Revolution and Political Transformation in the Middle East
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How Can We Explain the Arab Spring? by Satoshi Ikeuchi Author Satoshi Ikeuchi
SPECIAL ANALYSIS How Can We Explain theArab Spring? By Satoshi Ikeuchi Author Satoshi Ikeuchi The Intellectual Challenge of the Arab Spring opposition parties and civil society movements due to severe restrictions imposed on them; the skillful tactics of the rulers, The Arab Spring shook the social consciousness, values and alternating between oppression and co-optation; the firm grip that political regimes of the Arab countries and vastly altered their hopes those regimes had over the massive and multifaceted military and for the future. At the same time, the existing framework for security forces; the economic rent pouring in to the oil-producing understanding the Arab world received a serious jolt. Experts on countries that made it possible to govern without regard to public Arab politics are now going through a period of fundamental soul- opinion; the existence of the United States and other outside searching. As a scholar of Arab politics, the author’s aim is to supporters of these regimes; the ability of the regimes to exploit provide a new conceptual framework that will help explain the existing regional and sectarian conflicts to claim and justify the present and anticipate the future, albeit broadly. need for a police state, effectively stultifying dissent — the list Does the term Arab Spring make sense in the first place? What goes on. caused the chain of rapid changes in society? What were the The views of political scientists in the Arab world had been a little immediate outcomes in those countries? How did the individual Arab more nuanced. They made a more detailed analysis of the regimes respond to widespread social protest? And what were the undemocratic governance of the Arab regimes, subjected them to reasons for the different responses? What were the factors that led political and ethical criticism and value judgments, and argued for to different outcomes in individual countries? Where did the critical the indispensability and inevitability of change. -
INSIDE SYRIA: 18 MONTHS on Conference Report
INSIDE SYRIA: 18 MONTHS ON Conference Report Thursday 20 September 2012 London School of Economics and Political Science TABLE OF CONTENTS Conference Programme 2 Introduction 3 The Regime 3 The Opposition 5 Economic Implications 7 Social Implications 8 Opportunities for Further Research 9 INSIDE SYRIA: 18 MONTHS ON Conference Report 1 CONFERENCE PROGRAMME Panel 1 – Inside The Regime The makeup of the Syrian Leadership, the Military and Shabiha, Business Networks and Alawis What went wrong with the Bashar Al-Assad Presidency? Dr Christopher Phillips, Queen Mary University The Military Balance of Power: The State of the Syrian Army (Retired) Bridgadier General Akil Hashem How Regional and International Factors Impact the Syrian Conflict Ghayth Armanazi, Political Analyst and Former Arab League Ambassador Panel 2 – Inside the Opposition The Nature and Dynamics of the Various Opposition Groups and Movements, Focussing on those Inside Syria The Syrian Opposition: A Balance Sheet Rime Allaf, Chatham House The Syrian Opposition: A View from the Inside Suheir Atassi, National Council of the Damascus Declaration for Democratic Change Armed Groups in Libya: A Comparative Look Brian McQuinn, Oxford University / Centre on Conflict, Development and Peace Building Panel 3 – Identity in Syria The Complex Influences on Identity and Allegiance and how these may affect the Course of the Struggle Violence as a Modality of Government in Syria Professor Salwa Ismail, SOAS Divide, Terrorise and Rule in the Syrian `Black Hole State’ Dr Abdelwahab El-Affendi, -
Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces: Between Openness and Resistance
SSR PAPER 2 Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces: Between Openness and Resistance Derek Lutterbeck DCAF DCAF a centre for security, development and the rule of law SSR PAPER 2 Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces Between Openness and Resistance Derek Lutterbeck DCAF The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) is an international foundation whose mission is to assist the international community in pursuing good governance and reform of the security sector. The Centre develops and promotes norms and standards, conducts tailored policy research, identifies good practices and recommendations to promote democratic security sector governance, and provides in‐country advisory support and practical assistance programmes. SSR Papers is a flagship DCAF publication series intended to contribute innovative thinking on important themes and approaches relating to security sector reform (SSR) in the broader context of security sector governance (SSG). Papers provide original and provocative analysis on topics that are directly linked to the challenges of a governance‐driven security sector reform agenda. SSR Papers are intended for researchers, policy‐makers and practitioners involved in this field. ISBN 978‐92‐9222‐180‐5 © 2011 The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces EDITORS Alan Bryden & Heiner Hänggi PRODUCTION Yury Korobovsky COPY EDITOR Cherry Ekins COVER IMAGE © Suhaib Salem/Reuters The views expressed are those of the author(s) alone and do not in any way reflect the views of the institutions referred to or -
Iran's Foreign and Defense Policies
Iran’s Foreign and Defense Policies name redacted Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs December 21, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44017 Iran’s Foreign and Defense Policies Summary Iran’s national security policy is the product of many, and sometimes competing, factors: the ideology of Iran’s Islamic revolution; Iranian leadership’s perception of threats to the regime and to the country; long-standing Iranian national interests; and the interaction of the Iranian regime’s various factions and constituencies. Some experts assert that the goal of Iran’s national security strategy is to overturn a power structure in the Middle East that Iran asserts favors the United States and its allies Israel, Saudi Arabia, and other Sunni Muslim Arab regimes. Iran characterizes its support for Shiite and other Islamist movements as support for the “oppressed” and asserts that Saudi Arabia, in particular, is instigating sectarian tensions and trying to exclude Iran from regional affairs. Others interpret Iran as primarily attempting to protect itself from U.S. or other efforts to invade or intimidate it or to change its regime. Its strategy might, alternatively or additionally, represent an attempt to enhance Iran’s international prestige or restore a sense of “greatness” reminiscent of the ancient Persian empires. From 2010 until 2016, Iran’s foreign policy also focused on attempting to mitigate the effects of international sanctions on Iran. Iran employs a number of different tools in pursuing its national security policy. Some Iranian policy tools are common to most countries: traditional diplomacy and the public promotion of Iran’s values and interests. -
Situation Estimation the High Negotiations Committee The
www.jusoor.co Situation Estimation 0 The High Negotiations Committee The Political Course and Outcome www.jusoor.co Situation Estimation 1 The High Negotiations Committee The Political Course and Outcome www.jusoor.co Situation Estimation 2 Preface On the 9-10/12/2015, the High Negotiation Committee (HNC) had emerged after Riyadh Conference in order to unify the military and political forces of the Syrian opposition in addition to forming a delegation that can negotiate in the 3rd round of Geneva Negotiations. Since its establishment until its recent end, HNC considered as an exceptional situation that took place in the Syrian opposition because was a functional body with specific objectives contrary to the other political bodies. However, it used to fulfil other objectives that were not related to its tasks. Further, HNC was able to establish unique relations with the regional actors, while the Syrian National Coalition faced many situations with regards to regional polarization as a result of the trends of its president. Many political achievements were fulfilled by HNC during the past two years but it had failed to perform well in regards to its major task of negotiating the Syrian regime and lacked flexibility in dealing with this process. Conflicts also took place between HNC and the National Coalition, where the two political bodies worked in parallel lines that intersected sometimes. The course of Astana was in line with the course of HNC and caused the forced absence of HNC’s role in this regard. This report analyzes the conditions related to HNC’s emergence, course, and achievements during the last two years. -
Is It Possible to Understand the Syrian Revolution Through the Prism of Social Media? Juliette Harkin University of East Anglia
WESTMINSTER PAPERS VOLUME 9 ISSUE 2 / APRIL 2013 IS IT POSSIBLE TO UNDERSTAND THE SYRIAN REVOLUTION THROUGH THE PRISM OF SOCIAL MEDIA? Juliette Harkin University of East Anglia Juliette Harkin, M.Phil Oxon, is a researcher and consultant on the Arab media and a PhD student undertaking research on Syria in the School of Political, Social and International Studies at the University of East Anglia. Her M.Phil thesis (2009) focused on the changing practice of journalism in Syria. The aim of this article is to explore a renewed and radical ‘media culture’ that has developed in the extraordinary conditions of the Syrian revolution. The article quickly dismisses the focus on the technology and platforms while using small-scale ethnography to examine social networking sites like Facebook and to underscore the diversity of content being produced by Syrians. It notes how the Syrian media revolution is clearly well under way and how radical, alternative forms of media production are flourishing. KEYWORDS media, radical alternative media, revolt, semi-published, social media, social networking sites, Syria JULIETTE HARKIN: University of East Anglia 92 93 IS IT POSSIBLE TO UNDERSTAND THE SYRIAN REVOLUTION THROUGH THE PRISM OF SOCIAL MEDIA? Juliette Harkin University of East Anglia The Arab revolutions have reminded the world that radical change can be effected by the people, rather than by top-down regime change or ‘transitology’ models that have prevailed in much academic literature (see critique in the Latin American context by Sparks, 2010). For Syrians irreversible transformations happened in the maelstrom of the revolt; they did not wait for the regime to fall or for discussion to commence about media reform blueprints. -
The Peril's of Yemen's Cunning State
September 2012 NOREF Report The perils of Yemen’s cunning state Elham Manea Executive summary Under the influence of the Arab Spring, Yemen The country’s politics, before and after reunification last year embarked on a political transition after of north and south in 1990, have been dominated decades of autocratic rule under President Ali by elite factions manipulating shifting groups of Abdullah Saleh. The extreme fragility of the Yemeni clients based on tribal or sectarian loyalties. In state, however, stems from numerous sources of the process, deep grievances and disaffection instability and discontent, which the upheavals with the state have festered. While political in palace politics in the capital seem unable to transition and the accompanying Gulf Initiative resolve. With its strategic location, various zones are welcome, they are likely to generate further of internal armed conflict, an Islamist terrorist pressures towards secession and armed rebellion threat, ongoing humanitarian crises, scarcity of unless they address the deep structural sources key resources such as water, and the world’s of state weakness, namely the strategic political worst gender imbalance, the country remains a use of difference, as well as the manipulation of source of acute international concern. conflict and fragility before donors so as to favour the interests of the country’s leadership. However, the apparent fragility of the Yemeni state should not be understood merely as the product of a fragmented, tribal population living in poverty. Dr Elham Manea has dual nationality, Yemeni and Swiss. She is an associate professor at the Institute of Political Science, Zurich University, Switzerland, and specialises in the Middle East, with a focus on Yemen. -
Militant Leadership Monitor Is by Andrew Mcgregor
VOLUME 2 u ISSUE 5 u MAY 2011 IN THIS ISSUE: BRIEFS.........................................................................................................................................1 A PROFILE OF TARKHAN GAZIEV: THE THIRD MAN IN CHECHNYA’s REBEL TROIKA By Mairbek Vatchagaev..............................................................................................................3 ABU MUHAMMAD AL-taHAWI: THE LEADER OF JORDAn’s jIHADI PROTESTORS By Murad Batal al-Shishani.......................................................................................................5 SMM Leader Nasser al-Nuba GENERAL gabrieL taNG: SOUTH SUDAn’s PRODigaL SON OR KHartOUM’s ageNT OF CHAOS? Militant Leadership Monitor is By Andrew McGregor.................................................................................................................7 a publication of The Jamestown Foundation. It is designed to be read by policy-makers and other SOUTH YEMEN’S PACIFIST GENERAL: A PORTRAIT OF BRIGADIER NASSER AL-NUBA specialists yet also be accessible By Michael Horton...................................................................................................................11 to the general public. In order to purchase a subscription, visit http://www.jamestown.org/ programs/mlm0/ and click on YEMENI TRIBAL CHIEF READY FOR “WAR” AGAINST PRESIDENT log-in. SALEH The opinions expressed within On May 23, forces loyal to Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh mounted an are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect assault on -
The Arab Spring: One Year After Transformation Dynamics, Prospects for Democratization and the Future of Arab-European Cooperation
Amine Ghali, Ibrahim Hegazy, Salam Kawakibi, Eberhard Kienle, Elham Manea, Samir Saadawi, Tobias Schumacher, Jan Völkel The Arab Spring: One Year After Transformation Dynamics, Prospects for Democratization and the Future of Arab-European Cooperation Europe in Dialogue 2012 | 02 Address | Contact: Bertelsmann Stiftung Carl-Bertelsmann-Straße 256 P.O. Box 103 33311 Gütersloh GERMANY Phone +49 5241 81-0 Fax +49 5241 81-81999 The Arab Spring: One Year After Armando Garcia Schmidt Phone +49 5241 81-81543 E-Mail [email protected] 2012 | 02 Joachim Fritz-Vannahme Phone +49 5241 81-81421 E-Mail [email protected] Europe in Dialogue www.bertelsmann-stiftung.org Europe in Dialogue Transformation Index BTI 2012 Europeans can be proud as they look back on fifty years of peaceful integration. Nowa- Advocating reforms targeting the goal of a con- Discover the world of transformation “To improve governance, it is indispensable to learn from experience. With its qualitative analysis of transforma- days many people worldwide see the European Union as a model of how states and their tion processes in 128 developing and transition countries, the BTI provides a valuable resource for understanding stitutional democracy and socially responsible The interactive Transformation Atlas is an innovative tool that helps users explore better the successes and failures of political management. Its actor-centered approach identifies a diverse set the entirety of the BTI‘s extensive data set. An engaging presentation of information of strategies in how to get the job done. The BTI is an outstanding instrument for policy learning and should and intuitive navigation structure provide users easy access to the BTI‘s key fi ndings be consulted by policymakers worldwide who are struggling with the challenge of building sustainable and and allow them to identify patterns and correlations without compromising the thriving democracies.” citizens can work together in peace and freedom. -
Iran's Foreign and Defense Policies
Iran’s Foreign and Defense Policies name redacted Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs October 21, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44017 Iran’s Foreign and Defense Policies Summary Iran’s national security policy is the product of many, and sometimes competing, factors: the ideology of Iran’s Islamic revolution; Iranian leadership’s perception of threats to the regime and to the country; long-standing Iranian national interests; and the interaction of the Iranian regime’s various factions and constituencies. Some experts assert that the goal of Iran’s national security strategy is to overturn a power structure in the Middle East that Iran asserts favors the United States and its allies Israel, Saudi Arabia, and other Sunni Muslim Arab regimes. Iran characterizes its support for Shiite and other Islamist movements as support for the “oppressed” and asserts that Saudi Arabia, in particular, is instigating sectarian tensions and trying to exclude Iran from regional affairs. Others interpret Iran as primarily attempting to protect itself from U.S. or other efforts to invade or intimidate it or to change its regime. Its strategy might, alternatively or additionally, represent an attempt to enhance Iran’s international prestige or restore a sense of “greatness” reminiscent of the ancient Persian empires. From 2010 until 2016, Iran’s foreign policy also focused on attempting to mitigate the effects of international sanctions on Iran. Iran employs a number of different tools in pursuing its national security policy. Some Iranian policy tools are common to most countries: traditional diplomacy and the public promotion of Iran’s values and interests. -
Iraq: Politics and Governance
Iraq: Politics and Governance Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Carla E. Humud Analyst in Middle Eastern and African Affairs March 9, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21968 Iraq: Politics and Governance Summary Iraq’s sectarian and ethnic divisions—muted toward the end of the 2003-2011 U.S. military intervention in Iraq—are fueling a major challenge to Iraq’s stability and to U.S. policy in Iraq and the broader Middle East region. The resentment of Iraq’s Sunni Arabs toward the Shiite- dominated central government facilitated the capture in 2014 of nearly one-third of Iraqi territory by the Sunni Islamist extremist group called the Islamic State (IS, also known as ISIL, ISIS, or the Arabic acronym Da'esh). Iraq’s Kurds are separately embroiled in political, territorial, and economic disputes with Baghdad, but those differences have been at least temporarily subordinated to the common struggle against the Islamic State. U.S. officials assert that the Iraqi government must work to gain the loyalty of more of Iraq’s Sunnis—and to resolve differences with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG)—if an eventual defeat of the Islamic State is to result in long-term stability. Prospects for greater inter- communal unity appeared to increase in 2014 with the replacement of former Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki with the current Prime Minister, Haydar al-Abbadi. Although both men are from the Shiite Islamist Da’wa Party, Abbadi has taken some steps to try to compromise with Sunnis and with the KRG. However, a significant point of contention with the KRG remains the KRG’s marketing of crude oil exports separately from Baghdad. -
A Decade of Lost Chances: Past and Present Dynamics of Bashar Al-Asad’S Syria*
A Decade of Lost Chances: Past and Present Dynamics of Bashar al-Asad’s Syria* Carsten WIELAND** Abstract The forming of the new National Coalition of Revolutionary and Oppo- sitional Forces in Doha in mid-November 2012 added a new domestic and international dimension to the conflict in Syria. The recognition of this platform as the sole legitimate representative of the Syrian people by more than 100 countries puts additional political pressure on the re- gime of Bashar al-Asad. The President has run out of political options after he had chosen to act exclusively militarily. This article looks back at the decade of lost chances under Asad in order to find an explana- tion to the “security reflex” that the regime opted for when the peaceful demonstrations started out. In this article, the Syrian intifada is placed into a political context of the Arab Spring in which it belongs despite the different path that Syria has been taking since then. The strong fragmentation of the Syrian opposition is part of the Syrian “specialty”. The main cleavages are elaborated here. Finally, five scenarios are of- fered that look possible at the moment of publication, not all of them are as negative as the current situation suggests. Keywords: Syria, Bashar al-Asad, Arab Spring, revolt, opposition, Na- tional Coalition Kaybolan Fırsatlarla Geçen On Yıl: Beşar Esad Yönetimindeki Suriye’nin Önceki ve Şimdiki Dinamikleri Özet 2012 Kasım ayının ortalarında Doha’da kurulan Suriye Muhalif ve Dev- rimci Güçler Ulusal Koalisyonu Suriye’deki çatışmaya yeni bir ulusal ve * This article is based on a speech held at the Middle East Technical University in Ankara, Turkey on 21 November 2012.