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Vlaanderen Aan De Vlamingen? Flemish Nationalism and Attitudes Towards Expanding Autonomy in the Light of Political Party Programmes, 1971-2010

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Vlaanderen Aan De Vlamingen? Flemish Nationalism and Attitudes Towards Expanding Autonomy in the Light of Political Party Programmes, 1971-2010 HELI FYHR Vlaanderen aan de Vlamingen? Flemish nationalism and attitudes towards expanding autonomy in the light of political party programmes, 1971-2010 Tampereen yliopiston väitöskirjat 378 Tampere University Dissertations 378 HELI FYHR Vlaanderen aan de Vlamingen? Flemish nationalism and attitudes towards expanding autonomy in the light of political party programmes, 1971-2010 ACADEMIC DISSERTATION To be presented, with the permission of the Faculty of Management and Business of Tampere University, for public discussion at Tampere University on 26 February 2021, at 12 o’clock. ACADEMIC DISSERTATION Tampere University, Faculty of Management and Business Responsible Professor Tapio Raunio supervisor Tampere University and Custos Finland Pre-examiners Assistant Professor Adjunct Professor Nicolas Bouteca Pasi Saukkonen Ghent University University of Helsinki Belgium Finland Opponent Adjunct Professor Taru Haapala University of Jyväskylä Finland The originality of this thesis has been checked using the Turnitin OriginalityCheck service. Copyright ©2021 author Cover design: Roihu Inc. ISBN 978-952-03-1858-1 (print) ISBN 978-952-03-1859-8 (pdf) ISSN 2489-9860 (print) ISSN 2490-0028 (pdf) http://urn.fi/URN:ISBN:978-952-03-1859-8 PunaMusta Oy – Yliopistopaino Joensuu 2021 I dedicate this book to my family, I love you. iii iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This doctoral dissertation is an offspring of the time living in Belgium amidst the political turmoil from 2008 onwards. Sometimes it definitely felt – and still feels – that I live in two separate countries, which both have their own cultures and languages – the unique features, that makes them special. Nevertheless, it took quite some time before these years in Flanders and in this society matured in my head and turned into a research plan of this study. Living over eight years in this fascinating country has been the main motive to do this research. At first, I would like to thank my supervisor Professor Tapio Raunio for his expertise, guidance, support and especially patience, which was needed in my case more than once. His always prompt and constructive feedback has been crucial for the completion of this project. Without this support the dissertation would have never become real. Similarly, I would like to express my gratitude to the pre-examinators of this study, Assistant Professor Nicolas Bouteca from Ghent University and Adjunct Professor Pasi Saukkonen from University of Helsinki who carried out, in the middle of coronacrisis, the preliminary examination during summer 2020 and gave many fruitful comments how to improve the study. In addition, I am very grateful to Adjunct Professor Taru Haapala from University of Jyväskylä, who has promised to function as my opponent. Doctoral dissertation needs also financial resources. I am grateful to Jenny and Antti Wihuri Foundation, Otto A. Malm Foundation and Tampere University Foundation for supporting me financially in my research work. I am also sincerily grateful to the Library of Parliament of Finland for offering me the researcher seat, which definitely helped me to concentrate on my doctoral dissertation in an inspiring setting. I would also like to warmly thank the Scripendi for proofreading of this dissertation. In addition, I would like to thank Mrs Carole Boulenger-Thompson for checking the French-English translations of this study. Moreover, I want to express my gratitude to my parents, Mrs Pirkko Valla and Mr Hannu Valla, and especially to my already passed grandmother, Mrs Martta Valla, v for her life guidance of never giving up whatever obstacles life throws on the way. This indeed was not only encouraging but also helpful during this research journey. Most of all, I would like to thank my family for their unconditional love and support during these years. Thank you also for your understanding especially during the past corona year. It has not always been easy to work and study at home – during the spring 2020 all four of us – in the middle of the lockdown. My dear daughters, Ellen and Stella, without you my life would be so empty. Your presence always cheers me up no matter what kind of a research day I have had. All the talks and laughs give me so much energy! And the last, my dear Kim, I do not have the words how to describe, how grateful I am for your love and support. Thank you for listening and understanding my same research worries day and night and most of all for always believing in me. You always knew what to say to push me on the right track again: ‘lifted me up when I couldn’t reach, you gave me faith ‘cause you believed’… In the middle of the second lockdown of Belgium, In Kraainem, on 3 December 2020. vi vii ABSTRACT Over the past several decades Europe has seen the rise of nationalism. This evolution has been especially visible in Catalonia and Scotland, but also Belgium has witnessed significant erosion of the traditional nation-state. Over the years, Flemish-speaking Flanders has demanded more rights, competences, and autonomy. As a consequence, Belgium turned from a unitary state to a federal state in 1993. Since then, the popularity of political parties that support the independence of Flanders has further increased. This study deals with Flemish nationalism and positions of the main Flemish political parties towards extending autonomy from 1970s to 2010. I concentrate on the expansion of autonomy and the development of federalism in Belgium over these decades. My main focus is on Flanders, but I also look at the future of the whole Belgium. The primary goal of this study is to identify what kind of attitudes the main Flemish political parties had towards extending the autonomy of Flanders in their political party programmes from the 1970s to 2010. Accordingly, I look at the issues, which are closely linked to Flemish nationalism, such as Dutch language, culture and identity. Finally, I discuss how much political party programmes put attention on regional policies in the European fora. Moreover, I will ask do they see Flanders as an independent player or together with Belgium when acting in the European or international arena? In terms of time, this study focuses on three significant periods in Belgium’s political history: 1970, 1993 and 2010. The first turning point, the state reform of 1970, defined cultural communities to accommodate the demands of Flemish people for cultural autonomy. Afterwards, Belgium took the path towards federation. The second turning point, the Constitution of May 1993, is a milestone in the political history of Belgium because it formally characterised Belgium as a federal state. Finally, the last turning point is the premature federal elections of 2010. This period was chosen because the winner, the N-VA, clearly declared that its goal was to achieve the independence for Flanders. I tackle the research questions by using qualitative approach. I will analyse my primary source material, the political party programmes of the main Flemish political parties, from the years 1971/1972, 1991, 1995 and 2010. By using conceptual content viii analysis as my main method, I concentrate in my analysing process on certain concepts related to the context of my study, such as federalism, nationalism and identity. In addition to party programmes, representing traditional Catholic, Socialist and Liberal pillars as well as more and more popular regional and Flemish nationalist political parties, I present Parliament discussions enlightening the political situation in 1969, 1988 and 2013. Moreover, I utilise theoretical and historical research literature, such as Daniel Elazar’s theory of federal political systems and Benedict Anderson’s theory of nationalism and ‘imagined communities’. The main findings of this study reveal that there definitely are clear differences between Flemish political party programmes’ attitudes towards extending autonomy. Socialist parties emphasised a united Belgium more than other parties, even though also Socialist parties have supported decentralisation and federalism. The regionalist and Flemish nationalist parties were even in favour of the independence of Flanders while the Christian Democratic and Liberal parties aligned in the middle, supporting confederal model in 2010, but resisting strongly the independence of Flanders. Nationalist matters, like emphasising Dutch language and culture, went somewhat hand in hand with the attitudes towards extending autonomy, more precisely whether party saw Flanders’ future as an independent country or as a part of Belgium. Of these four parties, the regionalist and Flemish nationalist parties underscored the most the Dutch language and culture. These parties also manifested the strongest Flemish identity. Socialist parties did not set much focus on nationalist matters, like Dutch language and culture, except for a while in 1990s, and presented the weakest Flemish identity. Christian Democratic and Liberal parties positioned themselves in the middle with a significant Flemish identity, but also with a relevant Belgian identity. Overall, the discussions and debates analysed supported all the findings found in the political party programmes. A similar development can also be seen in parties’ EU policies. By the 1990s, regionalisation received increasingly attention in the party programmes, and Flanders was seen as an independent actor in the EU arena. In addition to the regionalist party, also the traditional parties focused on regionalist matters in the 1990s. By 2010, the attention on regionalist matters was decreasing, except in the party programme of the Flemish nationalist party, N-VA. It even suggested that Flanders should pursue membership in the EU. The demand of Flemish people led to the first state reform in 1970. Afterwards, Belgium headed for federation – in a Belgian way. The Belgian federation is unique and extremely complex, with almost no similarities to classic federations displaying also some characteristics of confederalism. One might think that becoming a ix federation finally would be the end of all institutional changes, but Belgium continues to undergo change. Belgium has been in the middle of political crises more than once during recent decades.
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