical work in history and sociology: (1) the formative role of colonial military experience in the careers of the German Freikorps officers who provide the material for his analysis and (2) the complex historical problem of the facticity of rape in Freikorps activity. -
Male Fantasies: Antiliberal Movements Across Europe – This Question Has Again Become a Pressing One
“How could the masses be made to desire their own repression?” was the question Wilhelm Reich famously asked in the wake of the Reichstagsbrandverordnung (Reichstag Fire Decree, February 28, 1933), which suspended the civil rights protections afforded by the Weimar Republic’s democratic constitution.1 Hitler had 01/10 been appointed chancellor on January 30, 1933 and Reich was trying to grapple with the fact that the German people had apparently chosen the authoritarian politics promoted by National Socialism against their own political interests. Ever since, the question of fascism, or rather the question of why might people vote for their own oppression, has never ceased to haunt political Ana Teixeira Pinto philosophy.2 With Trump openly campaigning for less democracy in America – and with the continued electoral success of far-right Male Fantasies: antiliberal movements across Europe – this question has again become a pressing one. The Sequel(s) ÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊMarxist theory, according to Reich, consistently depicts fascism as a mistaken choice resulting from false consciousness: the masses are ignorant and gullible, and thus easily led into contradictions. Refusing to absolve those who cheered for Hitler, Reich proposes an alternative theory. Marxism, he contends, was “unable to understand the power of an ideological movement like Nazism” because it lacked an adequate conception of ideology’s “material force as an emotional or affective structure.”3 The masses did not mistakenly choose fascism. Rather, there is a more fundamental nonidentity between class consciousness and mass movements. Fascism o t was not a Falschkauf (mistaken purchase) n i P followed by buyer’s remorse. -
Kafka : Toward a Minor Literature
Kafka: Toward a Minor Literature This page intentionally left blank Kafka Toward a Minor Literature Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari Translation by Dana Polan Foreword by Réda Bensmai'a Theory and History of Literature, Volume 30 University of Minnesota Press MinneapolLondon The University of Minnesota gratefully acknowledges translation assistance provided for this book by the French Ministry of Culture. Copyright © 1986 by the University of Minnesota Originally published as Kafka: Pour une littérature mineure Copyright © 1975 by Les éditions de Minuit, Paris. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. Published by the University of Minnesota Press 111 Third Avenue South, Suite 290, Minneapolis, MN 55401-2520 Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper Seventh printing 2003 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Deleuze, Gilles. Kafka: toward a minor literature. (Theory and history of literature ; v. 30) Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Kafka, Franz, 1883-1924—Criticism and interpretation. I. Guattari, Felix. II. Title. III. Series. PT2621.A26Z67513 1986 833'.912 85-31822 ISBN 0-8166-1514-4 ISBN 0-8166-1515-2 (pbk.) The University of Minnesota is an equal-opportunity educator and employer. Contents Foreword: The Kafka Effect by Réda Bensmai'a ix Translator's Introduction xxii 1. Content and Expression 3 2. An Exaggerated Oedipus 9 3. What Is a Minor Literature? 16 4. The Components of Expression 28 5. Immanence and Desire 43 6. -
Pink Propositions
Pink Propositions The Experience of Gay Men in Third Reich Concentration Camps Broc Gantt !1 Broc Gantt HIST:407 Dr. Phillips April 17, 2019 Introduction Hoards of scholarship exists on the Nazi regime and their sadistic concentration and extermination camps, but nevertheless one group seemed to fall through the cracks and go largely unnoticed by academia in the years since the camps were liberated. The men with the pink triangle have been repeatedly looked over and seen by many, it seems, as a group whose history of oppression under this tyrannical regime was something to be whisked aside rather than confronted head on. This practice would be deeply unfair to any group marginalized by such an evil regime, but it is even more unfair that history has focused so little on the experiences of the men who bore pink triangles, given that these men were often treated with a special brand of disgust and contempt by the Nazis. The men who were forced to wear pink triangles were, of course, those identified by the Nazis as “homosexuals”.1 In a system devised by the regime to categorize prisoners based on their alleged offenses, the homosexuals occupied one of the lowest rungs of the ladder; they were beneath violent criminals, political adversaries to the regime, immigrants, “Gypsies”, Jehovah’s Witnesses, and “asocials”.2 Based on 1 Heinz Heger, The men with the pink triangle: the true life-and-death story of homosexuals in the Nazi death camps (Los Angeles: Alyson Books, 1980), 31. 2 Heger, The men with the pink triangle, 31. -
'Liberation Was Only for Others'
70 Years After the Liberation 53 ‘Liberation Was Only For Others’: Breaking the Silence in Germany Surrounding the Nazi Persecution of Homosexuals W. JAKE NEWSOME, State University of New York at Buffalo n the spring of 1939, 22-year old Heinz Heger answered a summons by the local Gestapo in his hometown of Vienna. He was alarmed but could not recall breaking any law or Ipersonally offending any of the Nazi officials that seemed to be everywhere after Germany’s annexation of Austria one year earlier. An hour later, Heger stood before the desk of a Nazi bureaucrat, waiting to hear why he had been called to report. Finally, after an eternity of silence, the SS doctor looked up and spoke: ‘You are a queer, a homosexual, do you admit it?’ Without waiting for a reply, the official slammed shut a file on his desk and shipped Heger off to prison. As it turns out, Heger had indeed broken a law, Paragraph 175 of the German Penal Code, which strictly prohibited all homosexual activity between men. After he had served his six month sentence, Heger was immediately transferred to Sachsenhausen concentration camp, where he stayed until his transfer to the Flossenbürg concentration camp a year later.1 Through it all, Heger managed to keepCOPY a journal, and for the entry dated 23 April 1945, there are only two words: ‘Amerikaner gekommen’ (Americans came).2 After liberation, Heger made his way back to his home in Vienna, where he died in 1994 at the age of 77. Klaus Born, a young man from northwestern Germany, also found himself in trouble with the authorities. -
VIOLENCE, MASCULINITY and SELF: KILLING in JOSEPH ROTH's 1920S FICTION Jon Hughes
1 VIOLENCE, MASCULINITY AND SELF: KILLING IN JOSEPH ROTH’S 1920S FICTION Jon Hughes ‘Denn es ist Krieg, wir wissen es, wir, die beeideten Sachverständigen für Schlachtfelder, wir haben sofort erkannt, daß wir aus einem kleinen Schlachtfeld in ein großes heimgekehrt sind’. 1 These words, from Joseph Roth’s short travel book Die weißen Städte (1925), may be understood metaphorically to refer to the lasting psychological damage inflicted by the First World War upon those who fought and survived. For a small number of men, however, armistice in 1918 did not mean an end to violence. For these trained soldiers the killing continued, and Europe, at least for a few more years, remained a huge potential battlefield. In the Russian Revolution and Civil War, in the clashes between Bolsheviks and right-wing volunteers in the eastern part of the Reich , in the widespread fighting in 1919, the year of the failed German ‘Revolution’, in demonstrations, riots, and political assassinations: the War continued. For the best part of a decade, Roth, himself a veteran but with no combat experience, was concerned with little else in his fiction than the effects of the War upon those who survived it. He then turned his attention, in his most famous work Radetzkymarsch (1932), to the world which preceded it. In this essay I shall focus on a little considered aspect of those earlier novels: Roth’s depiction of killing by War veterans (‘murder’ seems to me too tendentious, though doubtless some would prefer it). I shall consider the conditions under which the act becomes possible, and argue that the texts demonstrate an unsentimental grasp of the continuum of male psychology, and of the displacement of the soldier’s ego in military training and combat situations. -
Pink and Black Triangles Using the Personal Stories of Survivors
Ota-Wang,1 Nick J. Ota-Wang The 175ers. Pink & Blank Triangles of Nazi Germany University of Colorado Colorado Springs Dr. Robert Sackett This is an unpublished paper. Please request permission by author before distributing. 1 Ota-Wang,2 Introduction The Pink, and Black Triangles. Today, most individuals and historians would not have any connection with these two symbols. Who wore what symbol? The Pink Triangle was worn by homosexual men. The Black Triangles was worn by homosexual women. For many in Nazi Germany during World War II these symbols had a deep, personal, and life changing meaning. The Pink Triangles and the Black Triangles were the symbols used by the Nazis to “label” homosexual (same sex loving) men and women who were imprisoned in the concentration camps123. For the purposes of examining this history, the binary of male and female will be used, as this is the historically accurate representation of the genders persecuted and imprisoned in the concentration camps and in general by the Nazis during World War II, and persisted in post- World War II Germany. No historical document or decision has been discovered by any historian on why the Nazis chose certain colors of triangles to “label” certain populations. In an email correspondence with the Office of the Senior Historian at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, some insight into why triangles were chosen can be addressed through the Haftgrund or reason for their arrest. 4 The Triangle was chosen because of the similarity to the danger signs in Germany.5 The Nazi party and many Germans did see Homosexuals as a danger to society and the future of Germany. -
The Other Side of the Pink Triangle: Still a Pink Triangle Christine L
The Other Side of the Pink Triangle: Still a Pink Triangle Christine L. Mueller October 24, 1994 In the SS, today, we still have about one case of homosexuality a month. In a whole year, about eight to ten cases occur in the entire SS. I have now decided upon the following: In each case, these people will naturally be publicly degraded, expelled, and handed over to the courts. Following completion of the punishment imposed by the courts, they will be sent, by my order, to a concentration camp, and they will be shot in the concentration camp, while attempting to escape. -Heinrich Himmler, 18 February 1937 (1) Thus Heinrich Himmler, the man most likely to succeed Adolf Hitler as Fuehrer in 1945, once again escalated the war on sexual behavior that did not conform to male heterosexual supremacy, an ideal he linked to winning the world race war of survival. "A people of good race which has many children has the candidature for world power and world domination. A people of good race which has too few children has a one-way ticket to the grave . ." he admonished the SS in one of his four-hour lectures. (2) Two years earlier, on the anniversary of his successful ambush and murder of Ernst Roehm, SA chief and Himmler's former, deeply hated commanding officer, Himmler had secured Hitler's approval of a revision of the law, unchanged since the founding of a united Germany in l871, that set prison terms for homosexual acts. Paragraph l75a, as it was called until it was repealed in 1968/69 (3), now additionally criminalized eight new acts, attitudes, intentions, and reveries, apart from sex itself, and punished them with draconian sentences of three to ten years' incarceration. -
On Rereading Klaus Theweleit's Male Fantasies Kevin S
World Languages and Cultures Publications World Languages and Cultures 6-2009 On Rereading Klaus Theweleit's Male Fantasies Kevin S. Amidon Iowa State University, [email protected] Daniel A. Krier Iowa State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://lib.dr.iastate.edu/language_pubs Part of the German Literature Commons, Inequality and Stratification Commons, Other Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons, Other Sociology Commons, and the Race, Ethnicity and Post-Colonial Studies Commons The ompc lete bibliographic information for this item can be found at http://lib.dr.iastate.edu/ language_pubs/83. For information on how to cite this item, please visit http://lib.dr.iastate.edu/ howtocite.html. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the World Languages and Cultures at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in World Languages and Cultures Publications by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. On Rereading Klaus Theweleit's Male Fantasies Abstract Klaus Theweleit's Male Fantasies has generated broad interest in the literature of several academic disciplines. His analysis of the symbolic and gender dynamics of the leaders of the German Freikorps (German paramilitary mercenary units of the period 1918-1923) has been widely generalized into a theory of modern masculinity. Two issues inadequately explored in Theweleit's work nonetheless must be read through more recent empirical and theoretical work in history and sociology: (1) the formative role of colonial military experience in the careers of the German Freikorps officers who provide the material for his analysis and (2) the complex historical problem of the facticity of rape in Freikorps activity. -
1942 Other Victims of Nazi Crimes Scenario
OTHER VICTIMS subject OF NAZI CRIMES Context8. According to the Nazi ideology, Jews into two categories: ‘worthy’ individuals constituted the greatest threat to Ger- (enjoying full civic rights) and those man society and racial purity. For this rea- ‘useless’ not only denied equal rights, but son, their rights were gradually limited with primarily the right to live. isolation in designated areas after the war broke out. Then, they were murdered in death Several months after the Nazis gained power, camps and other murder sites. a law was enacted on 14 July 1933 ‘to prevent the birth of offspring with hereditary diseases’. However, Jews were not the only group persecuted Over time, that regulation was used to forcibly by the Nazis. Even before the Second World War sterilise people with mental illnesses and those had begun, they sought to ‘purify’ German society suffering from epilepsy, deafness, blindness and from all ‘racially different’ groups (to which Sinti physical deformities. That group also included and Roma belonged, alongside Jews), as well as alcohol addicts, who were subject forced persons with physical disabilities, mental-health sterilisation. According to estimates, between difficulties and ones considered to be anti-social. 200,000 and 380,000 persons underwent the The last-mentioned group included homosexuals treatment pursuant to that law by 1938. However, and prostitutes and, given their nomadic lifestyle, no attempts were made to murder them before Sinti and Roma. Political opponents (mainly the Second World War. A certain type of exception socialists and communists as well as various and impulse toward adopting such a decision later union and social activists opposed to the Nazis) in the autumn of 1939 was a certain Kretschmar constituted a separate category. -
Holocaust Capstone Research Essay[1]
1 “I returned a ghost; I remained a ghost:”i -The Enduring Persecution of Queerness in Germany from Hitler to Adenauer Parker Manek The Holocaust Capstone Dr. Ward 5-7-2014 2 “An unnatural sex act committed between persons of male sex or by humans with animals is punishable by imprisonment; the loss of civil rights might also be imposed.”ii -Paragraph 175 On the eighteenth of February, 1937 Heinrich Himmler addressed an S.S. guard audience at Bad Tolz, Bavaria. His speech there expressed the concerns of the Third Reich regarding homosexuality, in the sense that it undermined the “generative power” of the nation; men sleeping with men produced no new reinforcements for the Nazi war machine. The persecution of any dissenter to the Nazi cause was pervasive, and the persecution of gay men was especially harsh and continued into the 1960s through augmentation of Nazi law codes. This allowed the codified language of the Third Reich to be implemented in the Holocaust, survive through the Cold War, past the Wall, and even into German Reunification. Homosexuality served as a scapegoat for German failure and trauma. Especially, effeminate homosexuals were seen as a threat to the state, Fascist and Democratic alike, for their gender non-conformity. This lack of conformity threatened the Nazi conception of defined gender space in which sexual and gender roles were aligned with conventional sex to serve the Reich in a common goal: world domination through procreation. As Judith Butler states, “for bodies to cohere and make sense, there must be a stable sex expressed through stable gender…that is oppositionally and hierarchically defined through the compulsory practice of heterosexuality”iii Nazi ideologies regarding homophobia were focused in the 3 practice of heterosexuality for the state.