Lecture 11 (May 14)
Total Page：16
File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Annual Report 2007
Office of the Attorney General Annual Report 2007 Incorporating the · Second Progress Report on Implementation of Statement of Strategy 2006 – 2008, and · Third Progress Report on Implementation of Merrion Street Office’s Client Service Guide 2005–2007 and Chief State Solicitor’s Office Customer Action Plan 2005–2007 1 Contents Foreword by the Attorney General Introduction by the Director General Chapter 1: Roles and Functions Chapter 2: Mission Statement and Goals To pursue Mission as set out in the Statement of Strategy 2006–2008 Chapter 3: Main Developments in 2007 Part I Legal Developments Part II Organisational Developments Chapter 4: Progress Achieved in reaching Goal 1 – Advisory Counsel To support and advise the Attorney General in carrying out the duties of his office and provide specialist Advisory Counsel services in areas of law of importance to Government demonstrating responsiveness, efficiency and effectiveness. Chapter 5: Progress Achieved in reaching Goal 2 – Parliamentary Counsel To provide a professional legislative drafting service to the Government. Chapter 6: Progress Achieved in reaching Goal 3 – Chief State Solicitor’s Office To deliver a high quality specialist solicitor service to the Attorney General, the Departments and Offices in the areas of litigation, provision of legal advice and in property and transactional matters. Chapter 7: Progress Achieved in reaching Goal 4 – Business Support Services Merrion Street Office and CSSO To provide modern and professional corporate and business support services that -
Updating the Debate on Turkey in France, Note Franco-Turque N° 4
NNoottee ffrraannccoo--ttuurrqquuee nn°° 44 ______________________________________________________________________ Updating the Debate on Turkey in France, on the 2009 European Elections’ Time ______________________________________________________________________ Alain Chenal January 2011 . Programme Turquie contemporaine The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non- governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of the European debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. Contemporary Turkey Program is supporter by : ISBN : 978-2-86592-814-9 © Ifri – 2011 – All rights reserved Ifri Ifri-Bruxelles 27 rue de la Procession Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE 1000 – Brussels – BELGIUM Tel : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 Tel : +32 (0)2 238 51 10 Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Fax : +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email : [email protected] Email : [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Notes franco-turques The IFRI program on contemporary Turkey seeks to encourage a regular interest in Franco-Turkish issues of common interest. From this perspective, and in connection with the Turkish Season in France, the IFRI has published a series of specific articles, entitled “Notes franco-turques” (Franco-Turkish Briefings). -
Appendix: List of Interviews
Appendix: List of Interviews The unification of Germany 1) APELT Andreas, Berlin, 23 October 2007. 2) BERGMANN-POHL Sabine, Berlin, 13 December 2007. 3) BIEDENKOPF Kurt, Berlin, 5 December 2007. 4) BIRTHLER Marianne, Berlin, 18 December 2007. 5) CHROBOG Jürgen, Berlin, 13 November 2007. 6) EGGERT Heinz, Dresden, 14 December 2007. 7) EPPELMANN Rainer, Berlin, 21 November 2007. 8) GAUCK Joachim, Berlin, 20 December 2007. 9) GLÄSSNER Gert-Joachim, Berlin, 7 November 2007. 10) HELBIG Monika, Berlin, 5 November 2007. 11) HOFMANN Gunter, Berlin, 30 July 2007. 12) KERWIEN Antonie, Berlin, 31 October 2007. 13) KLINGST Martin, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 7 December 2006. 14) KLOSE Hans-Ulrich, Berlin, 31 October 2007. 15) KRAA Detlev, Berlin, 31 October 2007. 16) KRALINSKI Thomas, Potsdam, 16 October 2007. 17) LENGSFELD Vera, Berlin, 3 December 2007. 18) LIPPERT Barbara, Berlin, 25 July 2007. 19) MAIZIÈRE Lothar de, Berlin, 4 December 2007. 20) MAIZIÈRE Thomas de, Berlin, 20 November 2007. 21) MECKEL Markus, Berlin, 29 November 2007. 22) MERTES Michael, Boston, Massachusetts, 17 November 2006. 23) MEYER Hans Joachim, Berlin, 13 December 2007. 24) MISSELWITZ Hans, Berlin, 6 November 2007. 25) MODROW Hans, Berlin, 28 November 2007. 26) MÜLLER Hans-Peter, Berlin, 13 November 2007. 27) NOOKE Günther, Berlin, 27 November 2007. 28) PAU Petra, Berlin, 13 December 2007. 29) PLATZECK Matthias, Potsdam, 12 December 2007. 30) SABATHIL Gerhard, Berlin, 31 October 2007. 31) SARAZZIN Thilo, Berlin, 30 November 2007. 32) SCHABOWSKI Günther, Berlin, 3 December 2007. 33) SCHÄUBLE Wolfgang, Berlin, 19 December 2007. 34) SCHRÖDER Richard, Berlin, 4 December 2007. 35) SEGERT Dieter, Vienna, 18 June 2008. -
The Czech Foreign Policy in the Asia Pacific
CHAPTER 11 Chapter 11 The Czech Foreign Policy in the Asia Pacific IMPROVING BALANCE, MOSTLY UNFULFILLED POTENTIAL Rudolf Fürst, Alica Kizeková, David Kožíšek Executive Summary: The Czech relations with the People’s Republic of China (PRC, hereinafter referred to as China) have again generated more interest than ties with other Asian nations in the Asia Pacific in 2017. A disagreement on the Czech-China agenda dominated the political and media debate, while more so- phisticated discussions about the engagement with China were still missing. In contrast, the bilateral relations with the Republic of Korea (ROK) and Japan did not represent a polarising topic in the Czech public discourse and thus remained largely unpoliticised due to the lack of interest and indifference of the public re- garding these relations. Otherwise, the Czech policies with other Asian states in selected regions revealed balanced attitudes with both proactive and reactive agendas in negotiating free trade agreements, or further promoting good relations and co-operation in trade, culture, health, environment, science, academia, tour- ism, human rights and/or defence. BACKGROUND AND POLITICAL CONTEXT In 2017, the Czech foreign policy towards the Asia Pacific1 derived from the Concept of the Foreign Policy of the Czech Republic,2 which referred to the region as signifi- cant due to the economic opportunities it offered. It also stated that it was one of the key regions of the world due to its increased economic, political and security-related importance. Apart from the listed priority countries – China, Japan, and South Korea, as well as India – the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the re- gion of Central Asia are also mentioned as noteworthy in this government document. -
Evaluation of the Irish Referendum on Lisbon Treaty, June 2008
Evaluation of the Irish Referendum on Lisbon Treaty, June 2008 Markus Schmidgen democracy international is a network promoting direct democracy. Our basic goal is the establishment of direct democracy (initiative and referendum) as a complement to representative democracy within the European Union and in the nation states. We also work on the general democratisation of the European Union, democratic reform and more direct and participatory democracy worldwide. http://www.democracy-international.org Written by Markus Schmidgen Layout: Ronald Pabst Proof-reading (contents):, Gayle Kinkead, Ronald Pabst, Thomas Rupp Proof-reading (language): Sheena A. Finley, Warren P. Mayr Advice: Dr. Klaus Hofmann, Bruno Kaufmann, Frank Rehmet Please refer all questions to: [email protected] Published by democracy international V 0.9 (4.9.2008) Evaluation of the Irish Referendum on Lisbon Treaty, June 2008 I Introduction This report examines the process of the Irish CONTENT referendum on the Treaty of Lisbon. The referendum was held on June 12, 2008 and was the only referendum on this treaty. The evaluation is I INTRODUCTION .......................................... 3 based on the criteria set by the Initiative and Referendum Institute Europe (IRIE). These criteria are internationally recognized as standards to II SETTING...................................................... 4 measure how free and fair a referendum process is conducted. This enables the reader to compare the II.1 Background ................................................... 4 Irish Lisbon referendum to other referendums and to identify the points that could be improved as well II.2 Actors ............................................................. 4 as those that are an example to other nations. II.3 Evaluation...................................................... 7 We at Democracy International and our European partners have already published a series of reports on the EU constitutional referenda of 2005: Juan III CONCLUSION......................................... -
Last Chance for Lisbon: Ireland's EU Referendum
LAST CHANCE FOR LISBON: IRELAND’S EU REFERENDUM By Hugo Brady Ireland will hold a second referendum on the Treaty of Lisbon on October 2 nd . Most opinion polls in the run-up to the vote show that a majority of Irish voters now back the EU treaty they rejected in June 2008. However, despite Ireland having subsequently won a special deal on the treaty, and despite the country’s economic dependence on the Union, the result of the referendum is far from certain. The government is the most unpopular since Ireland won its independence, the public mood is volatile amidst a deep recession and many voters remain unconvinced and confused about the treaty’s merits. At stake is much more than the credibility of Ireland’s already enfeebled government. A Yes vote would allow the EU to improve the way it makes decisions, particularly in foreign policy. A No vote would lead to recrimination, policy paralysis and probably a freeze on further EU enlargement. The EU’s leaders – divided on what to do next – would be distracted from the many urgent tasks that face the Union, ranging from responding in an effective and co-ordinated manner to the economic crisis, to making a success of negotiations on climate change, to putting in place a new European Commission. Not in the bag Ireland’s voters shocked EU governments on June 13 th 2008 by rejecting the Lisbon treaty by 53 to 47 per cent. 1 Despite the fact that the country’s businesses, media and political mainstream are almost uniformly 1 See Annex, pages 5-7, for a break - pro-European, the government failed to assuage the fears – mostly spurious – down of the treaty’s principal reforms. -
Download Economic Battle Plan
[Economic patriot score: 85) EP13 5G, The next economic boom URGENT: AMERICA MUST WIN THE 5G WAR We are in a battle with China for high tech and who will be the superpower for the 21st century. The key driver in the race is whoever controls the dominant platform for 5G wireless, or Fifth-Generation telecommunications. The future is dependent on 5G. Whoever establishes the dominant 5G platform infrastructure will determine not only how technology transfers information, but who has access to the system. Imagine the impact on Defense systems, utility grids, intellectual property, and the Internet of Things. China has been working aggressively to build the infrastructure and finance 5G for countries around the world. America is behind, but hopefully now waking up to this threat. This is a major national security and economic challenge that needs America’s attention now! page 1 [Economic patriot score: 85) EP13 5G, The next economic boom 5G is not an incremental change in communications, it is a giant leap. It is up to 100 times faster and a denser available network than 4G. It will revolutionize products and infrastructure for the next 30 years. YOUR MISSION: To understand the potential of 5G and the threat that exists if the primary infrastructure is made in China. Contact your representatives and ensure they are putting pressure on allies that they need to develop a better plan for 5G than one made in China. Look now for investment opportunities with the 5G economic revolution. “Through the ‘made in China 2025’ plan, the Chinese communist party has set it’s sites on controlling 90 percent of the worlds most advanced industries, including robotics, bio technology, and artificial intelligence including 5G.” –Mike Pence, Vice-President of the United States page 2 [Economic patriot score: 85) EP13 5G, The next economic boom (OSINT)– Open Sourced Intelligence Briefing Open Sourced Intelligence Briefing - Kevin Freeman, CFA and Declan Ganley. -
JCER Special Commentary Series
472 JCER JCER Special Commentary Series The 2009 Irish Referendum on the Lisbon Treaty Ben Tonra University College Dublin The Context and Issues The result of the 2008 Irish referendum on the Lisbon Treaty came as a considerable shock to the Irish body politic. The Irish electorate had, yet again, broken with the established political consensus on Europe. The vote on 13 June 2008 was based on a strong turnout (at over 53 percent) and a comparatively decisive result (53. 4 percent ‘no’ as against 46.6 percent ‘yes’). However, as the only EU member state ratifying the treaty by way of referendum, the electorate’s decision placed the Government in an immediate quandary. In the first instance, it was abundantly clear that there was no willingness among Ireland’s EU partners either to reopen negotiations or to abandon the treaty altogether. The issues to be addressed, the proposed solutions and the balance of interests and arguments among the member states was the same as it had been when the Lisbon Treaty was signed on 13 December 2007. Second, the ratification process was already well advanced with over a dozen member states already having ratified the treaty. Finally, it was not clear precisely on what the Irish electorate’s verdict had been based. The Government’s reaction to the defeat first centred on identifying the issues which had led to the ‘no’ vote. As part of this analysis, the Government commissioned Milward Brown IMS to conduct a detailed quantitative and qualitative survey with preliminary results published in September (Millward Brown IMS 2008). -
Spotlight Europe # 2009/05 – May 2009 It's Hip to Be a Euro-Critic
spotlight europe # 2009/05 – May 2009 It's hip to be a euro-critic Isabell Hoffmann [email protected] Franziska Brantner [email protected] In the area of European policymaking, established parties are nowadays also confronted with pressure from the left-wing and right-wing fringes of the political spectrum. The fact is that, try as they might, they cannot ex- plain away all the negative results of EU policymaking. Instead of fighting a communications war from their entrenched positions, the supporters of European integration should recognize that there are contradictions in European policies which need to be dealt with frankly on a political level. Some people point out that the European And in fact after the referendum in Ireland Union was built on the basis of consensus, the European governments and the ad- whereas others warn that it needs contro- ministration in Brussels have tried to do versy, or else will lose its legitimacy. Jür- what they are best at: waiting until things gen Habermas and Günther Verheugen, have calmed down, conducting discreet two proponents of these opposing posi- talks, and preparing for another referen- # 2009/05 tions, crossed swords in the politics sec- dum. However, at the same time the de- tion of the Süddeutsche Zeitung in June bate on European policy, has already been 2008. “Politicize the debate,” demanded taken out on the streets. Not by the gov- the former. “Bring in the citizens.” “That ernments and the established political par- won’t work,” retorted the latter. “Europe is ties, but by players who do not have very based on consensus, and not on contro- deep roots in the system. -
Review of the Irish Referendum on the TSCG (June 2012)
Review of the Irish referendum on the TSCG (June 2012) Caption: Review published by the European Movement Ireland in June 2012 on the referendum held in Ireland for the ratification of the Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance in the Economic and Monetary Union. Source: European Movement Ireland. Fiscal Stability Treaty: Referendum Review. June 2012. [ON LINE]. [Dublin]: European Movement Ireland, [01.11.2013]. http://www.europeanmovement.ie/wp-content/uploads/2012/10/EM-Ireland- Referendum-Review.pdf. Copyright: (c) European Movement Ireland URL: http://www.cvce.eu/obj/review_of_the_irish_referendum_on_the_tscg_june_2012-en-68ae458c-1147-4155-9b6f- a922a46e5ab7.html Last updated: 28/01/2015 1 / 21 28/01/2015 Fiscal Stability Treaty Referendum Review European Movement Ireland June 2012 2 / 21 28/01/2015 3 / 21 28/01/2015 Referendum Review Table of Contents Background .............................................................................................. 4 Role of European Movement Ireland ..................................................... 5 The Campaign ......................................................................................... 6 Polling Data ............................................................................................ 13 Results ..................................................................................................... 14 Conclusions ............................................................................................ 16 3 European Movement Ireland 4 / 21 28/01/2015 Referendum -
1 the Establishment in Short Succession of a Series of Non
1 The establishment in short succession of a series of non-partisan caretaker governments in European democracies such as Greece and Italy in 2010-2012 sparked a new wave of academic interest in short-term technocratic administrations, which seem to be recurring phenomenon. Different streams in the emerging literature have considered how technocratic or technocrat-led governments can best be defined and typologised; why and how they formed; and if and how their occurrence is part of a broader malaise of democracy in Europe.1 However, although such governments have sometimes been long-lasting and the default assumption often that they are or should be seen as illegitimate and democratically dysfunctional, there has thus been little consideration of if and how they legitimate themselves to mass publics. This question is particularly acute given that empirically caretaker technocrat-led administrations have been clustered in newer, more crisis-prone democracies of Southern and Eastern Europe where weaker bureaucratic traditions and high levels of state exploitation by political parties suggest a weak basis for any government claiming technocratic impartiality. In this paper, using Michael Saward’s framework of democratic politics as the making of ‘representative claims’, I re-examine the case of one of Europe’s longer-lasting and most popular technocratic administrations, the 2009-10 Fischer government in the Czech Republic to consider how a technocratic government in a newer European democracy can make seemingly successful claims to legitimacy despite unfavourable background conditions. The paper is structured as follows. It first notes how discussion of technocratic governments, has largely taken place through – and been overshadowed by - the literature on democratic party government. -
Sub-Saharan Africa in Czech Foreign Policy
CHAPTER 15 Chapter 15 Sub-Saharan Africa in Czech Foreign Policy Ondřej Horký-Hlucháň and Kateřina Rudincová FROM AN INTEREST IN AFRICA TO INTERESTS IN AFRICA?1 Back to Africa, but too late. This was the conclusion of the chapter devoted to Czech foreign policy towards Sub-Saharan Africa in the Yearbook of Czech Foreign Policy of the Institute of International Relations in 2012.2 Last year’s yearbook asserted that Czech foreign policy – in spite of budgetary austerity measures – had bounced off the bottom and attempted a “return to Africa”, which was, however, coming with a con- siderable delay. In 2013, this trend continued, characterized by the effort to deepen relations with traditional African partners, establish new relations or re-establish re- lations that had been put on ice. This effort was manifested in a 7% growth of Czech exports to the region. In a situation when the economic recession is still being felt in Europe, while Africa is experiencing record levels of economic growth, the awareness of the importance and possibilities of the African economy is growing faster than the crisis-struck foreign-policy tools of the Czech Republic may react. Most importantly, however, this interest in Africa is beginning to be felt by wider segments of Czech so- ciety, not merely the foreign policy actors, but gradually also foreign policy makers. It affects not only the media, but also the very companies that are seeking to expand their markets. The imported, but largely well-founded “Africa on the rise” fashion was, for example, also reflected in the employment of the term Emerging Africa in the names of both of the large and abundantly attended events organized by the MFA in 2013 on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the Pan-African organization on the opportunities for Czech business on the African continent.