“How could the masses be made to desire their own repression?” was the question famously asked in the wake of the Reichstagsbrandverordnung (Reichstag Fire Decree, February 28, 1933), which suspended the civil rights protections afforded by the Weimar Republic’s democratic constitution.1 Hitler had

01/10 been appointed chancellor on January 30, 1933 and Reich was trying to grapple with the fact that the German people had apparently chosen the authoritarian politics promoted by National Socialism against their own political interests. Ever since, the question of , or rather the question of why might people vote for their own oppression, has never ceased to haunt political Ana Teixeira Pinto philosophy.2 With Trump openly campaigning for less democracy in America – and with the continued electoral success of far-right Male Fantasies: antiliberal movements across Europe – this question has again become a pressing one. The Sequel(s) đđđđđđđđđđMarxist theory, according to Reich, consistently depicts fascism as a mistaken choice resulting from false consciousness: the masses are ignorant and gullible, and thus easily led into contradictions. Refusing to absolve those who cheered for Hitler, Reich proposes an alternative theory. Marxism, he contends, was “unable to understand the power of an ideological movement like Nazism” because it lacked an adequate conception of ideology’s “material force as an emotional or affective structure.”3 The masses did not mistakenly choose fascism. Rather, there is a more fundamental nonidentity between class consciousness and mass movements. Fascism was not a Falschkauf (mistaken purchase) followed by buyer’s remorse. The people fought for it, fiercely and stubbornly – though this desire for fascism is also a desire for suppression, a “fight for servitude,” if you will, or an “escape from freedom,” as Erich Fromm put it in the title of his 1941 book. đđđđđđđđđđThe answer to this apparent paradox – how can desire desire its own suppression? – was, in Reich’s view, tied to thwarted sexual development. The rhetoric of social revolution ran afoul of the centuries-old association of transgression with social shame and punishment. Taught to suppress the natural expression of their sexual instincts, the masses conflated social and sexual convulsions in

e - f l u x j o r n a # 7 6 — c t b 2 0 1 đ A T i P M a l e F n t s i : T h S q u ( ) images of tides, floods, undercurrents, disorder, and chaos: everything which represents a fear of dissolution or threatens to swallow the subject. Fascism, from Reich’s perspective, constitutes the paradigmatic form of ideological displacement: the social antagonism diagnosed by communism (class struggle) is displaced “to the site of phantasmatic antagonism,” as the archetypal conflict between the Germanic Aryans

10.10.16 / 07:22:47 EDT 02/10

An early twentieth-centuryđFrench postcard titled “The Winner“đusesđtromp l'oeil for a sexist innuendo. e - f l u x j o r n a # 7 6 — c t b 2 0 1 đ A T i P M a l e F n t s i : T h S q u ( )

10.10.16 / 07:22:47 EDT and the Semitic Jews.4 The literature of anti- between “false consciousness” and “real Semitism – fascist or otherwise – is marked by conditions,” he ends up introducing another the putative illegitimacy or unnaturalness of binary distinction: between the “rational” interest-bearing capital, whose ability to political agent and the “irrational” desirous generate money from money is represented as a subject – the foolish passions of the latter kind of parasitical, or deviant sexuality, undercutting the material interests of the former. generating like from like. Patriarchal, land-based Whereas Marxism would solve the problem of accumulation is threatened by both the 03/10 fascism by tackling misinformation, Reich would “cheating” wife and by the “cheating” solve the problem of fascism by tackling psychic moneylender. Hence the all-pervasive anxiety hindrances and inhibitions; yet both see fascism about the potency or authenticity of the male as a deformation (either intellectual or sexual) issue, whether this issue is a child or a currency.5 whose hold on the subject can be dispelled by đđđđđđđđđđWriting in 1936, Walter Benjamin also saw introducing less skewed educational programs or fascism as a mock revolution: the mobilization of a different mode of socialization. revolutionary demands towards an epic feat of đđđđđđđđđđAs Deleuze and Guattari point out, this showmanship, which stages the power of the distinction between the social and the psychic is masses without granting them rights. Fascism, difficult to sustain, since “there is no particular he noted, gives expression to the masses’ “will to form of existence that can be labeled psychic power” while preserving capitalist class reality.”6 In contrast to Reich’s emphasis on structures and keeping property relations intact. fascism as a psychosexual disorder, they stress The outcome of this revolutionary carnival is the that desire is social in nature: “It is not possible spectacularization of politics: the mass rallies, to attribute a special form of existence to desire, the histrionics, the paranoid discourse, the need a mental or psychic reality that is presumably to turn the lack of material resources into a different from the material reality of social drama of presence and absence charged with production. Desiring-machines are not fantasy- sexual intensity. machines or dream-machines, which supposedly đđđđđđđđđđFor all its merits, Reich’s account has a can be distinguished from technical and social blind spot. While rejecting the dichotomy machines.” Desire invests the entirety of the

InđthisđWaffen SS recruitment poster, the nazi army is portayedđslaying the Bolshevist dragon. The poster readsđ"Germany's victory means freedom for Europe."

10.10.16 / 07:22:47 EDT social field, thus the libido has no “need for repeatedly points out, one cannot talk here mediation or sublimation,” nor for any other about unconscious or repressed anxieties: the psychic operation, in order to permeate all forms Freikorps men openly equate communism and of social reproduction – even the most the liberalization of gender roles with repressive and deadly.7 lawlessness and anarchy. đđđđđđđđđđIn 1977, five years after the publication of đđđđđđđđđđRecruited from the ranks of the defeated Anti-Oedipus, German sociologist Klaus Imperial Army, the Freikorps men felt betrayed by

Theweleit published Male Fantasies, his seminal 04/10 Kaiser Wilhelm II, who abdicated in the work on the psychology of the “white terror.” aftermath of the November Revolution, and by Though Theweleit hadn’t read Anti-Oedipus the Weimar Republicans, who negotiated the before he began writing Male Fantasies, the armistice. But most importantly, they had latter could in many ways be described as the returned to a country whose changes felt sociological counterpart of the former. Echoing shocking: civil conflicts had given rise to multiple Deleuze and Guattari’s argument for the attempts to establish communist councils coextension of rational and irrational forms, (Arbeiter und Soldatenräte) throughout Germany Male Fantasies sets out to describe the – in , Bremen, Braunschweig, and Würzburg.8 dialectical entanglement of social, political, and Bavaria and Alsace had proclaimed themselves fantasy machines. Soviet Republics (on April 6, 1919 and November đđđđđđđđđđExamining the diaries written by members 8, 1918, respectively). The feminist demand for of the Freikorps – the German paramilitary units suffrage, which began in the Wilhelmine period, which refused to disarm after the WWI armistice had in 1919 won women the right to vote, while – Theweleit couldn’t help but notice that the the Weimar constitution consecrated equal pay, word “communism” was never used to refer to a equal opportunity, and equal access to form of political economy entailing the education. The Freikorps lore thus combined an collectivization of resources; rather, element of truth – for the military class, war, “communism” was synonymous with castration, however life-destroying, was a means of social with the fear of being emasculated and rendered reproduction, and the preservation of their own powerless – politically as well as sexually. As he rank and privilege implied the preservation of

A woman is beaten by Wehrmacht soldiers and Ukranian nationalists during the Lviv pogroms, in 1941, Ukraine. Historians estimate that 4,000 Jewish people were murdered during the first pogrom, between June 30 and July 2, 1941.

10.10.16 / 07:22:47 EDT certain social and gender hierarchies – with an only proves that male-female relations of element of delusion: As Theweleit puts it, they production in our culture have experienced “experience communism as a direct assault on so little real change for such a long time their genitals.”9 that structures have arisen whose all- đđđđđđđđđđThough seemingly counterintuitive, the pervasiveness tempts us into regarding conflation of women and mass unrest was a them as specific to sex. But if male-female common staple of conservative discourse at the relations of production under patriarchy are turn of the century. In his book The Crowd 05/10 relations of oppression, it is appropriate to (Psychologie des Foules, 1895) Gustave le Bon understand the sexuality created by, and had already addressed the crowd as a gendered active within, those relations as a sexuality subject: impulsive, irrational, susceptible, of the oppressor and the oppressed. If the irresponsible, unpredictable. The crowd is social nature of such “gender-distinctions” assimilated to the primitive, the infantile, and isn't expressly emphasized, it seems the feminine, the preserve of “beings belonging grievously wrong to distinguish these to inferior forms of evolution.”10 A crowd cannot sexualities according to the categories have political demands because, like women, “male” and “female.” The sexuality of the slaves, or the insane, it exists in the same state patriarch is less “male” than it is deadly, as the animal, outside of politics and history. just as that of the subjected women is not Riots, strikes, and mass movements are thus not so much “female” as suppressed, an expression of legitimate grievances but a devivified.13 lawless howl that threatens the very fabric of orderly life. The Freikorps men hated women, particularly đđđđđđđđđđThe experience of industrialization was an working-class ones. They feared being experience of shock, to both the social and swallowed by their shrieks, engulfed by their individual body. Here, the fear of mutilation, of hordes. These imaginary assaults justified all having the inner body’s (soft) entrails spilled by forms of real aggression. In their diaries, an industrial injury, is translated into the polarity members of the Freikorps fictionalized the killing between the chaotic formless masses and the of women, describing in lurid detail how bullets armored (hard) drill formations of a military and bayonets penetrated their bodies, how hand phalanx – a cipher for the fascist superbody. grenades turned living, breathing beings into a đđđđđđđđđđBut the assimilation of mass movements “bloody mass.”14 For order to be restored, women with floods, swamps, or pits of muck is not just a had to die gruesome deaths; only after all traces literary exercise, it’s a political operation. What of their existence were gone could the world be communism promised the underpayed and made “safe and male again.”15 underfed working poor was an overhaul of social đđđđđđđđđđUnlike the New Left, for whom sexual hierarchies; the revolt of the laboring class was – repression was not merely a characteristic of literally – a threat to the old barriers and fascism but its very cause,16 Theweleit didn’t see entrenched privileges: communism pledged to genocide as the thwarted expression of inhibited engulf the old Prussian order, swallowing the sexual energies. His point was rather that the lower ranks of the aristocracy that Freikorps production of gender and sexuality are intimately recruits typically belonged to. Conflating lifestyle tied to the content of anti-Semitism and overt (the maintenance of rentier income) with racism – both before, during, and after the fall of survival, the Freikorps forged an imaginary the Weimar Republic. Fascist sexuality is not so identity between the dread of revolution and the much repressed as it is ideological: it idealizes dread of drowning and physical dissolution. But virility and fertility as political imperatives.17 Its everything murky and watery is also a cipher for tropes are worth revisiting not only because woman, which is why Theweleit asks to what there is a continuity between every day sexism – extent this patriarchal organization of life adopts for example, the culturally tolerated misogyny of fascism in order to ensure its own survival.11 expressions such as “I would fuck her brains đđđđđđđđđđRelations between the sexes, Theweleit out”18 – and the Freikorps murderous frenzy; or argues, are never just sexual, they are socially because conflicts over sexual mores and gender structured and controlled, “the object of law.” e - f l u x j o r n a # 7 6 — c t b 2 0 1 đ A T i P M a l e F n t s i : T h S q u ( ) roles have again become an decisive site for Male Fantasies thus points to a certain type of political struggle; but mostly because the male-female relation as a producer of fascist question of gender is always instrumental in “life-destroying reality”12: defining the “enemy,” as the “act that brings the collective into being.”19 A man doesn't have “this” sexuality and a đđđđđđđđđđThe content of fascism is a national-social woman “that” one. If it seems possible form of Darwinism. This is what lends it today to make empirical distinctions ideological coherence – it ties its racial policy to between male and female sexuality, that its patchy economic program. As Hitler allegedly

10.10.16 / 07:22:47 EDT Theđ1975đNazi exploitation movie, Ilsa the She Wolf of the SS, initiated a franchise of three sequels.

10.10.16 / 07:22:47 EDT said: “The basic feature of our economic theory inputs and outputs, and the divisions of labor it is that we have no theory at all.”20 The only engenders.25 economic policy he did sustain was a lofty belief đđđđđđđđđđThe notion of gender becomes an organizing in inequality, since ruthless competition category in all aspects of social life at roughly promoted the rise of “superior individuals.” This the time when nineteenth-century scientific was the domestic equivalent of his foreign policy, anthropology ties distinct gender roles to which was based on ruthless competition among differences in biology. Since the very notion of nations. Social Darwinism is also the link in the 07/10 progress is grafted onto masculinity, the otherwise bumpy ideological continuum between heightened anxiety about female emancipation is fascism and capitalism. not just epiphenomenal: for the Freikorps the đđđđđđđđđđAs Susan Buck-Morss points out, the “red nurse,” the woman who dared trespass onto imaginary of nation-states is “purely political.”21 the domain of the male (both politically, by The economy plays no role in it. But precisely fighting for socialism, and professionally, by because economic actors are not recognized as performing medical functions) was a cipher for political agents, capitalism is “incapable of the total disintegration of the social. But this providing a code that will apply to the whole of fantasy of the castrating female did not die with the social field.”22 Instead, it sets in motion a National Socialism – quite the contrary: it deterritorializing machine plagued by merged with it. contradictions: theoretically at least, the free đđđđđđđđđđIn the 1960s and ’70s – ironically, the movement of capital should lead to a golden decades for social democracy – yearnings corresponding free movement of workers, in for lurid titillation found a ready-made outlet in which case capitalism, unable to sustain its Nazi fetishism. Tapping into the reservoir of mode of production, would dissolve into a sexual energy that fascism epitomized, different socio-historical figure. From this “Nazisploitation” movies became a pop-culture perspective, capitalism requires fascism to staple. As Susan Sontag argued, fascism violently and artificially reterritorialize social and provides an obvious décor for the staging of sexual mores. Immigrants, for instance, are the violence and submission, and a recognizable ideal capitalist subjects: most migrants on storyline for the exercise of absolute power – temporary work arrangements are not entitled to which also feeds on sadistic fantasies that vote or to receive formal benefits, but even when typically prey on the female body. The novelty, working illegally they are still taxable through however, is that women are here both victim and VAT. On the other hand, the abolition of victimizer: the supreme evil that National immigration restrictions would eventually even Socialism came to symbolize cannot be out wages across the globe, and the labor supply personified as male. Nazisploitation movies are would dry up in the places that exploit it the filled with she-wolves, monstrous torturers with most.23 This possibility explains the surge in an insatiable sexual appetite. Though these nationalist rhetoric and the need to fix unmoored depictions were extreme (read: pornographic), labor by reinstituting national boundaries. As their diluted correlates trickled down to the long as capitalism remains able to recruit fascist mainstream as the trope of the sadistic female rhetoric to wage war on the same underclass it SS officer and its allegorical offspring, from feeds on, the two figures can happily coexist. But “bunny boilers” to all other variations of the the balance is precarious, which is why liberal femme fatale hell-bent on destruction.26 The democracies tend to cultivate fascist fantasies tenacity of such imagery is also captured in the whilst marginalizing fascist parties. oxymoron “feminazi,” popularized by Rush đđđđđđđđđđThe reactionary modernism of the fascist Limbaugh to undermine pro-choice activists. The state was at once technologically progressive term originates from a TV series called Hitler’s and socially conservative. In fascist fantasies, Daughter, whose plot revolves around an attempt the lack of a totalizing social narrative is masked by a Nazi conspiracy to seize power in the US via by the triangulation of potency, technology, and a Manchurian candidate who is, in fact, Hitler’s masculinity, expressed in the ideal figure of the child. Because the Nazi-hunting heroes do not male as totality. Capitalism shares the attributes know who she is, all office-holding women come of phallic manhood: it is bold, ambitious, and e - f l u x j o r n a # 7 6 — c t b 2 0 1 đ A T i P M a l e F n t s i : T h S q u ( ) under suspicion. Here too, the message couldn’t competitive. Consistent with this hidden gender be clearer: “all ambitious women should be dimension, only so-called productive labor is suspected of secretly being feminazis.”27 remunerated; unproductive labor – i.e., labor Defeating them at the polls is not enough, which that does not yield a product, like domestic or is why Trump has made not-so-veiled calls for informal labor – is simply appropriated.24 To Hillary Clinton to be killed. Then as now, when paraphrase Matteo Pasquinelli: capital can be sexuality adheres to a dominance-and- regarded as an abstract machine, which, like any submission model, any challenge to the social other machine, can be analyzed according to its hierarchy will be experienced as a “direct assault

10.10.16 / 07:22:47 EDT on your genitals.” conflation between the digital revolution and đđđđđđđđđđThough fantasizing about forcing women to Reagan’s conservative revolution, a certain type yield does not necessarily mean one votes of subjectivity seems to have returned with a conservative, there is a continuity between the vengeance, grafting the markers of social sexualization of supremacy and the narratives Darwinism (competition for resources, survival of that tie uneven distribution of wealth to the fittest) onto software and information economic growth: both see parity as an processing. This symbolic system, dripping with impediment to potency – the political correlate 08/10 ill-disguised desire, finds its apex in the of dominance and submission is a society martialization of artificial intelligence, predicated on inequality. personified as a distilled form of white- đđđđđđđđđđCapital, as Shimshon Bichler and Jonathan maleness-without-white-men, even though the Nitzan argue, is not a simple economic entity, but intelligence of “deep-learning” algorithms does a symbolic quantification of power, whose logic not necessitate consciousness,31 and the is inherently differential. There is no such thing putative potential of the “cyborg” as a man- as “economic power”; nor is there “political machine hybrid has become reality in the form of power” that “somehow ‘distorts’ the economy.” the fully responsive environment of the “smart Instead, all social institutions and agents – from city;” not in the over-explicit phallicism of a ideology and culture to organized violence, “Terminator-like figure.”32 religion, and law; from ethnicity and gender to international conflicts, labor relations, Epilogue manufacturing techniques, and financial The defining move for the twentieth-century organisms – hinge on the “differential level and global order, Susan Buck-Morss argued, was the volatility of earnings.” As the authors point out, geopoliticization of communism: by forging an from this perspective we cannot discern identity between communism and the Soviet “economic exploitation from political Union, the Western Block could equate internal oppression.” Instead, there is a dialectical dissent (and constituencies as diverse as entanglement of capital accumulation and social African-Americans, feminists, socialists, formation, through which “power is accumulated workers, ecologists, and pacifists) with treason, as capital.”28 casting unionized labor as unpatriotic. In the US, đđđđđđđđđđOne could perhaps invert Lyotard’s formula to be a leftist was to be un-American. The and say that every libidinal economy is political: geopoliticization of the protests that became gender is the value form of capitalism; sexuality known as the “Arab Spring” mirrors this strategy: is its mode of representation (men appear as it confines dissent to a specific geolocation, money and power, women as beauty, youth, and obscuring the continuity between these sex appeal). The exaggerated masculinity of uprisings and other protest movements such as fascist fantasies is the magnified form of the Indignados and Occupy. But the demise of “normal” sexual norms, whose maleness already the USSR also dissolved the nexus between entails denying that anything coded as communism and the nation-state: resistance to “feminine” could be a legitimate dimension of capitalism can no longer be portrayed as a sign social and political experience. From this of Soviet intrusion. Once again social struggles viewpoint, only male sexuality is “sexual,” and all are displaced onto the phantasmatic antagonism kinds of issues can be reframed as narratives of between the “Free World” and “Islamic masculinity: the Left is seen as emasculated and Fundamentalism.” “Wars on Terror” lacking in libidinal energy; liberals are viewed as notwithstanding, this time around the masses do whiners; demands for inclusion are a symptom of not want fascism; they want equality. (hysterical) oversensitivity; political correctness đđđđđđđđđđ× is castrating; the preoccupation with “local” politics is said to signal surrender and impotency. Teeming with male fantasies, the entertainment industry speculates that neither the Holocaust nor slavery would have happened if their victims had “manned up” and fought back e - f l u x j o r n a # 7 6 — c t b 2 0 1 đ A T i P M a l e F n t s i : T h S q u ( ) (i.e., Tarantino’s Inglorious Bastards and Django Unchained).29 These armored images of manhood also linger in fields as diverse as evolutionary biology (ideology by another name), with its naturalization of rape as evolutionary strategy,30 and lifestyle trends, which echo hunter-gatherer fantasies (the Paleo diet, the biopolitics of attachment parenting). Feeding off the

10.10.16 / 07:22:47 EDT Ana Teixeira Pintođis a lecturer at UdK (Universität der đđđđđđ1 Ehrenreich, xv. Kunste) and her writings have appeared in Wilhelm Reich, The Mass Psychology of Fascism, 1933. đđđđđđ19 publications such asđe-flux journal,đArt Susan Buck-Morss, Dream World Agenda,đMousse,đFrieze/de,đDomus,đInaethetics,đManifesta đđđđđđ2 and Catastrophe (Cambridge, Journal, andđTexte zur Kunst.đ This question first appears in MA: MIT Press, 2000), 9. Spinoza: “Why do men fight for their servitude as stubbornly as đđđđđđ20 though it were their salvation?” Hans-Joachim Braun, The The latest iteration possibly German Economy in the being: “Why do those who would Twentieth Century (London:

09/10 benefit from universal health Routledge, 1990), 78. care fight for its suppression?” đđđđđđ21 đđđđđđ3 Buck-Morss, Dream World and Quoted in Etienne Balibar, Catastrophe, 18. A case in point Masses, Classes, Ideas: Studies is the current European debate on Politics and Philosophy Before about the distinction between and After Marx (New York: “refugees” and “migrants”: Routledge, 2013), 179. because the violence and coercion resulting from đđđđđđ4 economic conditions is not Sami Khatib, “May Day School perceived as violence, people 2015: How do We Think about fleeing hunger or exploitation Fascism Today?,” Ljubljana, April are denied the status of 30, 2015. refugees.

đđđđđđ5 đđđđđđ22 To this day, the security force Deleuze and Guattari, Anti- responsible for protecting Oedipus, 33. American kings – the presidential Secret Service – is đđđđđđ23 also tasked with eliminating At present, the survival of global counterfeiters. capital depends on the Chinese Communist Party providing đđđđđđ6 cheap, non-unionized labor for and Felix outsourced industries, whose Guattari, Anti-Oedipus (London: low-cost products, in turn, meet Continuum, 2004), 27. the purchasing power of an increasingly impoverished đđđđđđ7 Western working class. Ibid., 30. đđđđđđ24 đđđđđđ8 This gendered division of labor is These councils were brutality the household equivalent of the repressed by the Freikorps, who international division of labor, executed circa 1,800 of their which hierarchizes the stages of members and supporters. manufacturing geographically.

đđđđđđ9 đđđđđđ25 Klaus Theweleit, Male Fantasies Matteo Pasquinelli, “Capital (Minnesota: University of Thinks Too: The Idea of the Minnesota Press, 1987), 74. Common in the Age of Machine Intelligence,” Open! Commonist đđđđđđ10 Aesthetics, December 11, 2015 Gustave Le Bon, The Crowd: A http://matteopasquinelli.com Study of the Popular Mind, 2nd /capital-thinks-too/. ed. (London: Dunwoody, 1968), 15–44. đđđđđđ26 It is worth noting that though đđđđđđ11 women were implicated in Nazi Theweleit, Male Fantasies, 89. war crimes, they were never allowed to join the all-male SS. đđđđđđ12 Ibid., 227. đđđđđđ27 Brian E. Crim, “The Monstrous đđđđđđ13 Women of Nazisploitation Ibid., 221. Cinema,” in Selling Sex on Screen: From Weimar Cinema to đđđđđđ14 Zombie Porn, eds. Karen A. Ibid. Ritzenhoff and Catriona McAvoy (Lanham, MD: Rowman & đđđđđđ15 Littlefield, 2015), 105. Barbara Ehrenreich, Foreword to Theweleit, Male Fantasies, xiv. đđđđđđ28 Shimshon Bichler and Jonathan đđđđđđ16 Nitzan, Capital as Power (New Dagmar Herzog, Sex after York: Routledge, 2009), 36–37.

e - f l u x j o r n a # 7 6 — c t b 2 0 1 đ A T i P M a l e F n t s i : T h S q u ( ) Fascism:Memory and Morality in Twentieth-Century Germany, đđđđđđ29 (Princeton University Press, Similarly, the French, we are 2005) told, could have stopped the Paris attacks if they’d been đđđđđđ17 armed. Daniel Woodley, Fascism and Political Theory: Critical đđđđđđ30 Perspectives on Fascist Ideology See Randy Thornhill and Craig T. (New York: Routledge, 2010), Palmer, A Natural History of 212. Rape: Biological Bases of Sexual Coercion (Cambridge, MA: MIT đđđđđđ18 Press, 2000).

10.10.16 / 07:22:47 EDT đđđđđđ31 Even in its more realistic versions, as Orit Halpern notes, the current conception of deep learning is predatory: the world becomes a standing reserve of data to be greedily absorbed by pattern-recognizing algorithms. See Halpern, “The Smart Mandate,” in Nervous Systems:

Quantified Life and the Social 10/10 Question (Leipzig: Spector Books, 2015), 223.

đđđđđđ32 Katherine Hayles, How We Became Post Human: Virtual Bodies in Cybernetics, Literature and Informatics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 149. e - f l u x j o r n a # 7 6 — c t b 2 0 1 đ A T i P M a l e F n t s i : T h S q u ( )

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