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The Homosexual & State Repression In

The Homosexual & State Repression In

THE HOMOSEXUAL & STATE REPRESSION IN THE RISE OF NATIONAL SOCIALISM: RUPTURING THE DISCURSIVE FRAMEWORK OF PROVENANCE RESEARCH Clinton Glenn and Braden Scott

In 1934, at the behest of the National Socialist leadership, Dr. Magnus Hirschfeld’s Institut für Sexualwissenshaft (Institute for Sexual Research) in was raided by a group of students from the College of Physical Exercise. The students ransacked the institute, destroying papers, scattering artifacts, and hauling off much of the material.1 While this was hardly the formative moment in the backlash against what would be described as “degeneracy” in , it was in effect the death knell for the burgeoning homophile movement that began in Wilhelmine Germany around the turn of the twentieth-century and flourished in the Weimar Republic. What followed would completely reverse any apparent advances towards sexual and gender equality that had been promulgated by Hirschfeld and other sexual reformers in Germany. By 1935, , the inherited section of the Prussian Legal Code that forbade “unnatural acts” including homosexual behavior, was amended to enable prosecution of any individual who was suspected of homosexual activity.2 The subsequent persecution homosexuals faced parallels the Jewish experience during : gay men were sent en masse to work and concentration camps where a great many perished.3

This paper will focus on the ways in which the restitution models of provenance research are detrimental to an understanding of queer lives and queer family structures. Provenance takes into account the cross-temporal ownership, transmission, and histories not only of art objects, but the human associations, feelings, and memories of them. In contemporary art historical discourse, provenance acts primarily

158 159 as the structure for the understanding of the transfer of art objects, rightfully deserves more attention than it has received to date.5 through familial inheritance and kinship ties. However, it does not take into account the multitude of ways in which these objects Returning to the topic of homosexual men and the Holocaust, may pass from person to person. This framework is fundamentally this paper’s primary focus is on the ways in which homosexuals heteronormative in nature and precludes queer subjectivities from were persecuted under National Socialism and how survivors have this type of research. This paper is concerned with opening up been silenced, stigmatized, and written out of official narratives alternative ways of investigating the material culture of homosexuals of the Third Reich. This silence, which persists to this day, is persecuted and killed during the Holocaust with the explicit aim of amplified by contemporary scholarship and research surrounding uncovering further questions that have been omitted by the normative provenance of art objects, particularly those stolen from individuals provenance framework. This is a topic that has remained at the by the Nazis. While there have been a great number of cases margins of Holocaust studies and Art History, and is a fertile field referring to Jewish families and issues surrounding restitution for research and criticism. This paper will first examine the rise of and repatriation of art objects, there have been few, if any cases the Homophile movement in Wilhelmine Germany and the Weimar regarding homosexual men. This paper asks: Why is this the case? Republic, noting some of the problematic issues with contemporary portrayals of the period. Next, the rise of National Socialism and It is clear that there is some contemporary understanding of the the resulting period of repression will be studied. Finally, we will repression that gay men in particular faced during the rise and examine the ways in which restitution models following the Second dominance of the National Socialist regime. AIDS activism in World War have precluded the claims of homosexuals and added to the 1980s, for example, took up the symbol of the the atmosphere of silence and marginalization that survivors faced. that had been used to indicate homosexual men in concentration camp populations. As Dr. Klaus Müller notes, the reason why One area of study that this paper will not touch on, unfortunately, this symbol was so readily taken up by gay and activists is the lived experience and material culture of . This is not is because contemporary discourse has not necessarily put a because lesbians did not “exist” or that there was not sufficient face to the image of those who were forced to wear the triangle: evidence of lesbian visibility during this period: far from it. However, the legal framework that existed at the time, Paragraph This empty memory that Müller referenced from his own vantage 175, impacted homosexual men and women in vastly different ways. As Dr. Klaus Müller notes in the introduction to The Men A with the Pink Triangle, there was debate amongst the Nazi leadership lthough as to whether lesbians should be included in the expansion of the thepink legislation in 1935. However, Müller points to three reasons as to triangle why this did not occur. The Nazi leadership thought that lesbianism has become an was “essentially alien to the nature of the ‘Aryan’ woman” and international emblem of thus was not inherent in the Aryan identity. Within the leadership the gay and lesbian community structure of National Socialism, “there seemed to be no danger of today, we still know little about the a ‘lesbian conspiracy’” due to the dearth of women in positions of individual fate of those who suffered power. And finally, lesbians could “be used as breeders regardless of wearing it. A symbol invented by the Nazis, their own feelings, and reproduction was the most urgent goal of 4 the pink triangle was able to be a modern Nazi population politics.” Despite this view that lesbians were not symbol of gay and lesbian pride only because we impacted by Nazi policies, there is anecdotal evidence for lesbians are not haunted by concrete memories of those who were having been sent to concentration camps, and this area of research forced to wear it in the camps. Ours is an empty memory.6

160 161 point in 1994 is still somewhat valid almost twenty years later in Thus, the appropriation of the symbol of the pink 2013. The pink triangle as homosexual signifier has sprung up triangle, usually turned upright rather than inverted, since World War II in various modes of representation within visual was a conscious attempt to transform a symbol of culture. Spearheaded by Larry Kramer in the mid 1980’s, the AIDS humiliation into one of solidarity and resistance. Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP) was formed as an anarchist By the outset of the AIDS epidemic, it was well- group of gays, lesbians, and their allies in an effort to resist oppressive entrenched as a symbol of gay pride and liberation.8 government forces that hindered research and access to AIDS- related healthcare. During the formation of the coalition, multiple The triangle’s prevalence in visual culture was through first hand prints were made in the form of banners or wheat pasted as posters. visual experience and media coverage. Originating as the title of Saturated in black, the prints were contrasted by two other colours: an AIDS activist collective, The Silence=Death slogan caught on a pink triangle centered in the middle of the poster, and letter quickly, and became an important inclusion in the visual production based imagery that forms the equation “Silence = Death” (fig.1). In related to AIDS activism. The triangle’s history continued through small subscript underneath the message, some of the posters read: into the activism led by those identifying with marginalized sexualities, making itself present in public works that engaged with Why is Reagan silent about AIDS: What is really the politicized aspects of capitalism. This represented a break within going on at the Centers for Disease Control, the global discourse that furthered gay and lesbian studies to shift into Federal Drug Administration and the Vatican? a less exclusive theory concerning the word “queer,” and how it Gays and Lesbians are not expendable … Use relates to bodies that do not fit into a nationally reproductive model. your power … Vote … Boycott … Defend yourselves … Turn anger, fear, grief into action.7 Just as the triangle was once a symbol of oppression under National Socialism, the term “queer” has been reclaimed from its prior Various realms within lesbian and gay communities soon history of violence and repression. Historically used to refer to appropriated the pink triangle. Redeemed from its original something strange, , or not quite right, it eventually became, negative connotations, the symbol became iconic in its and still is used as a slur against people perceived to be lesbian or perpetuation of the histories that include persecution, gay, particularly against effeminate men.9 Just as the triangle came to imprisonment, and murder at the hands of government officials. be re-appropriated as a traumatic signifier of bodies perceived to be separate in classification based on their sexual practices, so too the ACT UP, in describing the inversion from a downward to an word queer has been turned around and used as an umbrella term for upward-facing triangle, state: sexual diversity. Shifting the discourse of sexuality from the confines of identity politics, the need to discuss issues of gender and sexuality The pink triangle was established as a pro-gay without ascribing definitive identities became prevalent. Alongside symbol by activists in the United States during the anarchist movements that ascribed community efforts to aid those 1970s. Its precedent lay in World War II, when living with HIV-related health issues, issues of the body, sexuality, known homosexuals in gender, and identity were flourishing within the world of academia, 10 were forced to wear inverted pink triangle badges giving rise to theories that also adhered to the title of “queer.” as identifiers, much in the same manner that Jews were forced to wear the yellow Star of David. With work that critiqued the issues presented with the burgeoning Wearers of the pink triangle were considered at the world of queer theory, the writings of French philosopher bottom of the camp social system and subjected to Michel Foucault became a starting point from which to particularly harsh maltreatment and degradation. critically analyse the structural formations of sexuality and identity in Western nations.11 After assessing the nineteenth-

162 163 century obsession with classification, Foucault sheds light Approaching queer art history with this majoritarian principle in on how the homosexual was perceived in Western society: mind illuminates how heteronormativity – the core hegemonic perpetuation of a reproductive nation – has shaped the framework Nothing that went into his total composition was unaffected by his sexuality. of the canon and further, its entire visual field.15 Unlike minoritarian It was everywhere present in him: at the root of all his actions because it methodology, whose task is complete after unearthing and was their insidious and indefinitely active principle; written immodestly repositioning gay and lesbian artists within formal and marginal on his face and body because it was a secret that always gave itself away.12 canons, majoritarian methodology seeks to distort, bend, or queer the lens of analysis, critiquing the erasure or attempts at erasure as part of This perception of a body, and classification of the homosexual an oppressive regime of cultural power structures. Neither measure as a sub-species of human because of sexual practice, can be is necessarily more important, with minoritarian and majoritarian identified in the treatment of by the National methods meeting at multiple convergence points within this paper. Socialists as Germany went through significant political change. With regard to the Nazi persecution of homosexuals during the Second Art historian Norman Bryson has brought queer theory World War and the issues arising from provenance research and into relevant discourse pertaining to visual culture, further restitution policies, Bryson’s majoritarian position provides a useful providing insight as to how using a queer lens in regard to means to critique the national structure of the West and understand history is different from gay and lesbian studies. Proposing that how homosexual persecution became a topic of discourse in the first specifically historicising cultural production is a “minoritarian” place. Directly connecting the realm of visual art with queer theory, strategy, the professor of visual art further defines this by stating: Bryson shares in Foucault’s idea that pertains to sexual identity:

The minoritarian strategy in art history means For Foucault, the project of the queer historian restoring to visibility the culture of a social group is to denaturalize the present, to understand it as that, having been cut out of art history virtually constructed, and to see ourselves as the products since the inception of the discipline, now rightly seeks of discourse, right down to the supposed core of 16 inclusion and a place at the table. … Minoritarian our being, the bedrock authenticity of sexuality. tactics turn on precise and delimited goals; that is their strength, but also their disadvantage.13 Taking this as a departure point, in order to frame a discussion surrounding the oppression of homosexuals in , Thus, a minoritarian approach to histories posits that once the a majoritarian approach must be applied to see to how the queer aesthetic consequences of same-sex desire are accomplished, the body was pitted against the desirable construct of the national body. campaign and bulk of work is over. This is where Bryson proposes a majoritarian methodology in queer art history and historiography: With a queer methodology utilizing a more theoretical and improvisational approach to the historical analysis, it is important to emphasize the memory of gay men persecuted during this era. Lesbian and gay methods of interpreting histories of related The stigmatization of gay and lesbian people interest must come into play, essentially buffering the dichotomy that and culture is regarded not simply as a local could otherwise develop between majoritarian and minoritarian issue, to be resolved through a politics of politics. Queer theorist Jonathan Weinberg sheds light on how inclusion; rather, stigmatization is thought of both are essential aspects in the work of queer art history: as massively overdetermined, as connected to all dimensions of cultural normalization.14

164 165 Queering all works of art - that is, making them widely adopted, and along with it came the prohibitions against strange in order to destabilize our confidence in the homosexuality. With the proclamation of the Second Reich in 1871, relationship of representation to identify, authorship, Paragraph 152 of the North German penal code was combined and behaviour - is a potentially political act, but with Prussia’s Paragraph 143 which became know as Paragraph it should not replace the task of recovering gay and 175 and applied to the entire Reich.22 In spite his efforts to seek lesbian iconographies and historical moments. 17 emancipation for homosexuals, Ulrichs died relatively unrecognized in 1895. John Addington Symonds and Havelock Ellis in England, Ideally, both aspects should be used simultaneously. In keeping with however, would take up his work shortly after his death.23 Weinberg’s approach, what follows in this paper will begin by using social and biographical histories to situate the emotional relevance With the implementation of Paragraph 175 throughout Germany, of queer lives that faced persecution under the Third Reich. the prohibition against homosexual activity would then be actively punished by the state.24 However, prosecution relied upon first-hand That being said, one must be careful not to anachronistically accounts; individuals would have to be caught in the act in order to be apply identity labels to individuals. Looking back in history, persecuted. Due to the very private nature of homosexual relations, the notion of “homosexual” as a distinct identity is relatively this was not easy.25 At the same time, a homosexual emancipation recent. It was not until the mid-nineteenth-century that the term movement gained steam around the turn of the twentieth century. “homosexual” (and, as a result, heterosexual) was coined.18 In the Among the most notable of the figures associated with this movement context of Germany, the sexological movement began in earnest was Adolf Brand. Brand was the publisher of a periodical called towards the end of the nineteenth-century. One of the first major Der Eigene (The Own), from 1896 up until 1929. Initially an anarchist figures to take up the cause was Karl Heinrich Ulrichs. His 1867 publication, it soon bore the subtitle “A Periodical for Masculine text Memnon: The Sexual Nature of the Man-Loving Uranian; Somatic- Culture, Art, and Literature.” Brand’s publishing house would later, Psychic Hermaphroditism, Ulrichs advocated for an understanding of under the Nazi regime, be raided and its contents confiscated.26 male homosexuality as thus: “the male homosexual is a type of androgyne—specifically, a female soul confined in a male body.”19 Ulrich’s sexological research and attempts at reformation were This idea of sexual inversion, with the female within the male taken up by Dr. Magnus Hirschfeld through his founding of the helped to explain why homosexual men were compelled in such Wissenschaftlich-humanitäres Komitee (Scientific Humanitarian a way that would, for heterosexual men, be unthinkable. Ulrichs Committee) in 1897, and later under the auspices of the Institut used his theories to promote the notion that “homosexuals do not für sexualwissenschaft (Institute for Sexual Research) in Berlin.27 choose their orientation […] Rather, [he] viewed homosexuality as This institute became a locus for the homosexual emancipation a congenital anomaly, comparable to left-handedness.”20 Instead of movement, research into sexuality, as well as an archive and a using the term “homosexual,” Ulrichs utilized the term “Urning” repository for the material culture of gays and lesbians in Germany, which had been derived from “Plato’s Symposium, in which and from around the world. Germany itself was experiencing a the patron goddess of men who love other men is identified as sexual revolution. As Steakley notes, the major cities in the country Aprodite Urania.”21 As historian James Steakley notes, this concept developed sizeable homosexual populations as people moved from of the Urning was widely used up until the First World War. the rural to the urban centres. By 1914, “Berlin was home to some forty homosexual bars as well as one to two thousand male However, Ulrichs received little support for his ideas. During this prostitutes (a police estimate).”28 This trend towards liberation period, the kingdoms that would become Wilhelmine Germany did not lessen with the defeat of Germany and abolishment were in the process of amalgamating. Consequently, during of the Monarchy. Many among the burgeoning homophile this process of incorporation the Prussian Penal Code was movement continued to push for sexual reforms, including

166 167 elimination of Paragraph 175. As late as 1927 it appeared there On May 6, 1933, Magnus Hirschfeld’s institute was raided by was a chance that this movement might yet prove successful.29 a group of Nazi youth from the College for Physical Exercise. The building itself was ransacked. Papers were scattered and The rise of the Weimar Republic from the ashes of the First World destroyed, objects were ripped from the walls and paraded in War was also paralleled by the increasing visibility of homosexuals, the street. Much of this material, as the New York Times noted in particular through the visual medium of film. As film historian in a news article referencing the event, was “hauled away to the Richard Dyer in Now You See It: Studies on Lesbian and Gay Film notes, headquarters of the students’ social centre, where the material during the Weimar period visual representations of gays and lesbians [would] be sorted by medical experts, and the scientific part became commonplace. However, unlike other films of the period reserved for legitimate use.”34 The remaining material was destroyed which were decidedly negative, Anders als die Andern (Different from the alongside many of the books in the book burning on May 10.35 Others, 1919) dealt “with homosexuality centrally, unambiguously and positively.”30 Based on the novel of the same title by Bill Forster, Following the raid on Hirschfeld’s institute, homosexuals felt the film features “an adolescent gay love instantly presented as an uneasy peace. As notes in the documentary wholly lacking in coarseness, a recognition of the importance of Paragraph 175, much of that uneasiness was due to the presence what we would now call coming out, [and] an unhappy ending.”31 of Ernst Röhm among the top leadership of the What is most striking about this film is not necessarily the coming out (SA), the muscle behind the Nazi’s rise to power.36 Despite this narrative, but the appearance of Magnus Hirschfeld self-representing uneasy peace, on June 30, 1934 the top leadership of the SA as the character of the sexologist. This was one of the few examples was eliminated in what was known as the Röhm-putsch (more of Hirschfeld appearing on film, and demonstrates Hirschfeld’s role commonly referred to as the in English).37 as the public face of the burgeoning sexual liberation movement. Röhm’s sexuality was no secret to the Nazi leadership and to the German public. Becker’s acknowledgement of this in Paragraph 175 A more recent example of film that exemplifies a powerful image illustrates how, given Röhm’s stature in the party and his position of the libertine environment in Weimar Germany is Bob Fosse’s in the upper echelons of the National Socialist leadership, there Cabaret (1972). The film, partially based upon novelist Christopher was initial ambivalence towards the Nazis by homosexual men.38 Isherwood’s Berlin Stories tells the story of Sally Bowles, played by Geoffrey Giles in “The Institutionalization of Homosexual Panic Liza Minelli, a young American cabaret performer who dances and in the Third Reich” notes how Hitler himself was not particularly sleeps her way through pre-Nazi Germany. Both Isherwood’s novel concerned with homosexuals. However, others among the upper and the film act as pervasive images of Berlin during this period; echelons of the Nazi party were concerned with Röhm and other however, the accuracy of such representations is debatable. Despite SA commanders that were known homosexuals. The Röhm-putsch this, film critic Richard Dyer notes: “[n]o doubt people like Isherwood itself was justified under the guise of protecting German youth […] were responsible for making Berlin’s sex life seem, according to from older men as predators. Himmler himself, as Giles notes, was view, more infernal or more glamorous, more wretched or more fun particularly influenced by Hans Blühmer’s Die Rolle der Erotik in than it really was, but there does seem to have been a great deal der männlichen Gesellschaft (The Role of the Erotic in Male Society) of it, and I speak now only of gay/lesbian matters.”32 Lurking in which “portrayed homoeroticism as the crucial element in male- the background of the libertine Weimar Republic was the National centered organizations and institutions.” Giles notes that Himmler’s under the leadership of . With the rise of own homophobia sprung from his reaction to this perception of the Nazi party came the end of the Weimar Republic. Concerns over the homosocial as equating with homosexual, which reflected in the sexual purity of the Aryan race preoccupied the Nazi leadership, his own belief that true homosexuality was in fact paederasty.39 predominantly and Joseph Goebbels.33 After Röhm’s death and in the increasing regulation of the lives of German citizens by the Nazi party, widespread homophobia

168 169 became a state-sanctioned activity.40 In 1935 Paragraph 175 was senses: from their friends, who did not dare write for expanded, giving the police more authority over whom they could fear of themselves being registered as homosexuals; arrest and under what circumstances.41 A key component of this from their family, which out of ‘shame’ might disown was the provision for harsher sentences against those who were father or son and might in the case of death – as we caught with youth under the age of 21. The implementation of know from the file of Karl Willy A. – even refuse to these new provisions extended into the private lives of every citizen. accept the urn or hold a funeral; and from other groups Individuals were denounced because of petty jealousy or as a way of prisoners, who avoided men with the pink triangle to move up within the Nazi Party ranks. Youth were particularly hard-hit. Any hint of homosexual activity resulted in terms in work both to keep clear of suspicion and because they shared camps.42 Even the appearance of homosexual activity among men the widespread prejudices against ‘queers’. But the was enough for prosecution. This leap between male bonding and homosexual prisoners were also isolated from others homosexuality was not necessarily by mistake. As Eve Kosofsky like themselves, for gay men are seldom bound together Sedgwick notes in Between Men: English Literature and Male Homosocial by anything more than their sexual orientation.47 Desire, homosociality and homosexuality are intimately connected.

The “homosocial,” as she defines the term, refers to platonic bonding Even following the war, the stigma of this “special status” persisted. between heterosexual men. For Sedgwick, this type of bonding activity Homosexual men did not have access to the same mechanisms for may “be characterized by intense homophobia, fear and hatred of restitution that Jewish prisoners were afforded. As Müller notes in the homosexuality.”43 These terms, homosocial and homosexual are introduction to The Men with the Pink Triangle, survivor Karl Gorath did intimately connected with one another. As Sedgwick notes, “because a t t e m p t t o fi g h t f o r r e s t i t u t i o n f o l l o w i n g t h e l i b e r a t i o n o f t h e c a m p s : they are likely to concern themselves intensely with each other and to assume interlocking or mirroring shapes, because their theatre of Gorath was twenty-six in 1939 when his jealous struggle is likely to be intrapsychic or intra-institutional as well as lover denounced him to the . As an SS guard public, it is not always easy (sometimes barely possible) to distinguish held a gun to his head, Gorath was forced to sign a them from each other.”44 Given the male-centric formation of confession. He never saw a court or a judge, and was the Nazi party leadership, the slippage between homosocial and brought to the concentration camp of Neuengamme, homosexual was seen as a real threat. As Giles notes, there was a fear then to Wittenberge (Elbe) in 1940. When he refused amongst the upper echelons of Nazi power that homosexual men, to reduce the bread rations for Soviet prisoners of war, especially in positions of power, would show favoritism towards one Gorath was then sent on a penal transport to Auschwitz another that “would be stronger than their loyalty to the state.” 45 in 1942. He managed to switch his pink triangle for a red one en route, an act that probably saved his life. The horrors of persecution and sentencing for violations of Shortly before Auschwitz was liberated, he and other Paragraph 175 cannot be understated. Men who were convicted inmates were sent to the camp at Mauthausen, and were often sent to work camps followed by concentration later to camps at Melk and Ebensee. After finally camps.46 They were marked with the pink triangle and being liberated by the U.S. Army in 1945, he nearly faced isolation from other prisoners. As Günter Grau notes: died of cholera. In 1949, Gorath was sentenced to four years in prison for violation of Paragraph 175. Their daily life was governed by the inhuman He asked for reparations from the German government conditions of the camp. In addition there was the stigma in 1953 and again in 1960. Both times his request of being a homosexual, which gave them a dangerous was refused: in the eyes of the German government, homosexuals were not victims of the Nazi regime.48 special status. They were isolated in many different

170 171 The logic behind the continued persecution of Gorath after the fall of the Nazi regime was linked back to Paragraph 175 itself. The statute, having originated in the Prussian Legal Code, was not specific to Nazi ideology and was therefore legally acceptable.49 This continued persecution and the stigma it engendered after the War has unfortunately silenced many of those voices, voices that may have otherwise had the opportunity to tell their stories.

The discourse around the Holocaust began to shift in the 1970s due to two seminal works: the publication of Die Männer mit dem rosa Winkel (The Men with the Pink Triangle) in 1972,50 and the staging of Bent in 1979 by . The Men with the Pink Triangle is a harrowing account of one man’s experience in concentration camps during WWII. The author, still faced with the stigma of being persecuted under Paragraph 175, published the memoir under the pseudonym .51 The book itself served as the inspiration for Sherman’s play, which was initially performed at the in London in 1979.52 In 1994 , a French Holocaust survivor published his memoire entitled Moi Pierre Seel, Déporté homosexuel (I, Pierre Seel, Deported Homosexual). This was followed by a film version of Sherman’s Bent in 1999. Directed by , the film featured well-known actors such as Ian McKellan, , and Mick Jagger. In 2000, published his memoir entitled Und Gad ging zu David (known in English as An Underground Life: Memoirs of a Gay Jew in Nazi Berlin). These texts exemplify the shift in discourse towards an opening up of Holocaust narratives to include other marginal groups persecuted under the Nazis.

Returning to the field of provenance research, the problem lies not in the lack of evidence of homosexuals being persecuted and their possessions taken; rather, the problem lies in the lack of scholarship and research done on the subject. Much of this research relies on sifting through sources both on the Internet and in archives. However, many objects are held by individuals who are unaware of their provenance. Ralf Dose, a researcher at the Magnus-Hirschfeld-Gesellschaft (Magnus Hirschfeld Society) in Berlin, and Don McLeon at the University of Toronto, are active in this type of research. Returning to Hirschfeld’s institute, some objects have surfaced over the years, despite the assumption Figure 1: Silence=Death Project. “Silence=Death”, 1986. Poster. Photo courtesy of Avram Finkelstein. that the ransacking of the institution had led to a complete loss of the materials it housed. As Dose notes, despite the belief that

172 173 nothing survived the raid on the institute, some letters and books the present; and they show up in the inadequacy of queer narratives were known to exist in archives, libraries, and private collections.53 of progress.”59 These narratives would serve to silence those who are no longer around, such as the countless homosexuals killed during In his own research Dose has located specific artifacts known to the Holocaust, all in the name of political and social progress. The have come from Hirschfeld’s institute. In looking at Hirschfeld’s refusal to play by this logic of progress “means refusing to write off life in in exile, for example, Dose came across the name of the most vulnerable, the least presentable, and all the dead.”60 In physician Edmond Zammert. Zammert was no longer alive, but this drive towards a future where hate crime legislation and same- he was able to track down Zammert’s daughter who had objects sex marriage are the norm and the default, just who is left behind? passed to her by her father, such as a small Japanese dildo box, which had originally been in the possession of Hirschfeld’s institute. Returning to Foucault’s writing pertaining to the homosexual as species, 54 Research projects such as the one undertaken by Ralf Dose attention is brought to an absurd amount of sorrow afflicted on the do exist. As Dose notes in his account of tracking down objects, bodies that have been interpreted as such. Feminist scholar and affect papers, and ephemera55 that was related to Hirschfeld’s institute theorist Sarah Ahmed explains how this hierarchical segregation of and its activities, there are large numbers of letters that belong to humanity leaves out the possibility of grieving over homosexual lives: individuals that have yet to be read.56 However, when reading his notes on the research he has conducted, Dose subtly notes some of Simply put, queer lives have to be recognised as lives the problems with this line of enquiry. Many items remain locked in in order to be grieved. In a way, it is not that queer the attic or basement of individuals who do not know their origins lives exist as ‘ungrievable loss’, but that queer losses or true value. Without the proper resources or knowledge of said cannot ‘be admitted’ as forms of loss in the first place, objects, they may remain hidden away for the foreseeable future as queer lives are not recognised as lives ‘to be lost.’61 with no hope of surfacing. In his discovery of the granddaughter of Hirschfeld’s sister in Australia and her knowledge of his history, It was not until many years after the war that efforts were made 57 Dose acknowledges that visibility and knowledge is everything. to reach and provide survivors with relief funds in the form of A further problem, not necessarily pointed to by Dose but payments from government institutions. The amount of attention intimately linked to this type of research is the social and cultural that was given to homosexuals who survived the Holocaust network connected to Hirschfeld’s institute. When researching the was not reflected in the meagre treatment of restitution claims homosexuals persecuted under the Nazis and subsequently shamed on the behalf of homosexuals. This dissonance is evidence into silence following the Second World War, where can we begin? of Ahmed and Foucault’s assertion that society viewed the homosexual body as a separate and lower ranking body. In the larger scope of the LGBT rights movement, the question becomes, what is the value of researching these memories? What In 1998, the Pink Triangle Coalition was formed by eight gay does this mean in the larger context of a movement that is set advocacy organizations in , Israel, and the United States. This into this idea of progress towards equal rights under the auspices would serve to be an international coalition for co-ordinating affairs 58 of anti-discrimination statutes and same-sex marriage? Looking relating to the Nazi persecution of homosexuals, and a major attempt backwards and examining the past in order to inform the present to work within the same systems that had once worked to oppress has been a key concern for queer theorists. As Heather Love notes what the state viewed to be deviant sexual identities.62 Beginning in Feeling Backward: Loss and the Politics of Queer History, it is this looking in 1997, the Swiss government – backed by Swiss companies and back that is important to understand where one is going. Love states banks – established the Swiss Humanitarian Fund. This would be that “[b]ackwards feelings serve as an index to the ruined state of the distributed to survivors whose eligibility was based on need. Funds social world; they indicate continuities between the bad gay past and were to be applied for regardless of the reason of an individual’s

174 175 persecution in order to avoid perpetuating discrimination. Predating directed by Academy Award winners Rob Epstein and Jeffrey the Pink Triangle Coalition, the Swiss organisation Pink Cross Friedman, was to be seen and discussed around the world. The obtained a seat on the advisory board the Humanitarian Fund, second was the virtual and real memorials to homosexuals who allowing the dissemination of information throughout communities died at the hands of the Nazis in the Second World War, set up that were able to trace eleven eligible gay survivors. Of those eleven, in Berlin by the Schwules Museum. The third, a book with the seven chose to go through with the application, resulting in a dismal names of gay men and lesbians in Berlin who were murdered achievement of roughly $1,300 being given to each. Further work by the Nazis, was to be published. Both the second and the third was done, and the Nazi Persecutee Relief Fund came into existence, projects were carried out by the Magnus-Hirschfeld-Gesellschaft.64 triggering the need for the Pink Triangle Coalition to come into effect that could assess the restitution on an international scale. Preceding these efforts, the class action lawsuit known as the Swiss Banks Litigation was taking place, accusing the Swiss Banks for their After officially forming in Berlin, the coalition established alleged failure to return more than fifty thousand accounts belonging a mandate that would be a part of the relief fund. The to victims of the Nazis. An agreement was made, with $1.2 billion mandate was composed of two major proponents: decidedly being put towards reparation attempts for surviving . Early in 2002 the Pink Triangle Coalition 1. To ensure representation of the homosexual requested that one percent, roughly $12.3 million, be used to provide victims of the Nazis vis-à-vis the various new material assistance to gay and lesbian survivors, support scholarly international funds which have been created with a research, promote education and public history projects – including view to maximizing resources for educational projects monuments, and advance efforts to prevent anti-homosexual and ensuring fair distribution of any such resources. persecution throughout the world today. As of December 31, 2012, this request of only one percent, which would have been the largest 2. To collect and disseminate information about amount paid to a gay and lesbian cause, has still not been honored, 65 Nazi persecution of gay men and lesbians with with no further information as to if or when it may be fulfilled. a view to involving additional non-governmental organizations in the efforts pursued by the It must be noted, that although positive action took place in coalition and facilitating a structured approach.63 the attempts to recognize the persecution of homosexuals, it still took more than fifty years after the war before discussion Initial proposals went to the governments of the and regarding reparations began. In writing about the perception of the United Kingdom. In reflection of Ahmed’s somber words gay men in mid-twentieth-century Europe, Richard Plant states: regarding the lack of grievance for queer lives, both were rejected. All the old arguments of the past were marshalled: The coalition’s activities, however, were not a complete failure. homosexuality corrupts a nation; it breaks the The United States in 2000 gave $70,000 for the Pink Triangle moral fibre of the citizens; it is un-Germanic; it is Coalition to redistribute to the same seven survivors who applied connected with dangerously corrosive left-wing and to the Swiss Humanitarian Fund. This spurred further restitution Jewish elements (this from the right), or it is typical from governments, including the Dutch who would donate €1.6 of the dissolute aristocracy and high bourgeoisie (this million to further research, documentation, and exhibition projects from the left). Above all, the spread of homosexual concerning the Nazi persecution of homosexuals. The United behaviour would lead to Germany’s decline, just as it 66 States would further donate $528,000 to be used in three major had always spearheaded the ruin of great empires. projects. The first consisted of a documentary: Paragraph 175,

176 177 As has been discussed earlier in this essay, it was not simply the Germanic queer lives and queer communities in regard to these models view of the homosexual as a subordinate threat, but that sexuality- and their engagement with provenance. Current discussions of cum-species was woven in the fabric of a hegemonic nationality that provenance and reparations ignore the way in which gay and perpetuated a Western obsession with identification and classification. lesbian people have been silenced. What one should be looking at is the active way in which the gay (and queer) communities have In regards to the referential terms “motherland,” and as was used actively reclaimed parts of that painful past as a way of countering by the National Socialists, “fatherland”, critical race scholar Anne dominant heteronormative narratives and sexual hegemony. Jamie McClintock assesses the very notion of nationalism, and how it Heckert, in his essay The Anarchy of Queer, concludes that queer constructs itself as a heterosexual binary that pervades the private life theory is simply “reduced to a more critical version of gay and of citizens.67 She has written: “nations are frequently figured through lesbian studies, rather than a critical investigation of the role of the iconography of familial and domestic space.”68 Understanding hetero/homo divisions in the organisation of social life, individuals the desire for a nation to procreate and expand within the context of subjectivity and the production of knowledge.”71 His research is conquest, as was the case with Nazi Germany, it is easy to see how a step towards a more anarchistic approach in queer theory, an bodies that do not reproduce – ergo, the homosexual – would not approach that incorporates not only cultural and literary criticism, fit within the overall agenda of the Nazi regime. The word nation is but does so in a way that can be readily applied to lived experiences. derived from the latin natio: to be born – implying that the very usage Heckert is not suggesting that queer theory is inevitably reduced in of the word in regards to governmental policy (including the policing its ability, but that synthesising histories that precede the engendering of the citizen’s body) is circumscribed around not only domesticity, of queer theory must be approached with the majoritarian method. but reproductive sexuality that will continue to ‘birth’ more bodies.69 In critiquing normative Holocaust discourse and its Bringing McClintock’s words into a more contemporary frame, legitimization of certain histories, William Spurlin describes Lauren Berlant and Michael Warner reveal how the wars of the how a queer lens, brought to bear upon this discourse, can twentieth century have only re-established the heteronormative in fact be productive in a number of ways. As he notes: binary: “[n]ational heterosexuality is the mechanism by which a core national culture can be imagined as a sanitized space of A queer lens, or at least the way that I am attempting sentimental feeling and immaculate behavior, a space of pure to use it here, is not merely a matter of including citizenship.”70 By analyzing historicized and contemporary readings lesbians and gay men in dominant narratives of of society that perpetuate nationalistic goals, a framework is built National Socialism and the Holocaust, but also that situates the homosexual as not only an object of persecution, operates hermeneutically to question strategies of but also as a definitive marginalized entity. Without taking hold of representation and history that reinscribe sexual the personal aspects of emotional distraught that these individuals and textual normativities in the rendering of the have suffered at the hands of the state, their losses are, as Sarah Holocaust in the name of protecting its ‘originary’ Ahmed stated, ungrievable, not really losses, and unworthy of the status, a status which is, in itself, a historical same restitution that is applicable to other Holocaust survivors. and social construction always already inscribed with a highly vested political point of view.72 Applying biographical histories alongside the method of approaching overall politicized spectrums that created social In the shifting meaning of just what the Holocaust represents and spheres affecting individual queer lives, conclusions can be made how it is understood by contemporary scholarship, many questions regarding the problems with restitution. The most obvious is that arise that cannot so easily be answered. Given the relative lack of restitution is inherently heteronormative and does not apply to manpower and research interest in reclaiming the material culture

178 179 of homosexuals both prior to and during the Third Reich, it stands to reason that many more stories have yet to be told. As a brief anecdote to this lack of scholarship, we include a photo of Magnus Hirschfeld and a group of unidentified people that located through a Google image search done while researching this topic. The blog that hosts the photo gives the image the simple title of “Magnus Hirschfeld and Friends.”73 While the authenticity of this photo cannot be verified, what appears to be the moustachioed personification of Hirschfeld himself sits in the lower right foreground, surrounded by men embracing one another with others dressed in drag. Given that this image was easily found through the Internet, the question remains: what histories remain out there, untouched, waiting for some audacious researcher to come knocking? CLINTON GLENN

Clinton Glenn is a fourth year undergraduate Art History student at Concordia University. They are also a co-director of the VAV Gallery, a student-run space featuring the works of undergraduate students in Concordia’s Fine Arts faculty. Glenn’s work has been features in publications including the Concordia University Jour- nal of Art History, Interfold Magazine, and various exhibitions catalogues. Their research interests include the visual production of the early homophile movement in Germany, photograph- ic archives and performance, and queer institutional practices.

180 181 ENDNOTES

1 As Günter Grau notes in Hidden Holocaust?, there were attempts by members of Hirschfeld’s institute to safeguard some of the materials but they were blocked by students guarding the doors to the building. Günter Grau, Hidden Holocaust?: Gay and Lesbian Persecution in Germany 1933-1945, trans. Patrick Camiller (London: Cassell, 1995), 31-33. 2 Ibid., 65. BRADEN SCOTT 3 James Steakley notes that a rough estimate of the number people prosecuted under Paragraph 175 between 1933 and 1945 was roughly 50,000. James Steakley, The Homosexual Emancipation Braden Scott is in his third and final year as an Movement in Germany (New York: Arno Press, 1975), 111. 4 undergraduate student in Art History and Sex- Dr. Klaus Müller, “Introduction,” in The Men with the Pink uality. Research interests include a cross-tem- Triangle: The True Life-and-Death Story of Homosexuals in the poral approach to ancient and contemporary Nazi Death Camps, trans. David Fernbach. (Boston, MA: Alyson works, while focusing mainly on philosophical Books, 1994), 12. 5 debates surrounding identity, aesthetics, and William Spurlin notes that many lesbians married their gay politics of spectatorship in visual cultures. male friends, changed their appearance, and hid in order to avoid prosecution. Some lesbians who refused to conform were in fact susceptible to being “denounced as a lesbian based on ‘reasonable suspicions’ which could lead to arrest and other consequences” such as being sent to concentration camps. William J. Spurlin, Lost Intimacies: Rethinking Homosexuality under National Socialism (New York: Peter Lang, 2011), 56-59. 6 Initially published in 1972 in German, Müller’s introduction accompanies the first English translation of The Men with the Pink Triangle, published in 1994. Müller, “Introduction,” 13. 7 Patrick Moore, Beyond Shame: Reclaiming the Abandoned History of Radical Gay Sexuality (Boston: Beacon Press, 2004), 122. 8 “Silence = Death,” Aids Coalition to Unleash Power, accessed March 2, 2013. http://www.actupny.org/reports/silencedeath. html. 9 C.B. Daring, et al., eds., Queering Anarchism: Essays on Gender,

182 183 Power, and Desire (Oakland, CA: AK Press, 2012), 10. A Critical Introduction to Queer Theory (New York: New York 10 Major examples of queer theorists that emerged from this University Press, 2003), 8. discourse include Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick and Judith Butler. They 24 The original text of Paragraph 175 read as follows: “An would provide some of the early academic work in queer theory unnatural sex act committed between persons of male sex or that incorporated traumatic histories of sexual diversity brought up by humans with animals is punishable by imprisonment; the by Foucault into the annals of post structuralism. See: Judith Butler, loss of civil rights may also be imposed.” Günter Grau, Hidden Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (New Holocaust?: Gay and Lesbian Persecution in Germany 1933-45, York: Routledge, 1990); and Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, Epistemology trans. Patrick Camilller (London: Cassell, 1995), 65. of the Closet (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1990). 25 Grau notes that in the changes that would come into effect 11 Ibid. following the modification of Paragraph 175, “[e]jaculation was 12 Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, Volume 1: An not required to complete a criminal offence.” Grau, Hidden Introduction, Translated by Robert Hurley (New York: Vintage Holocaust?, 64. Books, 1978), 43. 26 Grau reprints a letter from Brand nothing how he could no 13 Norman Bryson, “Todd Haynes’s Poison and Queer Cinema’, longer continue to publish under the Nazi regime. Grau, 26, 34-36. In[ ]visible Culture: An Electronic Journal for Visual Studies, 27 Steakley, The Homosexual Emancipation Movement in accessed 12 February 2012, 2. Emphasis ours. Germany, 27. 14 Ibid., 2-3. Emphasis ours. 28 Ibid. 15 Ibid., 3. 29 Steakley notes how Hirschfeld was kept in the background of the 16 Ibid., 20. political movement because of intense animosity directed towards 17 Jonathan Weinberg, “Things Are Queer,” in “Art Journal,” him because of his Jewish heritage. Ibid., 90-91. Special issue, We’re Here: Gay and Lesbian Presence in Art and 30 Richard Dyer, Now You See It: Studies on Lesbian and Gay Art History Vol. 55, No. 4 (Winter 1996), 12 Film (New York: Routledge, 2003), 23. 18 Michel Foucault notes that this shift has to do with the shift 31 Ibid., 25. away from an understanding of sexuality based upon acts towards 32 A much more thorough examination of this period than this delineating an inherent identity: “[t]he sodomite had been a paper can hope to achieve, through representations in film, temporary aberration; the homosexual was now a species.” photography, and literature could lead to further insights into the Foucault, The History of Sexuality, 43. multifaceted nature of the Weimar Republic. Ibid., 24. 19 Ibid. 33 Geoffrey J. Giles, “The Institutionalization of Homosexual Panic 20 Ibid., 8. in the Third Reich,” in Social Outsiders in Nazi Germany, ed. 21 Ibid. Robert Gellately and Nathan Stoltzfus (Princeton, NJ: Princeton 22Ibid., 10. University Press, 2001), 238-239. 23 Havelock Ellis would later hypothesize the concept of the invert 34 “Nazi Students Raid Institute on Sex, New York Times, May 7, that led to the common understanding of homosexuality as sexual 1933. inversion, in which the male homosexual had an inner core that 35 For a particularly interesting portrayal of the event, which was essentially female. Unlike Ulrichs, Ellis was less sympathetic characterizes the spectators as showing “little enthusiasm,” see: to the emancipation of homosexuals, “which he regarded as an Frederick T. Birchall, “Nazi Book-Burning Fails to Stir Berlin,” anomaly or an abnormality, but not as a disease.” Nikki Sullivan, New York Times, May 11, 1933.

184 185 36 Becker himself was charged with violations of Paragraph 175 245-248. and spent time in concentration camps. Paragraph 175, directed 43Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, Between Men: English Literature and by Rob Epstein and Jeffrey Friedman (London, UK: Channel Four Homosocial Desire (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985),1. Films, 2000). 44 Ibid., 20. 37 Giles, “The Institutionalization of Homosexual Panic in the 45 Giles, “The Institutionalization of Homosexual Panic in the Third Reich,” 235-236. Third Reich,” 239. 38 Paragraph 175, Epstein and Friedman. 46 As the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum notes, 39 Despite this linkage between paederasty and homosexuality, “In 1933, the regime established the first concentration camps, the public image of Röhm as a masculine man who was not seen imprisoning political opponents, homosexuals, Jehovah’s with young boys goes against this association. Himmler’s own Witnesses, and others classified as ‘dangerous.’” See: “Timeline of homophobia, coupled with a desire to “excuse” the murder of a Events,” United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, accessed man who had been one of Hitler’s most trusted acquaintances, 13 February 2014, http://www.ushmm.org/learn/timeline-of- inflected the discourse following Röhm’s death: “Yet the image not events/1933-1938. only of Röhm but other SA men preying on the innocent youths 47 Grau, Hidden Holocaust?, 265. of Germany was the one that was, if not cultivated, then certainly 48 Müller, “Introduction,” 14. suggested by Hitler’s public statements after the Röhm purge.” 49 Ibid., 13. Giles, “The Institutionalization of Homosexual Panic in the Third 50 The first English translation was published in 1994 by Alyson Reich,” 235-236. Books. See: Heinz Heger, The Men with the Pink Triangle: The 40 Giles notes how easily homophobia was promoted by the state: True Life-and-Death Story of Homosexuals in the Nazi Death “In a sense homophobia, because it touched on an individual’s sex- Camps, trans. David Fernbach (Boston, MA: Alyson Books, 1994). uality, was more visceral than anti-Semitism, and could therefore 51 The 1994 edition of The Men with the Pink Triangle states that be easily whipped up to a fever pitch at any time after the war with the work “tells the true story of an Austrian man who, because of far less effort than the Nazi Party had had to expend on attempting the persecution that continued when he first told his story in 1971- to create eliminationist anti-Semitism among the German people.” 1972, chose to remain anonymous. He related his experiences to Giles, “The Institutionalization of Homosexual Panic in the Third the German writer Heinz Heger.” Reich,” 250. 52 “Bent by Martin Sherman,” Tabard Theatre, accessed 23 41 The revised text of Paragraph 175 reads as follows: “A male March, 2013, http://www.tabardweb.co.uk/bent.htm. who commits a sex offence with another male or allows himself to 53 Ralf Dose, “Thirty Years of Collecting Our History – Or: be used by another male for a sex offence shall be punished with How to Find Treasure Troves” (presentation, ALMS Conference, imprisonment. Where a party was not yet twenty-one of age at Amsterdam, August 1-3, 2012, pg. 1. http://www.hirschfeld.in- the time of the act, the court may in especially minor cases refrain berlin.de/publikationen/dose_alms.pdf. from punishment.” Grau, Hidden Holocaust?, 65. 54 Hirschfeld had been out of the country when the Institut für 42 Giles notes that normal youth activities such as sexual Sexualwissenschaft was raided. He remained in Paris in exile until experimentation with the same sex and horseplay had suddenly his death in 1935. Ibid., 11. come under the purview of the state. The implication was 55 I am indebted to José Esteban Muñoz’ notion of ephemera. that such activities would result in homosexuality. Giles, “The For Muñoz, queerness resides within what he terms “ephemera,” Institutionalization of Homosexual Panic in the Third Reich,” or “all of those things that remain after a performance, a kind

186 187 of evidence of what has transpired but certainly not the thing 68 Ibid. itself.” This ephemera is often overlooked by normative discourses 69 Ibid. because it is read as unintelligible, cultural detritus, or deemed 70 Lauren Berlant and Michael Warner, “Sex in Public”, Critical unworthy of study. José Esteban Muñoz, “Ephemera as Evidence: Inquiry 24, no. 2, (Winter 1998), 549. Introductory Notes to Queer Acts.” Women & Performance: A 71 Heckert’s essay, “The Anarchy of Queer: rethinking Journal of Feminist Theory 8, no. 2 (1996): 10. poststructuralist possibilities and the politics of sexuality,” 56 Dose points to the letters of Dora Russell, now held buy the IISG was initially prepared for presentation at the Political Studies in Amsterdam, as one such collection that has yet to be thoroughly Association 2006 conference in Reading, England. studied. Dose, “Thirty Years of Collecting Our History,” 13. 72 Spurlin, Lost Intimacies, 113. 57 Ibid., 9. 73 “Magnus Hirschfeld and Friends,” Chicago Whispers, accessed 58 For a further discussion of how this narrative of progression April 12th, 2013, http://chicagowhispers.com/?attachment_ characterizes many contemporary exhibitions of LGBT history, id=216. see: Robert Mills, “Queer is Here? Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Histories and Public Culture,” History Workshop Journal, no. 62 (Autumn 2006), 253-263. 59 Heather Love, Feeling Backwards: Loss and the Politics of Queer History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007), 27. 60 Love, Feeling Backwards, 30. 61 Sara Ahmed, Cultural Politics of Emotion (New York: Routledge, 2004), 155-156. 62 “History: The Pink Triangle Coalition”, Pink Triangle Coalition – Restitution for gay survivors, accessed March 3, 2013. http:// kmlink.home.xs4all.nl/07gayhistory/03linkstogayresources/ pinktrianglecoalition.htm 63 “History: The Pink Triangle Coalition,” accessed March 3, 2013. 64 Ibid. 65 “Case No. CV 96-4849: Swiss Banks Settlement Fund Distribution Statistics as of December 31, 2012 (Amounts Approved by the Court)”, Holocaust Victim Assets Litigation, accessed April 23, 2013. http://www.swissbankclaims.com/ Documents/2013/Distribution%20Statistics%20as%20of%2012- 31-2012.pdf 66 Richard Plant, The Pink Triangle: The Nazi War Against Homosexuals (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1986), 33. 67 Anne McClintock, Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Context (New York: Routledge, 1995), 357.

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