p-ISSN: 2410-5600 e-ISSN: 2663-998X

AZERBAIJAN NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES INSTITUTE OF MANUSCRIPTS NAMED AFTER

MANUSCRIPTS DON'T BURN

№ 1 (8), 2019 January-June, Special issue

“Əlyazmalar yanmır” jurnalı Xüsusi buraxılış (İngilis dilində)

Журнал“Рукописи не горят” Специальный выпуск (на английском языке)

By the decision of the Presidium of the Higher Attestation Commission under the President of the Republic of as of March 31, 2017 (Protocol No. 06-R), the scientific journal "Manuscripts don’t burn" has been included on Philology, in the list of the scientific issues publishing the main scientific results of the dissertations.

It was registered in the press “Register of publications” (Register No. 3940 ) of Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Azerbaijan, in 01/13/2015

Creative Commons License CC BY-NC 4.0

www.manuscript./mdb – 2019

Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences

It was published by the decision meeting of the Academic Council of Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli of Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences (ANAS) No:4 dated October 1, 2019.

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF:

Teymur Karimli Academician, Director of the Institute of Manuscripts of ANAS

SCIENTIFIC BOARD:

Isa Habibbayli Mohsun Naghisoylu Academician Academician

Aybaniz Aliyeva-Kangarli Pasha Karimov D.Sc. in Philology D.Sc. in Philology, professor

Kamandar Sharifli Azada Musabayli D.Sc. in Philology, professor D.Sc. in Philology, professor

Farid Alakbarli Nasib Goyushov D.Sc. in History, professor D.Sc. in Philology, Associate professor

Naila Samadova Tahira Hasanzade D.Sc. in Philology D.Sc. in History

Salvatore Lorusso Akram Baghirov D.Sc., Professor of the University Ph.D on Philology, Associate professor of Bologna, Italy Azizagha Najafzade Javid Jafarov Ph.D on Philology, Associate professor Ph.D on History, Associate professor Nigar Babakhanova Arif Ramazanov Ph.D on History Expert on manuscriptology

Journal of “Manuscripts don’t burn” (Special issue in English). Collection of scientific articles of the Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli of Azerbaijan National academy of Scien- ces. Baku. № 1(8), 2019 (i.e. Vol. 5. No:1, 2019), 150 p. Library of Congress Classification: PJ1-(9500) Scan the bibliographic record Z105-115.5 Biblioqrafik təsviri skan et

Müəllif hüquqlarının qorunması və elmi nəticələrin beynəlxalq informasiya mühitinə daha sürətli inteqrasiyası məqsədilə İnstitutun nəşrləri arasında ilk dəfə “Əlyazmalar yanmır” jurnalının xüsusi buraxılışında DOI (Digital Object Identifier - Obyektin Rəqəmsal Eyniləş- dirilməsi) nömrələmə sistemindən istifadə olunmuşdur. Xüsusi buraxılış ISO: 26324-2015 (Beynəlxalq informasiya-nəşriyyat standartı) qaydaların uyğun şəkildə nəşrə hazırlanmışdır.

Indexed/Abstracted by: Google Scholar, Road (), Researchgate

© Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli, 2019 © Authors, 2019

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TABLE OF CONTENTS (in alphabetical order)

Note: D.Sc- Doctor of Science, Ph.D.-, Res.- Researcher

D.Sc. Aybaniz Aliyeva-Kangarli PRESERVATION & PROMOTION OF SCIENTIFIC HERITAGE THROUGH ELECTRONIC LIBRARIES (Considerations, Conceptual Views)…….....4

D.Sc. Azada Mousayeva ALL-TURKIC MONUMENT ‘GARIBNAMA’ OF THE 14TH CENTURY & ITS AZERBAIJAN MANUSCRIPTS...... 10

D.Sc. Kamandar Sharifov TRANSCRIPTION SYSTEM IN TEXTUAL STUDIES...... 18

D.Sc. Naila Samadova GARA MALIK, NATIONAL HERO OF THE TWELFTH CENTURY….…………..25

D.Sc. Nasib Goyushov INTELLECTUAL, METAPHYSICAL AND AESTHETIC PERCEPTION OF SCRIPT IN ……….……………………….29

D.Sc. Pasha Karimov VAHID GAZVINI AND HIS DIVAN IN TURKISH...... 39

D.Sc. Pasha Karimov, D.Sc. Ragub Karimov A NEW LOOK AT THE HERITAGE OF MIRZA BAKHISH NADIM (Based on the Materials of the Institute of Manuscripts)………………………………54

D.Sc. Tahira Hasanzade KHALISAGARIZADE ABDULGANI AFANDI’S PEDAGOGICAL ACTIVITY………………………………………………………….65

D.Sc. Zakiya Abilova THE WORK “MEFATIHUL-ULUM” BY ABU ABDULLAH MUHAMMAD IBN AHMAD IBN YUSIF AL-KHARAZMI………………………..70

Ph.D. Akram Baghirov MOMENTS RELATED TO THE IN ABDULLAH KABULI’S WORK ‘TAZKIRAT AT-TAVARIKH’…………….....75

Ph.D. Aybaniz Rahimova THE MANUSCRIPT AND PRINTED COPIES OF THE ‘BATTAL GAZI SAGA’ BEING MAINTAINED AT THE INSTITUTE OF MANUSCRIPTS………..82

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences

Ph.D. Azizagha Najafzadeh SAGA ‘GILGAMISH’ & ’S EVERLASTING KHAMSA...... 89

Ph.D. Javid Jafarov A BRIEF HISTORY OF ARMENIAN BIBLIOCLASM...... 93

Ph.D. Naila Mustafayeva 18th CENTURY AZERBAIJANI MUKHAMMASES BEING MAINTAINED AT THE INSTITUTE OF MANUSCRIPTS……………………….101

Ph.D. Nigar Babakhanova INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS OF THE INSTITUTE OF MANUSCRIPTS NAMED AFTER MUHAMMAD FUZULI WITH UNESCO.…..109

Ph.D. Rana Mammadova NADIR ’S POLICY WITH REGARD TO RELIGIOUS MINORITIES...... 114

Ph.D. Tahira Nuraliyeva ENDOWED MANUSCRIPTS...... 121

Res. Aynura Hasanova MOVLANA JALALADDIN ’S AND ITS BAKU COPIES...... 131

Res. Sevar Jabbarli RARE MANUSCRIPT DIGEST COMPOSED IN ...... 137

Res. Zemfira Mammadova THE TREASURY OF ANCIENT SCIENTIFIC KNOWLEDGE………...………….143

INFORMATION FOR AUTHORS...... 148 MÜƏLLİFLƏR ÜÇÜN MƏLUMAT....…………………...... …………...... 149

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EDITORIAL

Teymur Karimli Academician

nstitute of Manuscripts named after M.Fuzuli of ANAS is a unit centre on collec- tion, systematization, preservation and publication of ancient written monuments Iand medieval Oriental manuscripts. This organization has been operating as an independent body since 1950 year and more than 12,000 manuscripts and generally more than 40,000 written materials are protected in funds of the institute. Day after day, the institute's fund is replenished with newly discovered rare manuscripts and with copies of manuscripts of Azerbaijani authors imported from abroad. Establishment of the Institute as a modern research institution has evolved from the suc- cesses of the last 10 years, especially for the best printed products. Institute staff not only ex- tends the lives of manuscripts by restoring them protected here, but also digitize them and give them eternal life. It is important to know that the Institute of Manuscripts is not only concerned with pre- serving written monuments and providing readers. Ancient written materials are reproduced here, in addition to digitization, as well as in-depth research, translated into our language and into the modern alphabet, prepared for publication and promotion among a wide audience by promoting local and international exhibitions. Recent reforms in the structure of the Institute of Manuscripts have increased the efficiency of its work. The Institute has created new areas of research through new departments such as international relations, electronic resources, multidisciplinary research of manuscripts and research printed books. During the past five years, the Institute of Manuscripts has established partnerships with many leading libraries, archives and universities around the world. Today, the work of our employees is published in prestigious scientific journals of the leading countries of , America and Asia. The number of references to the works of our scientists has increased sig- nificantly compared to previous years. The Institute of Manuscripts has taken serious steps to train new specialists. Thus, along with doctoral studies and postgraduate education at the in- stitute, master's education also began to operate. Currently, young specialists are being trained not only in the field of manuscripts: textile and source studies, but also in the field of ar- chives, restoration of written monuments and linguistics. Among the scientific publications of the institute are three serious scientific journals cited by the scientific community of the re- public: “Manuscripts Don’t Burn,” “Scientific Works” and “Philological Problems”. Articles published in these journals pose problems with our ancient history, rich culture and literature, which promote universal values, explore the intricacies of our mother tongue, preserved in the manuscript, and researchers conduct serious scientific searches, citing directly to the source. The main purpose of the special edition of the Journal of “Manuscript don’t burn” in English is to spread the achievements of Azerbaijani manuscript science by publishing the main scientific bases - in English - that these research activities could be of interest to the interna- tional scientific community. I think, this collection will be published once a year in many countries of the world, and as a result, information on important research works of scientists of the Institute of Manu- scripts will be distributed not only in and the CIS countries, but also in the works of our famous scientists in the East. It can be used by any scientist who understands English, and, of course, the most important savings of our scientists will be included in the scientific circulation in Europe. Researchers are also responsible for this. Each line that comes out of their pencil will represent Azerbaijani science - our journalism, our sources, our scientists in this journal.

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences

Aybaniz Aliyeva-Kangarli. Preservation & Promotion of Scientific Heritage Through E- Libraries // J. of “Manuscripts Don’t Burn". №1(8), 2019, Special issue, pp. 6-9.

UDC: 027 (400)

Aybaniz Aliyeva-Kangarli Doctor of Science in Philology Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli, ANAS 26 Istiglaliyat Street, Baku E-mail: [email protected]

PRESERVATION & PROMOTION OF SCIENTIFIC HERITAGE THROUGH E-LIBRARIES (Considerations, Conceptual Views)

Key words: Azerbaijani libraries, electronic libraries, scientific heritage

In the period of transition to the post-industrial or information society, knowledge and information are socializing and becoming a driving force and strategic source of the economy, social relations and so on. One of the key requirements of the information society is to present this source of strategic importance to users not only in the traditional form, but also in the electronic, digital form. ICTs are today widely used in all areas of human activity to prepare, preserve and properly guide traditional print products in the electronic form. Today, information supply to science, culture and education spheres is possible by using the ICTs effectively and creating an electronic scientific library. As information flow is steadily enhancing today, such libraries is the key reference substance for researchers and scientists. It is of paramount importance to manage knowledge properly in the globalization proc- ess and in the formation and development of international integrative relations. Under such circumstances, management of science according to market economy’s demands, intellectual property formation, protection and commercialization, brain drain over time – instead of mi- gration of scientists to developed countries, migration of their knowledge on the Internet, and solution of other problems require new conceptual views, approaches, and institutional and economic-legal mechanisms. Despite all this, approaches to the formation of electronic libraries, including scientific electronic libraries are distinct. According to the development scenario presented in the article titled Digital Libraries of the Future - and the Role of Libraries by Donatella Castell, a well- known Italian library expert, traditional libraries will also continue their existence as long as electronic libraries exist. In this sense, both of them will serve to the world together, but with different capacities in protection of the global scientific and cultural heritages. We also agree with this opinion and think that any electronic library is established just on the basis of traditional information resources and this is the response of a society to new challenges. When characterizing this society, whose core values are information and science, epithets like information and knowledge-based society are used. Although there are concep- tual differences between these definitions, they reflect the same goal – the value of informa- tion.

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Over time, the process of transformation of information and science into a valuable tool that can regulate the daily life of the society is accelerating. As the government in Azerbaijan is directly interested in preservation, development and purposeful use of information sources, the national content and scientific heritage, significant support and care is attached to this area. The Law on Library Work and the Executive Orders on Improvement of Activity of Li- braries in Azerbaijan, on Approval of the National Strategy for Development of Science in Azerbaijan in 2009-2015 and the State Programme for Implementation of the National Strat- egy for Development of Science in Azerbaijan in 2009-2015 once again prove that develop- ment of both libraries and science are among priorities for the government, which in its turn serves to establishment of relations more optimally between the information-information channel-information user trio. In other words, the emerging situation (technological opportu- nities), the approach (from the government and the society), and traditional (book, library) and non-traditional (Internet, SMS) information dissemination media all enable to preserve and promote the scientific heritage in the electronic form. Electronization of the scientific heritage, including scientific literature in Azerbaijan is mainly carried out by scientific libraries. The scientific libraries realize such publications through digital libraries. Emergence of this need is conditioned by several factors. The vol- ume of the scientific literature and information maintained in the traditional form negatively affects the effectiveness of working with it. Solution of such a fundamental problem is possi- ble by application of information and communication technologies. In its turn, emergence of electronic materials and resultantly electronic scientific publications necessitates establish- ment of electronic databases making their preservation and usage prompt. And especially these electronic scientific bases constitute the core of electronic libraries. Examples of such electronic scientific bases are the electronic scientific databases titled Azerbaijani Studies, Azerbaijani Science, and Oil in Azerbaijan, created upon the initiative of the Author at the Central Scientific Library of the Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences (ANAS). In general, the first hypothesizes about creation of electronic libraries are found in the article ‘How We Will Think’ by V. Bush and in the book ‘Libraries of the Future’ by J.S.R. Licklider. The idea of the digital system called Memex, presented in the article by B. Bush, was to keep information in photographs, which eventually led to the creation of microfilms and microfiches. And J.S.R. Licklider, employee of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology studied how digital calculators would affect the future of libraries. From the 60s of the last century, application of computers in preservation and processing of library information has started. The first example of this work was the format of MARC (Machine Readable Cata- loging), created by the American Library of Congress. Application of this format in the Online Computer Library Center, OCLC enabled many libraries to realize exchange of bib- liographic information. But the creation of modern electronic libraries can be attributed to the late 1980s, when creation of early electronic bases of scientific magazines started. (Projects of Mercury, CORE and Tulip in 1987-1993, and JSTORE and High Wire Press since 1995) And in Azerbaijan, creation of electronic libraries has widely grown over the past dec- ade. Many large libraries, such as ANAS’s Central Scientific Library, ’s Scientific Library, National Library, Presidential Library and etc. have achieved successful results in this sphere. ANAS’s Central Scientific Library and Baku State University’s Scien- tific Library respectively work more widely towards creating scientific electronic bases and promoting them through the Internet. Both of these libraries provide thousands of scientists and pedagogues with the electronic versions of scientific and scientific-methodological lit- erature. Such a service to readers through electronic libraries contributes to solution of the following issues and challenges: 1. First of all, the scientific-cultural heritage of Azerbaijan is digitalized and gains a reliable preservation capacity.

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences

2. Integration of the scientific heritage of Azerbaijan into the global information environment is simplified. 3. Processing, collection, classification, selection and transfer of scientific information is accelerated many times. 4. Biometric analysis of the scientific heritage and scientific information flow is simpli- fied. 5. Shortage of literature (copies) for information supply to the science is eliminated. 6. Azerbaijani scientists and pedagogues get access to not only the scientific literatures created in the country, but also books, magazines and academic dissertations in global scien- tific databases. Use of products of famous scientific information resources and printing hou- ses, such as Web of Knowledge, Elsevier, Springer, EBSCO and etc. in Azerbaijani libraries may be given as an example. As we mentioned, there are practices and achievements gained recently in creation of both electronic libraries and electron catalogues in Azerbaijan. However, lack of a united collected electronic catalogue and a united electronic library, including a united scientific electronic library in the country creates some problems, as comprehensive search options for electronic information get restricted, determination of the statistical indicators of services be- comes complex and coordination in electronisation between libraries becomes unfeasible. Therefore, there is a need for creation of a united scientific electronic library in the near fu- ture. A national scientific electronic library should be created as a national information system that will enable collection, preservation and transfer of all the volume of scientific documents published in Azerbaijan in the electronic form. The scientific electronic library should consist of resources to be electronisated directly by librarians and other sources, including electronic materials to be prepared and presented to the electronic library from printing houses, libraries, education institutions, local executive powers and individuals by their possession forms. Completion of the scientific electronic library with full-text massive information should be mainly performed through the following techniques: - Scanning (digitalization of copies) of texts - Creation of electronic files without a paper-based analogue - Taking of ready content (text) One of the key points that should be taken into account when preserving and promoting the scientific heritage through libraries is protection of copyrights. As the electronic form of publication products and also electronic publications are subject to copyrights and patent rights, they must be preserved in accordance with international conventions and the national legislation of the Republic of Azerbaijan. Use of massive information in electronic libraries for commercial purposes must be prohibited. The scientific heritage of Azerbaijan which has an antic culture and rooted traditions is also quite rich and comprehensive. Modern technolo- gies, including electronic libraries may play an irreplaceable role in preservation of such a heritage under modern conditions and transfer of it to the modern and future generations, and promotion and equal use of it.

References:

1. A.Aliyeva-Kangarli. National & Moral Values: Founders & Sustainers – Baku: Pro- gress, 2012. – 582 pages. 2. Castelli D. Digital Libraries of the Future - and the Role of Libraries, Library Hi Tech.- Vol. 24. Iss: 4, 2006.- Pp.496 – 503.

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3. Covi L.M. Material mastery: How university researchers use digital libraries for scholarly communication / L.M. Covi: PhD DAI-A 57/09, p. 3727, Mar 1997.- University of California, Irvine, 1996.-214 p. 4. Aligouliyev R.M., Shukurlu S.F., Kazimova S.I. Key Definitions Used in the Scien- tific Activity – Baku: Information Technologies Printing House, 2009. – 201 pages. 5. J. C. R. Licklider. Libraries of the Future. Cambridge, Mass.: 1965, M.I.T. 6. Owens, Larry. "Vannevar Bush and the Differential Analyzer: The Text and Context of Early Computer". In Nyce, James M.; Kahn, Paul. From Memex to Hypertext: Vannevar Bush and the Mind's Machine- Boston: Academic Press, 1991. - Pp. 3-38.

Aybəniz Əliyeva-Kəngərli

Elektron kitabxanalar vasitəsilə elmi irsin mühafizəsi və təbliği (mülahizələr, konseptual baxışlar)

XÜLASƏ

Açar sözlər: Azərbaycan kitabxanaları, elektron kitabxana, elmi irs

Elmin, mədəniyyətin və təhsilin müasir informasiya təminatı bu gün İKT-dən effektiv şəkildə istifadə etməklə və elektron elmi kitabxana yaratmaqla mümkündür. Elektron kitabxanalar mövcud olduqca, ənənəvi kitabxanalar da mövcud olacaq. Bu mənada, onların hər ikisi dünya elmi, mədəni irsinin qorunmasında birgə, lakin fərqli imkanlarla bəşəriyyətə xidmət edəcəklər. Azərbaycanda son on ildə bir sıra iri kitabxanalar (AMEA-nm Mərkəzi El- mi Kitabxanası, Bakı Dövlət Universitetinin Elmi Kitabxanası, Milli Kitabxana, Prezident Ki- tabxanası və s.) bu sahədə uğurlu nəticələr əldə ediblər. Həm AMEA-nın Mərkəzi Elmi Kitab- xanası, həm də Bakı Dövlət Universitetinin Elmi Kitabxanası alim və pedaqoq auditoriyasını elmi və elmi-metodoloji ədəbiyyatm elektron variantı ilə təmin edir. Elmi irsin elektron kitabxanalar vasitəsilə mühafizə və təbliğ olunması zamanı diqqət ediləcək ən vacib məqamlardan biri də müəlliflik hüquqlarının qorunmasıdır. Elektron kitab- xanadaklı informasiya massivlərindən kommersiya məqsədli istifadə qadağan olunmalıdır.

Айбениз Алиева-Кенгерли

Сохранность и пропаганда научного наследия путем создания электронных библиотек (размышления, концептуальные взгляды)

РЕЗЮМЕ

Ключевые слова: библиотеки Азербайджана, электронные библиотеки, научное наследие

В статье рассматриваются вопросы создания электронных библиотек в условиях информационного общества, отмечается важность оцифровки научного наследия на- рода в целях его сохранности и пропаганды. В статье изложены концептуальные взгляды автора по поводу создания национальных научных электронных библиотек.

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences

Azada Musayeva All-Turkic Monument ‘Garibnama’ of the 14th Century & Its Azerbaijan Manuscript // J. of “Manuscripts Don’t Burn". №1(8), 2019, Special issue, pp. 10-17.

UDC: 821 (091)

Azada Musayeva Doctor of Science in Philology, Professor Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli, ANAS 26 Istiglaliyat Street, Baku E-mail: [email protected]

ALL-TURKIC MONUMENT ‘GARIBNAMA’ OF THE 14th CENTURY & ITS AZERBAIJAN MANUSCRIPT

Key words: All-turkic monuments, Ashig Pasha, Garibnama, Azerbaijan manuscript

Ali ibn Mouhlis (1272-1332), a Sofi poet of All-Turkic Literature, who lived in the 13th- 14th centuries and served as a model for Suleiman Chalabi and Yazijioglu, is one of the lead- ers of Aruz prosody generated in Turkish in . The Azerbaijani copy of his work ‘Garibnama’ that he composed in 10 babs in 730 of the hegira calendar or 1329 of the current era, which consists of 12,000 distiches and is one of the sources of the Sofi in Turkish is important for both its perfectness in the history of Manuscript Studies and its copy date, that is, 1489 year. Its babs cover 10 topics, respectively unity; body and soul; past; condition; future; four factors; five feelings; 6 days of creation, 7-layer sky, eight heavens, and passion. There are 10 sagas in each bab. In Garibnama which is called An Important Book of Life, the new Turkish poetry has been adequately processed and the has been further improved by its form. This written monument has been maintaining the proud rank it has gained for nearly 700 years. It is observed that although the following verses of the work are frequently said and heard, however, its author and source are not shown somehow in many cases: (in Azerbaijani) Türk dilinə kimsənə baqmaz idi, Türklərə hərgiz gönül aqmaz idi. Türk dəqi bilməz idi ol dilləri, İncə yolu, ol ulu mənzilləri. ... Türk dilində yəni məni bulalar, Türk, tacik bilə yuldaş olalar (35, 315a-b).

Born in a noble and prestigious family in Turkey’s Kirshehir Region in 670 of the he- gira calendar or 1272 of the current era, was regarded as ‘one of the most prominent Turkish poets and Sophists grown in the first half of the 14th century’ (8, I, 702), ‘one of the founders of the Literature in Oghuz Turkish’ (1, 414), and ‘the greatest poet of the time.’ (7, 176) His father Mouhlis ibn Ilyas gave the nickname ‘Pasha’ to his first child. (2,1,110) Al- though earlier sources write that his family came from Khorasan in the past or ‘were from a place close to Iranian borders’ (13, 44), there is almost no correct information about it.

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He learned the key sciences of his time from Sheikh Suleiman Kirshehir, got a compre- hensive education alike other famous people of the medieval times and spoke and Per- sian languages fluently. Basing upon some manuscript copies, a range of scientists even sup- pose that he even knew Armenian and Hebrew languages. (8, 703) Accomplishing to get an important place not only in the literary society, but also in the political life of his time, Ali ibn Mouhlis even went to with the relevant embassy. He spent most of his life in Kirshehir, which was one of the important economic and cultural centers of Anatolia early 14th century and he died there in 732 of the hegira calendar or 1332 of the current era. His tomb is a visit place even now. (8, 703; I, 414) From ancient sources we learn that he had a spouse named Haji Khatun, two sons named Jan and Alvan Chalabi, one daughter named Malak Khatun, and two brothers named Giyasaddin Mahmoud and Oghuz Chalabi. Although his name is mentioned in all medieval sources talking about the Ottoman his- tory and literature, from ‘Shagaig an-Nemaniyya’ of Tashkopruluzadeh Moustafa Afandi and ‘Tazkira’ of Kastamonulu Latifi (3, 22; 13, 44), there are not enough information on his life, or such information are sometimes repeated, sometimes disputable and sometimes unreal. Later, Turkish, Russian and European scientists, such as M.T.Bursali, M.F.Koprulu, N.S.Banarli, V.M.Kojaturk, V.D.Smirnov, A.E.Krimski, V.S.Garbuzova, L.V.Dmitriyeva, P. Hammer, E. Gibb and others (2; 11; 8; 1; 7; 22; 21; 18; 19; 20; 28; 27 and etc.) wrote about Ali ibn Mouhlis, who was ‘… one of the great Sophists of the 14th century, both poet and sheikh (5, 8), and was known as Ashig Pasha’, and about Garibnama which brought a lasting fame to him. In Azerbaijan, for the first time the author of these lines addressed this issue in the ‘Turkey’s Written Monuments in Azerbaijan’ section of the doctoral dissertation titled ‘Manuscript Book & Unstudied Problems of Azerbaijani Literature of 15-16th Centuries’ (Textual-Philological Research) (15, 172-190). However, we should regretfully recognize that neither a substantial research work has been written about either Garibnama or its author nor the work has been published up to now in Azerbaijan. Many copies of Garibnama are maintained in world’s treasuries and libraries of manu- scripts. Flesher, Flugel, Persh, Riye, Etye, Minorski, Zettershen, Rossi, Bloshe, Dmitriyeva, Karatai and Golpinarli described them in their relevant Oriental manuscript catalogues and gave preliminary information about them (25; 26; 30; 31; 24; 29; 34; 32; 33; 23; 20; 6; 4). We get familiar with the description of the copies of Garibnama in the museum mentioned in Fahmi Adham Karatai’s ‘Catalogue of Manuscripts of Topgapi Palace Museum’ work: One of the three copies copied out in various years of the 16th century was copied out by Azerbaijani scribe Muhammad bin Abdoul Magarib at-Tabrizi (II, 89-90). And in Abdoulbagi Golpi- narli’s ‘Catalogue of Manuscripts of Movlana Museum’, 4 copies included in one almanac are described (4, III, 425-426; 4, 209-2010). Furthermore, Ettore Rossi gives information about the 4 copies in Vatikan’s Apostol Library (32, 123, 129, 187-188, 360). In the Catalogue ‘De- scription of Turkish Manuscripts of the Institute of Oriental Studies’, L.V.Dmitriyeva wrote about the manuscripts, of which one was copied out in 1446-1447 in and five were copied out in Volga Region in the 17-19th centuries. Besides those written in the catalogues of Oriental manuscripts, F.Babinger, E.Rossi, M.F.Koprulu and L.V.Dmitriyeva also wrote about the copies of Garibnama’s manuscripts. Babinger mentioned 11 copies of which two are in Berlin, two are in London (in British Mu- seum) and others are in Dresden, Gottingen, Kotha, Vienna, Bologna, Ambrosiana and Roma Libraries, and gave brief information on one more copy he saw in Bosnia-Sarajevo. (8, I, 705) Rossi wrote an article about the researches of the manuscripts of Ashig Pasha’s Garibnama in the Italian libraries. (33, 108-119) Dmitriyeva wrote a specific article named ‘Leningrad Manuscripts of Ashig Pasha’s Garibnama’. (19) By the way, we should mention that she then included those information in the catalogue mentioned above, of which author she is [820, 133-134]. Basing on the Book ‘Turkish Poets’ of Sadaddin Nouzhat Ergin (Vol. I, 129-143)

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences in his Essay ‘Ashig Pasha’ included in Volume 1 of the Encyclopedia of and showing Garibnama’s two copies of Uskudar Kamankesh (No 232 and No 229) and copies of Hudayi (No 229), Eyyub (Khosrov Pasha part No 542), Mehirshah part (No 349), Bayazid (No 3683), Archeology Museum (No 258) and Uskudarli Salim Aga (Gasim Bay part, No 159), Kopruluzadeh also added to them the copies of University (TY No 121 and 1838) and Lalali Library (6,705), a very beautiful two-volume copy copied out in 882 of the hegira cal- endar for the library of Yash Bay from Mamluk emirs. According to Koprulu, the oldest copy (861 of the hegira calendar) in Turkey is in Bayazid General Library, and the older one is the copy in National Library (23, No 413), copied out in 848 of the hegira calendar. The copy in the Hungarian Academy Library, copied out in 910 of the hegira calendar (Turkish Manuscripts part, I) was mentioned by Josef Turi (8, I, 705). When talking about this work, Gojaturk also mentioned that there is also one manuscript of it in his own library (7). All of these led us to think about possibility of availability of many unknown copies of Garibnama and conduct researches. Thus, we achieved to discover a rare and valuable copy of Ali ibn Mouhlis ibn Ilyas’s work titled Kitabi-Garibnamayi-Ashig Pasha at the Institute of Manuscripts of Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences, maintained under Code M-470. The headings were written with red ink and the text itself was written with black ink in two rows with Nash transcription style with vowel points on thick Oriental papers. The rows were also bordered with the red ink. The text sizes are 17.5x26 (5.5x20) cm. On Pages 4b- 316a of the manuscript with total 324 pages, the key text was written. On Page 4b, there is a golden-place ornamented address with yellow borders. Following the text of Garibnama, there is a text written with both prosy and poetry on Pages 316b-320a of the manuscript, titled Dastani- Andar Nasr Sheikh Al-Mashaikh Ashig Pasha Farmayad Rahmatullati Aleyha. It starts with the sentence ‘İlk sənə bilmək gərək kim, Həqqi- sübhanə və Təala aləmi yarat--maq dilədi kəndüzini...’ (35,316b) and ends with the sentence ‘...Deniz anun denməz qandən gəldi qandə gedər bilmiş, bəs cümlə nəsnə hərəm vəllahu ələm bissəvab.’ (35,320a) It is a scientific epistle. For its content, we think that it is Ashig Pasha’s ‘Risala Fi Ba- yan As Sama’ mentioned in the sources. However, there is a need to conduct comparative researches. At the utmost end of the copy, that is, on Pages 320a-324a of the copy with Code M- 470, a poem with the heading ‘Dastani-Murgi-Fagir’ was written. It starts with:

Allah adın yenə gətürdük dilə, Kim bizi ol Padşah rəhmət qıla (35, 320a). Sonu: Dustlərün yüzi suyiçün, ey Cəlil, Dinləyənə Sən səfalıq ruzi qıl (35,324a).

M.F.Kopruluzadeh criticized the facts that Muhammad Tahir Bursali saw the copies of manuscripts of Ashig Pasha’s work ‘Risala Fi Bayan As Sima’ and Sharif Hulusi saw Ashig Pasha’s work ‘Manzum Tasavvuf Rusalasi’ in Muradiyya Library in Manisa. V.M.Gojaturk states that A.S.Lavand discovered Ashig Pasha’s two tasavvufi works titled Fagirnama and Vasfi-Hal, and stated about it in the Yearbook of Turkish Language Researches (1953) (7, 178). As we could not find that article, we don’t give here detailed explanation about Dastani- Murgi-Fagir at the end of Garibnama’s copy available to us. We think that work is the men- tioned Fagirnama. But there is a need for an additional document to prove our thought. From the start and end parts of the key text, that is, Garibnama, as well as the note in- cluded by the scribe to its colophon it is clear that the manuscript was copied out by Ismail

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Muhammad bin Sadaddin at-Tavnavi in 895 of the hegira calendar or 1489 of the current era (35, 316a). The text of Garibnama’s Azerbaijan manuscript starts with the following distiches:

Allah adın etəlüm əvvəl ibtida, Ki, andan oldu ibtidavü intəha . Əvvəlün ol əvvəlidür bigüman, Axirün həm axiridür cavidan. Cümlə aləm yoğ ikən ol var idi, Şöylə əksüksüz ğəni cəbbar idi (35,4b).

We will separately publish the researches we conducted on the basis of the available copy about these two works of Ashig Pasha, of which only names are mentioned in the sources and which have not been researched up to now. Although the manuscript prepared in the classic style and very accurately has not a book cover, its text has been maintained perfectly; on pages 1b-3a of it, there is an introduction with prosy and poem in Persian, and there is a poem consisting of 4 distiches in Arabian at its end. The text’s contents are given on Pages 3a-4a. In the introduction, it is mentioned that its author is Ali ibn Mouhlis ibn Sheikhul-Gudrat va Gouvvat Sheikhul-Shuyukh Ilyas, and God and the Prophet are highly praised with series of metaphors. Here, Ali ibn Mouhlis added the followings to his work: ‘…there were such scientists and poets who wrote great works in Per- sian and Arabic to enable readers to benefit from them and prevent the Devil to debauch them. Those who did not benefitted from them (these works) fell in deep wells.’ After these he added: ‘There were a need to write a work in Turkish about these issues to enable Turkish- speaking people to use it. May the author be given such a power with the assistance of God and the Prophet to inform the nation about these blessings..’ Although he was capable to write this work in Arabic, he wrote it in Turkish. However, he also used expressions in Arabic. Af- ter the Introduction (1b-3a) and the Contents (3a-4a) parts, there is a traditional Basmala part which talks about the creation of the world and includes a large Invocation and Nat. Here, most of the headings in the fore part start with the expression ‘gula taala’ and then Prophet Muhammad pbuh (9b), Abu Bakr, Omar, Osman and Ali ibn Abu Talib are praised. The structure of the key text is specific: it consists of 10 babs with 10 sagas in each bab and totally 100 sagas. It is also indicated in Garibnama:

Bu kitabın xətmi uş oldu təmam, Topdolu yüz koldu təmam (35,316a).

The names of the babs are in Arabic (Al Bab Al Avval Fi-l-Ahadi, Al Bab As-Samin Fi- s-Samani and etc.) and the headings of the sagas are in Persian and each of them expresses the content to some extent (Dastani Avval Az Babi-Duvvum Hekayat Dar Sharhi Dounya Va Akhirat and etc.). When looking at just the headings of the babs, it becomes clear that in each of them, topics related to its number are discussed: (i) Al-Bab Avval Fi-l-Ahadi (11a-24a) – about Unity (ii) Al-Bab As-ani Fi-s-Sani (24a-36a) – about Duality (the world and the afterlife, the earth and the sky, divine and devilish, and etc.) (iii) Al-Bab As-Salis Fi-s-Salasi (36a-54b) – about Trinity (past, present, future) (iv) Al-Bab Ar-Rabe Fi-l-Rubai (54b-77a) – about Quartets (four elements) (v) Al-Bab Al-Khamis Fi-l- Khamasi (77a-99b) – about Quintet (five senses) (vi) Al-Bab As-Sadis Fi-s-Sadasi (99b-130a) – about Sextet (six days of creation) (vii) Al-Bab As-Sabe Fi-s-Sabai (130a-165b) – about Septet (seven-layer sky, seven stars, seven dwellings, seven parts)

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(viii) Al-Bab As-Samin Fi-s-Samani (166b…) – about Octet (eight heavens) (ix) Al-Bab At-Tasi Fi-t-Tasai (in the manuscript, the heading was mistakenly written in the same way with the 10th bab) (191a) – about Nine-fold (nine breathes) (x) Al-Bab Al-Ashir Fi-l-Ashari – about Ten-fold (ten topics are interpreted).

In each of the sagas, firstly the issue to be addressed is discussed and then a relevant verse or hadith to it is interpreted and purposeful stories are given. Textual study of all these babs in the manuscript clarifies some issues. For example, the heading places of the 9th saga of the ii bab and the 5th saga of the vii bab were left empty. The heading of the 5th saga of the x bab was mistakenly written as the 9th saga ‘Dastani-Nohhum Az Babi-Dahhum’. In the iv bab, additional saga titled ‘Dastani-Ziya…’ was also written between the 6th and the 7th sagas. And in the viii, ix and x babs, it was detected that some embroilment arose due to non-sewing of a range of double pages in the first composition. Restoration of those babs was possible by spending lots of time and labor and thanks to assistance of textual researches, logical coher- ency, content, collation and etc. We should mention that as dismantling and resewing is not rational, the sequence is shown on the basis of the array of the available pages.

viii bab ix bab x bab As is seen, the places of totally 11 sagas – 5th, 6th, 9th and 10th sagas of viii bab, 1st and 2nd sagas of ix bab and 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th and 6th sagas of x bab needed to be clarified and the textual structure of the manuscript was systematized (the circled above figures show this) and made complete. In several parts of the work, the name of the author is mentioned. Ashig Pasha clearly stated that he finished the work in 730 of the hegira calendar:

Yedi yüz otuz yılında hicrətün, Söz irdi xətminə bu fikrətin. Həq qətində Aşiqin əksigi yoq, Allahın əkslügiylə əylügi çoq (35,316a).

Although the work is sometimes called Maarifnama (Katib Chalabi, Bursali) and some- times Divani-Ashig-Pasha (Tashkopruluzadeh, Latifi, Hammer, Dmitriyeva) in sources, it stops these clashing views by considering the following distich written by the author as the most accurate source:

Bu “Qəribnamə”inən gəldi dilə, Kim bu dil əhli dəqi məni bilə. (35,315b).

The Azerbaijan copy of Garibnama ends with the following distiches:

Rəhmətinlə yarlığa qullaruni, Sən əsirgə kəndü yoxsullaruni. Hər ki dinlərsə bu sözi, ey Cəlil, Rəhmətün olsun ana hər dəm dəlil (35, 316a).

Ashig Pasha compiled and enhanced the Aruz poetry which was restricted and imper- fect in Turkish up to his time (7, 176). Similar to Movlana’s ‘Masnavi’ work, Garibnama was also written in the Ramali-Musaddas style with ‘failatun failatun failun’. As mentioned by Kopruluzadeh, a great impact of ‘Masnavi’ on Garibnama in all respects is clear ‘from not only the work’s aruz prosody and form and the repetition of some topics such as the Story of

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Grape, but also from its general players and aura (8, 704). Although there are a range of similarities between these two works, Garibnama has a specific nature. Firstly, its volume is about 12,000 distiches. Its structure was composed on the basis of a single principle. Accord- ing to Koprulu, in comparison with Masnavi’s unsystematic, disorderly… form, of which unity with the stories always gets broken, Garibnama has almost a geometrical order. (7, 704) And the best aspect of Garibname is that it was written in Turkish, although Persian was preferred in its time. As we mentioned above, the poet who wrote about it in the introduction part of the work also expressed related thoughts in the text part. Therefore, Garibnama has become popular not only in Anatolia, but also among the Turks in Egypt and Syria. Even some distiches taken from Garibnama are found in Suleiman Chalabi’s ‘Movludnama’ work. (8, 705) Due to its popularity among the nation, the story of the man leaving a didactic bequeath to his sons when dying about how arrows may be broken together and separately has already become a proverb, alike The Story of Poor Man of ‘Masnavi’. And impact of his Turkish- speaking predecessors on Ashig Pasha is undoubted. Researchers recognize that he wrote re- plies to Younus Amra (9, 263, 274). And as regards the issue of predecessors and successors in his works, it is known that even Navayi mentioned Garibnama together with ‘Masnavi’ and Yazijioglu’s ‘Muhammadiya’ in one of his letters [8, 705; ‘Shagaig An-Nemaniyya, p. 425]. He became an example for better poets such as Suleiman Chalabi and Yazijioglu. And there- fore, it may be considered as one of the leaders of the aruz poetry arisen in Turkish in Anato- lia. (7, 176) The part attracting the attention of many researchers in Garibnama is that consisting of 68 distiches (64 according to Koprulu) related to the alps in the ix bab dedicated to the nine- fold (35, 219a-221a). In the mentioned part, it is stated that there is a need to have 9 things to become an ‘alp’: a strong , hand power, honest, a good horse, sword, a special dress, bow, bayonet and finally, a relevant lover:

Qanı ol kim, istər Alplıq adını, Almaq istər düşmənindən dadını. Düşmənin qəhr eyləyüb basmaq dilər, Başını ət yaiınə asməq dilər. Gəlsün eşitsün ki, Alplıq necədür, Alplarıu sərmayəsi kim nəçədür?! Edəyim bir-bir sənə əhvalını Kim, biləsin Alp-ərənlər halını (35,219a-b).

Although Garibnama was written in a didactic style in accordance with the beliefs of followers of Sunnah (8, 704), this work which is a reflection of the vision about the world, history and life, is regarded as a classical example to the literary works written after it on this topic. This work has been studied - even though not completely - and published in Turkey. We think that the potential successful results of the researches being carried out in Azerbaijan about Ashig Pasha’s Garibnama which is regarded as one of the key sources of poetry in Turkish will further enrich the opinions about this great monument.

References:

1. Banarli A. Pictorial History of . – Istanbul, 1947. 2. Bursali M.T. Ottoman Authors. – Istanbul, 1333. 3. Adirnali Majdi Afandi. Hadayig Ash-Shagaig. Istanbul, 1269. 4. Golpinarli A. Catalogue of Manuscripts of Mevlana Museum. – Ankara, 1967; 1972.

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5. Karahan A. Studies of Ancient Turkish Literature. – Istanbul, 1980. 6. Karatai F.E. Catalogue of Manuscripts in Turkish of Topkapi Palace Museum. – Istanbul, 1961. 7. Kojaturk V.M. History of Turkish Literature. – Ankara, 1964. 8. Koprulu M.F. Pasha. IA, Vol. 1, Istanbul, 1965. 9. Koprulu M.F. Early Forerunners of Turkish Literature. – Istanbul, 1928. 10. Kopruluzadeh M.F. Ottoman Historical Literature. – Istanbul, 1332. 11. Kopruluzadeh M.F. First Sufis in Turkish Literature. – Ankara, 1991. 12. Kut Gunai. Ashik Pasha. TDVIA, Vol. 4, Istanbul, 1991. 13. 13. Latifi Kastamonulu. Tazkirayi-Latifi. – Darsaadat. 1314. 14. Mousayeva A. Ali ibn Mouhlis’s Rarity of Garibnama. News of Azerbaijan Acad- emy of Sciences (Series of Language, Literature and Fine Arts), No 3-4, Baku, 1998, pp. 45- 51. 15. Mousayeva A.S. Book of Manuscripts and Unstudied Problems of Azerbaijani Literature (Textual-Philological Research), DD, Baku, 1994. 16. Rashad Faig. Ottoman History & Literature. – Istanbul, 1815. 17. Yavouz Kamal. Ashik Pasha. Garibnama (Tipkibasim, Comparative Text and Translation). Volume 2. 4 books. Istanbul, 2000. 18. Garbouzova V.S. Medieval Poets of Turkey. – Leningrad, 1963. 19. Dmitrieva L.V. Leningrad Manuscripts of Ashik Pasha’s Garibnama, Problems of Oriental Studies. M., 1960, No 1. 20. Dmitrieva L.V. Description of Turkish Manuscripts of the Institute of Oriental Studies, M., 1980. 21. Krimski A. History of Turkey & Its Literature. – M., 1916. 22. Smirnov V.D. Majmuayi-Mountakhabati-Asari-Osmaniyya. – Sankt-Petersburg. 23. Blochet E. Catalogue des MSS turk. – Paris, 1932. 24. Ete H. Catalogue of the Persian, Turkish, Hindustani and Pushtu Manuscripts in the Bodlean Library. – Oxford, 1930; 1954. 25. Fleicser H. Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum orientalium bibliothecae regiae Dresdensis.─ Lipsiae, 1831. 26. Flugel G. Die arabischen, persischen und turkischen Handschriften der kaiserlich ─ königlichen Hofbibliothek zu Wien, I. Wien, 1865. 27. Gibb J. W. A history of . ─ London, 1953-1965. 28. Hammer-Purgstali I. Geschichte des osmanischen Dichtcunst bis aus unsere Zeit. I. Pecth, 1836. 29. Minorsky V. The Chester Beatty Gibrary Catalogue of the Turkish manuscripts and Miniatures. ─ Dublin, 1958. 30. Pertsch W. Die turkischen Handschriften der herzoglichen Bibliotek zu Cotha, 1864. 31. Rieu Charles. Catalogue of the Turkish manuscripts in the British museum. Lon- don, 1888. 32. Rossi E. Elengo dei manoscritti Turchi della bibliotheca Vaticana. Vaticana, 1953. 33. Rossi E. Studi su manoscritti dela Garibname di Aşıq Paşa delle biblioteche d'Itali Rivista degli Studi Orientali pubicata. A cara dei professori della scuola orientale Nelle Uni- versita du Roma, vol, XXIV, f. I-IV. ─ Roma, 1945. 34. Zettersten K. V. Die arabischen, Persischen und Turkischen Handschriften der universitat bibliotek zu Uppsala. ─ 1930. 35. Ali ibn Mouhlis ibn Ilyas. Kitabi-Garibnamayi-Ashig Pasha. Institute of Manu- scripts of Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences, M-470

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Azadə Musayeva

XIV əsr ümumtürk abidəsi “Qəribnamə” və onun Azərbaycan əlyazması

XÜLASƏ

Açar sözlər: Ümumtürk abidələri, Aşıq Paşa, “Qəribnamə”, Azərbaycan əlyazması

Yazılı ümumtürk əbiyyatını təmsil edən, daha çox Aşıq Paşa kimi məşhur olan Əli ibn Müxlis (1272-1332) zamanından bəri şeyx, böyük alim və şair kimi tanınmaqdadır. Türk dilində meydana gələn əruz vəzninin öncüllərindən sayılır. Yaradıcılığında əsas yeri dünyanın fərqli məmləkələrində bir çох əlyazma nüsхələri mövcud оlan "Qəribnamə"si tutur. H.730 m.1329-u ildə qələmə alınmış, 10 dastandan, 12.000 beytdən ibarət “Qəribna- mə”nin Azərbaycan Əlyazmalar Institutunda h. 895 m.1489-cu ildə İsmayıl Məhəmməd bin Sədəddin ət-Təvani tərəfindən köçürülmüş M-470 şifrli, 344 vərəqlik raritet əlyazmasını prof. Azadə Musabəyli üzə çıxararaq, elm aləminə təqdim etmişdir. Məqalədə, müəllifin həyatı, ailəsi, şəxsiyyəti, irsi ilə bağlı bilgilərlə yanaşı, əsərin təd- qiq tarixinə ayrıca diqqət yetirilmişdir. Əlyazanın paleoqrafiyası, bədii tərtibatı, əsərin möv- zusu, məzmunu, üslubu,quruluşu, həcmi, klassik ədəbiyyatla sıx bağlılığı abidədən verilmiş rəngarəng örnəklərlə əsaslandırılmışdır.

Азада Мусаева

"Гарибнаме" - общетюркский памятник XIV века и его Азербайджанская рукопись

РЕЗЮМЕ

Ключевые слова: Общетюркские памятники, Ашиг Паша, "Гарибнаме", азербайджанская рукопись

Одним из выдающихся общетюркских памятников является написанное в 730 году по хиджру (1329 г.) произведение "Китаби-Карибнамеи-Ашик Паша". В Институте Рукописей НАНА имеется полная его рукопись, переписанная в 895 году по хиджру (1489 г.), под шифром М-470 объемом в 324 листов. В статье дается информация о жизни, семье, личности, наследии автора произве- дения, даются подробные сведения об истории его исследования. Палеография, худо- жественное оформление, тематика произведения, стиль, структура, содержание, объем, тесная связь с классической литературой, особенно своеобразие рукописи раскрываю- тся соответствующими образцами.

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Kamandar Sharifov. Transcription System in Textual Studies // J. of “Manuscripts Don’t Burn". №1(8), 2019, Special issue, pp. 18-24.

UDC: 81’41 (091) (003.07)

Kamandar Sharifov Doctor of Science in Philology, Professor Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli, ANAS 26 Istiglaliyat Street, Baku E-mail: [email protected]

TRANSCRIPTION SYSTEM IN TEXTUAL STUDIES

Key words: textology, manuscript, sign, transcription, run.

Besides comments and interpretations written within borders for complied texts, internal interpretations of some parts of the texts through the system of various transcriptions are also given in classical textual studies. The internal interpretations are reflected not with words, but with individual figures, letters, signs and combination of letters. These transcriptions of the textual studies are mainly put in texts in Arabic under and rarely on individual words, personal and demonstrative pronouns, prefixes, personal affixes, connecting pronouns, partic- les and etc., and significantly helps readers to correctly understand the coherency of the thoughts and the meanings there. Such interpretations are not given throughout the texts, but are used in its complex parts to enable to correctly understand the ideas written by authors. For example:

واﻟﻘﻀﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﯽ ﺟﻌﻠﺖ ﺟﺰ اﻗﯿﺎ س ﺗﺴﻤﯽ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ و اﻟﻤﻘﺪ ﻣﺔ اﻟﺘﯽ ﻓﯿﮭﺎ اﻻﺻﻐﺮ اﻟﺼﻐﺮ ی و اﻟﺘﯽ ﻓﯿﮭﺎ اﻻﮐﺒﺮ اﻟﮑﺒﺮ ی اﻟﻤﮑﺮر ﺑﯿﻨﮭﻤﺎ ﺣﺪا اوﺳﻂ (b 139 ,312)

In this example, the crossed meanings between nouns and conjunctives, verbs; nouns and conjunctives, connecting pronouns; adjectives and adjectives, connecting pronouns; and conjunctives and connecting pronouns are interpreted with these transcriptions (). It should also be noted that the transcriptions used in internal interpretations were written with ink colors (red, pink and etc.) differing from the ink of the text to prevent confusion with diacritic characters and other signs. Although the transcriptions of textual studies, used in the internal interpretation of texts had been in the focus of Orientalist scholars of the Soviet period for a long time, they were not determined as a complete system and were not studied comprehensively. For the first time in 1932, these transcriptions attracted the attention of Academician I.Y.Krachkovski, a prominent Russian researcher of Oriental studies. He, for the first time, expressed an opinion about these transcriptions in his Article titled Arabic Manuscript of Memorials on Shamil: ‘Individual letters were accompanied with a range of specific transcriptions which still need a special paleographic analysis. Some of them remain incomprehensible at first sight.’ (2, 569) Another Soviet researcher of Oriental studies, who paid attention to the transcription system was G.V.Sereteli. In 1934, in his Article titled ‘Shamil’s Letter from Kaluga’ [3, 113- 114], he gave a comprehensive scientific description and translation of one of the letters that Shamil wrote to Rounovski and explained the huge number of transcriptions in it as a paleographical characteristics of manuscripts and related each transcription to one

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J.of “Manuscripts don’t burn”: №1(8), 2019, Special issue, ISSN: 2410-5600 word or individual letter. After one year, in June 1935, G.V.Sereteli again addressed these transcriptions in his report titled Newly Discovered Letters of Shamil in the first session of the Association of Arabian Studies and repeated his previous opinions about it by saying: ‘These letters are interesting in terms of paleography. The use of unclear transcriptions draws attention. (4, 112) After a long break, the system of textual transcriptions drew the wide attention of A.M.Barabanov and the importance of one part of them and the issue for which purposes they are used in texts were clarified and some attempts were made to study the place and history of generation of this system. (5) As a result of the researches he conducted with regard to this system, he clarified that in contradiction to the opinions of I.Y.Krachovski and G.V.Sereteli, the shown transcriptions were not signs determining the paleographic characteristics of the texts, but had various meanings and explanative functions in the texts. Due to the insuf- ficiency of the researches he conducted, A.M.Barabanov could not determine that they were textual transcriptions and thus, named them only descriptive signs. A.M.Barabanov divided the few transcriptions he found from Dagestani manuscripts and documents in Arabic into two groups, transcriptions in the form of Arabic figures and litters (half of letters) [5, 183], and interpreted them. In fact, the number of these textual transcriptions is significant as mentioned in the table, and they are very different by their meanings, graphical structures and forms. The extensive researches conducted discovered that the unidirectional and limited nature of A.M.Barabanov’s researches caused him to make many quite wrong assumptions without any scientific bases about the origin, place of generation and time of the textual transcriptions. Although G.V.Seretely rightfully underlined the necessity to research all of the Caucasus manuscripts in Arabic to study this transcription system [4, 112], A.M.Barabanov ended his researches after studying only several Dagestani manuscripts and made such an unjustified assumption: ‘Most of the manuscripts and documents in Arabic, originated in North Caucasus, which we know, include specific signs not found anywhere else, in another Arabian and manuscripts.’ (5, 183) As stated by many prominent scientists [18], besides other sciences, Textual Studies have also passed through specific development stages for centuries and have formed as a science, and their theoretical bases and methodology were developed. Y.I.Prokhorov writes that ‘Textual Studies formed as a practical activity in the distant past.’ [6, 7] The Textual Studies passed through a long way from the compilation of Koran and hadiths in the Islamic world until today. (7, 58-116) During this period, a range of methods and techniques have been applied in the compilation and interpretation of texts. The appli- cation of textual transcriptions consisting of individual numbers and letters, and combinations and signs was also one of the techniques used in interpretation of texts in the medieval period. This transcription system is not only found in manuscripts in Arabic as mentioned by A.M.Barabanov, it is also observed that Azerbaijani scientists and intellectuals composing the texts of manuscripts in Turkish and Persian occasionally used these transcriptions in addition to the comments and interpretations they wrote in the footnotes of texts to make their contents and various complex parts completely clear to the national readers, as the national readers did not significantly need interpretation of the manuscripts in Turkish through these transcrip- tions. Thus, the textual transcriptions used both in the internal interpretation and the compo- sition of the scientific-information tool were not created by any book readers as mentioned by A.M.Barabanov, but prominent scientists and intellectuals of their times. The oldest written monument that A.M.Barabanov based on in studying of the history of generation of the textual transcriptions used in internal interpretations was a manuscript belonging to 1664-65 [8]. In general, its researches were limited to only Dagestani manu- scripts, documents and letters of the 19th century.

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences

Therefore, A.M.Barabanov could not discover that the transcription system formed in relation to the generation of the idea of textual studies of the medieval period and made wrong assumptions about the history of generation and the place of this system. He writes: ‘This system is used in none of the Eastern and Western languages and probably is not known to them. Its adaptation from local Dagestani and generally Caucasian Japhetic languages and dialects is also impossible, as in the period of generation of this system (approximately late 14th century and 1st half of the 15th century), all these languages except the Georgian and Ar- menian languages were unwritten. And the Georgian and Armenian languages do not know this system. So, there is no doubt that the descriptive transcriptions formed there, in Dages- tan.’ (5, 208) As A.M.Barabanov could not study the history and place of the generation of the great literary thinking process, he based on one manuscript copied out in in the 17th cen- tury and made a very incorrect and non-scientific conclusion. And his conclusion indicating that none of the Eastern languages were aware of the textual transcriptions system is also scientifically unjustified. Long-term researches conducted on written monuments in Turkish, Arabic and Persian of the medieval period discovered that the mentioned transcription system was not found in the manuscripts copied out in other Eastern countries. This system formed in relation to the generation and expansion of the Textual Studies in the history of literary thinking of Azerbaijan (8, 19-20) and has passed a long development way. We find some examples of these transcriptions in an almanac of manuscripts, copied out yet in the 14th century in Azerbaijan. [9]

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At the end of the manuscript, it is written that the text of the work was comparatively researched with other copies, which shows that the transcriptions used in the internal interpretations of the text was yet available in the 14th century and was used by Azerbaijani scientists and intellectuals. These textual transcriptions were already started to be applied as a system in the 15th century. In the manuscript of the work titled ‘Al-Anvar li Amalil-Abrar’ (‘Lights for Acts of Innocents’) of Jamaladdin Yousif bin Ibrahim al-Ardabili, a prominent Azerbaijani lawyer lived in the 14th century, dedicated to Islamic Law [10] and copied out between 1417-1425, of which text was soon researched, the transcriptions created for internal interpretations were already used as a system. After the copying out, the work was researched on the basis of several copies, and wide comments and interpretations were written on the sides of the manuscript by indicating the differences of the copies. The researcher comprehen- sively interpreted various complex parts of the text through individual numbers and letters, and combinations and signs of the transcription system and tried to clearly explain the author’s thoughts to readers. The copy of the mentioned work of Jamaladdin Yousif bin Ibrahim al-Ardabili (10), copied out in 833 of the hegira calendar (1429-30) is also a valuable source to study the history of generation of the idea of textual studies of the medieval period. This copy of the scientist’s work was also researched by Scribe Musa bin Mahyaddin al-Mahmudabadi and the transcription system was widely used in the internal interpretation of various parts of the text. More comprehensive researches conducted on various works [11] in the following centuries significantly influenced the development of the idea of textual studies and the transcriptions were gradually improved. Thanks to the productive activity of Abdoulgani Mukhavi Khalisagarizade, a prominent scientist of the 19th century, in the sphere of textual studies, these transcriptions have formed as the perfect system based on some orders. [12] The transcriptions used in the internal interpretation of the texts were not only applied in manuscripts in Arabic as mentioned by A.M.Barabanov, but were also applied in works in Persian. As an example, we can give the Yusuf & Zuleika poem [13] of Abdourrahman (1414-1492), a great classic of Tajik-. After copying out this poem in 1281- 82 of the hegira calendar (1864-65), Haji Abdullah Afandi Imam, a leading poetical spirited intellectual of the 19th century studied its text and gave its indirect philological translation into the . In addition to the wide interpretations he wrote to the work in the footnotes of the manuscript, he also gave a comprehensive internal interpretation through the mentioned transcript system. Here, almost all of the transcriptions of this system were used. Thus, it becomes clear that the transcriptions used in the internal interpretation of the text formed in relation to the generation of critiques in Azerbaijan. These transcriptions expanded to a wider area at the subsequent development stages of the textual studies and were also reflected in manuscripts of Northern Caucasus. Lately, that is, starting from the end of the 18th century, they were also applied in letters and documents written in Arabic. In the study of the origin of the textual transcription, their graphical forms are also especially interesting. When studying these graphical forms, A.M.Barabanov concludes that the graphical forms of the transcriptions system formed on the basis of Arabian numbers, letters and combinations generated from them, and no other scripts and alphabets were used [5, 208]. When studying them as a complete system, it becomes clear that although these transcriptions were mainly created on the basis of the Arabian graphics, we think that some part of them were taken from ancient alphabets. Due to the shortage of the material, A.M.Ba- rabanov could not study these transcriptions systematically. The transcriptions studied by him constitute only a small part of this system and in addition to the Arabic numbers and letters, there are only four signs ( ) there, which he calls graphical combinations [5, 183]. In fact, the majority of the transcriptions used in the internal interpretation were taken from the ancient Turkish-Runic scripts [14, 15] and stamps and scripts existed in the territory of Azerbaijan

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences

[16, 243]. The major part of the transcriptions given in the table is fully identical with the graphical forms of the Turkish-Runic scripts. In order to differentiate the transcriptions of that system from the Arabian graphics as much as possible, researchers addressed to the Turkish- Runic script, which shows that the scientific world had already an understanding of the ancient Turkish-Runic scripts before the 17th century. But it is shown in scientific researches [14, 15, 17] that the first information given about the ancient Turkish-Runic scripts belong to late 17th century and early 18th century. Thus, the above indicated transcriptions create new opportunities for studying of the history of the Turkish-Runic scripts. The textual transcriptions used in the internal interpretations of the text were almost only shown under the words and rarely above the lines. Selection of the places of these trans- criptions was not absolutely occasional, but had been related to the generation and develop- ment of transcriptions in the classical textual studies for centuries and based on some techniques and orders. A.M.Barabanov could not also correctly interpret the principles of use of them and frequently used various unreal assumptions. He divided those transcriptions into four groups. According to him, the transcriptions included in the first group were always written under the words to avoid confusing them with diacritic signs of the Arabic script, decorative letters and signs used in the writing [5, 206-207]. However, as is known, diacritic sings, decorative letters and signs are written not only on lines, but also under the lines. It should also be noted that decorative letters and signs are generally used in writing of the titles of works, divisions and chapters. But they are almost not observed within texts. The diacritic signs were only used in some of the manuscripts of the medieval period. On the other side, as the text of the work was written with black ink, the transcriptions system was given with inks of different colors, such as red, pink and blue. Therefore, they absolutely could not be confused with the diacritic signs. Hence, it becomes clear that the assumption that A.M.Barabanov made about the place of use of the first group transcriptions was absolutely groundless. Furthermore, as the signs that he included in another formed later thanks to the development of this system, the assumption (ه، م، ﺳ، ﺀ) three groups that he made that they were written both on and under words is also incorrect [5, 207]. The script of some of the transcriptions used in the internal interpretations sometimes on the words was just due to the reason that they were applied in some places of the texts in a great amount. Considering that the use of them in such places in a great amount may cause misunderstan- ding and confusion, the researcher showed some of them on the words. In this case, the places of these transcriptions are selected so that they differ from others and don’t get confused with them. Understanding that the assumptions he made about the places of use of the textual transcriptions which he called descriptive signs were not so persuasive and scientific, A.M.Barabanov then writes that ‘now, we don’t know what exception orders there are here. But it may be assumed that no stable order was determined for the place of scripting of these signs and every author preferred to write them (the signs – K.S.) mainly above the lines and could place them where they found suitable and reasonable.’ (5, 207) The textual transcriptions system have been improved thanks to the researches that various scientists have conducted on texts for centuries and the techniques of use of them have been developed. This system was not absolutely applied by any desiring people and in any desired form as mentioned by A.M.Barabanov, but based on some methods and prin- ciples. According to those principles, the textual transcriptions used to show the differences between the copies and the comments given in the footnotes of the texts were always shown above the lines, and the transcriptions applied in internal comments were mainly used under the words. And in some cases, joint letters and signs were also used in the internal comments and in the comments by the sides of the texts, which was included to avoid making the textual transcriptions system very complex.

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References:

1. Najmaddin al-Gazvini al-Katibi. Ar-Risalatush-Shamsiya fil-Gavaidil-Mantigiyya. Institute of Manuscripts. B- 733 pages. 133b-142a. 2. Krachkovski I.Y. Selected Works. T. vi, 1960. 3. Chereteli G.V. Shamil’s Letter from Kaluga. Notes of the Institute of Oriental Studies, T.V., L., 1936, pp. 97-114. 4. Chereteli G.V. The Newly Found Letters of Shamil. Works of the First Session of the Scientists of Arabian Studies. – News of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR. M.-L., 1937. 5. Barabanov A.M. Descriptive Signs in Northern Caucasian Manuscripts & Documents in Arabic. – -Soviet Oriental Studies. 3rd Issue, M.-L., 1945, pp. 183-214. 6. Prokhorov E.I. Textual Studies. M., 1966. 7. K.Sharifli. Textual Studies. Baku, 2001. 8. Gahramanov J.V., Sharifov K.K., Textual Studies. – Elm va Hayat. N 11, Baku, 1985. 9. Collected Manuscripts. B-7492. Institute of Manuscripts. 10. Jamaladdin Yusuf bin Ibrahim al-Ardabili. Al-Anvar li A’Malil-Abrar; D-542. Institute of Manuscripts. 11. Collected Manuscripts. B-3874, B-3428, B-3340, B-4444, B-6794. Institute of Manuscripts. 12. B-733, B-477, B-474 and etc. collected texts composed by Abdoulgani Nukhavi Kahlisagarizadeh. Institute of Manuscripts. 13. Abdurrahman Jami. Yusuf & Zuleika. Institute of Manuscripts. 14. Fredrik I. History of Letter. M., 1979. 15. Malov S.E. Monuments of Ancient Turkic Script, M.-L., 1951. 16. Jafarov J.I. Azerbaijani Stamps. – Issues of Azerbaijan’s Philology. 2nd Issue. Baku, 1984, pp. 240-248. 17. N.Witsen. Noord and Oost Fartayre. Amsterdam, 1692.

Kamandar Şərifov

Mətnşünaslıqda şərti işarələr sistemi

XÜLASƏ

Açar sözlər: mətnşünaslıq, əlyazma, şərti işarələr, run.

Klassik mətnşünaslıqda tərtib olunmuş mətnlərə haşiyələrdə yazılan şərh və izahlarla yanaşı müxtəlif işarələr sistemi vasitəsilə mətnin bəzi hissələrinin daxili şərhləri də veril- mişdir. Daxili şərhlər sözlə yox, ayrı-ayrı rəqəmlər, hərflər, əlamətlər və hərf birləşmələri ilə ifadə olunmuşdur. Bu şərti mətnşünaslıq işarələri əsasən ərəbdilli mətnlərdə ayrı-ayrı sözlərin, şəxs və işarə əvəzliklərinin, ön şəkilçilərinin, şəxs sonluqlarının, bitişən əvəzliklərin, ədatların və s. altında, az-az hallarda isə üstündə qoyularaq, orada fikir ardıcıllığının, ifadə olunan mə- na çalarlarının düzgün başa düşülməsində oxucuya böyük kömək göstərir. Belə şərhlər bütün mətn boyu verilməyərək, onun çətin yerlərində müəllifin irəli sürdüyü fikirləri düzgün dərk etmək üçün istifadə edilmişdir.

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences

Камандар Шарифов

Система условных текстологических обозначений

РЕЗЮМЕ

Ключевые слова: текстология, рукопись, условные обозначения, рун.

В результате текстологических исследований, проведенных над средневековыми рукописями произведений азербайджанских поэтов, писателей и ученых, впервые в предлагаемой статье рассматриваются и широко комментируются условные текстоло- гические обозначения, использованные учеными в средневековой практике. В статье опровергается точка зрения А.М.Барабанова по поводу места и времени возникновения, графической формы и порядка расположений в тексте условных пояс- нительных текстологических обозначений. На основе фактических материалов сделаны выводы о том, что в создании системыуказанных обозначений, наряду с арабским алфавитом, также использована тюркская руническая письменность.

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Naila Samadova. Gara Malik, national hero of the twelfth century // J. of “Manuscripts Don’t Burn". №1(8), 2019, Special issue, pp. 25-28.

UDC: 82-94 (930.253) (929) Naila Samadova Doctor of Science in Philology, Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli, ANAS 26 , Baku E-mail: [email protected]

GARA MALIK, NATIONAL HERO OF THE TWELFTH CENTURY

Key words: Ordubadi, Gara Malik, , nation, article.

The people of Azerbaijan have been known for their heroes for centuries. This land ha- ving historical personalities such as Babak, Fakhraddin, , Qaradaghli Jamal, Gachag Nabi, has brought up a national hero called Gara Malik in the twelfth century. Mammad Said Ordubadi, a prominent representative of the Azerbaijani literature of the twentieth century, has written essays about the majority of these historical personalities. One of the articles of the writer on the past national heroes of Azerbaijan is about Gara Malik. “Gara Malik” was published in the 7-8th edition of "Vatan ugrunda" (For the Sake of Homeland) magazine in 1941 [1, p.55-59]. The manuscript copy of the work is kept in per- sonal archive of Mammad Said Ordubadi at the Institute of Manuscripts after Muhammad Fuzuli of ANAS. There is a difference between the publishe version of the article and the manuscript. The manuscript consists of 17 sheets. It I autograph with Arabic alphabet. Howe- ver, words such as "qövr" (Ghor), "şəbüstər" (Shabestar), "güney" (south), "Rey" (Ray), "əru- sək" are written in the Cyrillic alphabet. The author has made adjustments to the article, some words and sentences have been deleted. The article starts from the 29th sheet as it follows the work "Shepherd Revolt", that is, the first sheet is sorted as 29th. In the book "Explanatory description of the archive of Mammad Said Ordubadi", it was shown that Gara Malik was a part of the "Shepherd Revolt" [2, p.85]. In fact, the stories in the "Gara Malik" are about the twelfth century and the work "Shepherd Revolt" is about the heroes of the XIX century. These are separate articles. Simply, Ordubadi numbered sheets in the sequence as "Shepherd Revolt" and “Gara Malik”. This led to the author's misinterpretation. At the same time, “Gara Malik” work was included to the “Movie Scenario and Opera” section in the description. However, the work should be included in the essay or articles. Gara Malik is a hero personality lived during the reign of Azerbaijani Atabeg Qizil Arslan. Qizil Arslan was was Atabeg of his nephew, that is Abubakr and Ozbek, sons of Muhammad Jahan Pahlavan. The residence of Qizil Arslan was in Tabriz [3, p.224]. At that time, there was a competition on bravery, heroism and sporting in Tabriz, once a year. On the second day of Novruz Holiday, the people of Tabriz were gathered at Boyuk Duze and every- one would demonstrate their bravery. The winners of this competition, where the Rulers were also attending, were rewarded. In one of these competitions, Qizil Arslan wanted to show the bravery of Abubakr Nusrataddin, his nephew and his future successor, to those who came from different cities and also to introduce them the future ruler. A young man named Gara Malik also took part in the competition. Ordubadi describes Gara Malik: “There was an 18-

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences year-old man in the area who wandered among the wrestlers. He had a very lean and tired face. His clothes were also very poor. There were hundreds of patches in the garment of the swarthy man. He was wearing old sandals, instead of shoes. There was no gold, silver, or stone on the sheath of the sword. And even his bow was old. The quiver was made of simple leather. Thus, when other wrestlers were greeting the audience with a swollen head, he dropped his head and was wandering in the area feeling shy” [4, p.3]. Seeing the appearance of Gara Malik, Nusrataddin says to his uncle Qizil Arslan that to defeat this beggar means to be defeated. Contrary to the expectations of all, nobody could win Gara Malik in the competition which lasted eight days. He also demonstrates his other heroism. After the end of the wrestling and the race, the order of the heroism was written in the name of Gara Malik. However, Nusrataddin was not happy with the heroism of Gara Malik. He was saying that there should be either him or Gara Malik; there cannot be two heroes in one country. Steering clear from Qizil Arslan and the people, Nusrataddin did not dare to undo Qara Malik openly. So he tried to get rid of him secretly. Being aware of this, Qara Malik took his sword, bow and arrow and run away. It was said that he lived in the Ujan Mountains near Tabriz. The ashugs used to read poems about it. Ordubadi included some of these poems in the article about Qara Malik:

Ujan Mountain, Ujan Mountain, Where rocks lay on plain Blowing wind take greeting To Rukhsaram, in the morning.

Made my day miserable, enemy Wounded my heart, enemy Put me into trouble, enemy Do not touch to my wound, enemy.

I am mournful like tulips, Don’t let me wound to bleed, If anyone touches to my Rukhsara, I can destroy everything on way [4, p.8].

It should be borne in mind that the second couplet of the poem is not published in the edition. Although the general content is the same, as we have already noted, there are differences between the manuscripts and the published edition. Some of the sentences in the manuscript were sometimes whole paragraph is excluded in a publication. Some words have been replaced by another word in the published version. For example, in the manuscript, the word "biləks" was replaced by the words "əksinə" (in the contrary), “sər yağıb” with “sərağıb”, “dolanırdı” word with “gəzirdi” (walking around). As it was noted before, Nusrataddin tried to kill Qara Malik by all means. However, the villagers were protecting him and not gave to the enemy. Nusrataddin could not cross the Ujan plains due to his fear of Gara Malik. But, Gara Malik lived in the palace of Nusrataddin by owing his pasture. The death of Qizil Arslan, the arrival of Sultan Togrul along with his son Melik Shah to Tabriz, the escape of Nusrataddin to Ganja and many events led to the start of the chaos in South Azerbaijan. At that time, Gara Malik came to Tabriz with his troops and defended the people from the uncontrollable ones.

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When the Iraqi army besieged the city of Tabriz, Gara Malik called people for a conti- nuation of the struggle. In such a moment, the old and sick vizier of the Qizil Arslan Sham- saddin sent a letter to Fakhraddin, the commander of the North Azerbaijani troops: “Toghrul's troops take the revenge of the North from the southern Azerbaijanis. Tabriz people are surrounded. The situation is quite scary. The rebellion continues. There is hunger in Tabriz. The city of Tabriz should be saved from this disaster soon” [4, p.15]. Indeed, du- ring this period the total number of Toghrul’s troops was 50 thousand consisting mostly from Turkman people [5, p.93]. As soon as Fakhraddin received this letter, he hurried to help the southern Azerbaijanis. Mammad Said Ordubadi describes the arrival of Fakhraddin to South Azerbaijan: "When the sun began to rise, Fakhraddin’s first group of ten thousand horsemen crossed the Aras River and settled on Julfa plain. Southern Azerbaijan peasants, women and girls met the troop co- ming from the north with bread, food and luxury gifts” [4, p.17]. By the way, it should be no- ted that the last sentence of the above citation was removed from the publication. Fakhraddin together with Nusrataddin began to attack the enemy’s troop that surround- ded Gara Malik. The enemy surrendered in an hour. Gara Malik destroyed hundreds of horse- men. But, eventually, he died of an arrow shot to his heart. Nusrataddin who was affected by the death of Gara Malik, took his head on his knee and said: “I deserve all the hatred of the world. I did not let you live” – he said and ordered everyone with flag to bend over the body. Since then, that block was called Gara Malik” [4, p.17]. With these words, the essay-article of Mammad Said Ordubadi on hero Gara Malik ends. The article is one of the important sources in studying the historical past of the Azerbai- jani people. Understanding of the historical events of the twelfth century, the study of these events, and the writes essays and articles were the basis of the success the historical novel "Sword and Pen" and the synthesis of history and artistry in the novel.

References:

1. Ordubadi M.S. Gara Malik. Vətən uğrunda (For the sake of Homeland). 1941, №7-8. 2. Məmməd Səid Ordubadi arxivinin izahlı təsviri. (Explanatory description of Mammad Said Ordubadi's archive). Baku, Science and Education, 2015. 3. Azərbaycan tarixi. () Baku, Chirag, 2009. 4. Ordubadi M.S. Gara Malik. ANAS IM, f.14, p. 270. 5. Bunyadov Z. Azərbaycan Atabəyləri dövləti (Azerbaijan State of the Atabeg) (1136- 1225years). Baku, East-West, 2007.

Nailə Səmədova

XII əsrin xalq qəhrəmanı Qara Məlik

XÜLASƏ

Açar sözlər: Ordubadi, Qara Məlik, Təbriz, xalq, məqalə.

Azərbaycan xalqı əsrlərdən bəri öz qəhrəmanları ilə tanınır. Babək, Fəxrəddin, Koroğlu, Qaradağlı Camal, Qaçaq Kərəm, Qaçaq Nəbi kimi tarixi şəxsiyyətləri olan Azərbaycan diyarı XII əsrdə Qara Məlik kimi xalq qəhrəmanını yetirmişdir. Qara Məlik Azərbaycan Atabəyi Qızıl Arslan dövründə yaşamış igid bir şəxsiyyət olmuşdur.

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences

XX əsr Azərbaycan ədəbiyyatının görkəmli nümayəndəsi Məmməd Səid Ordubadi tarixi şəxsiyyətlərin əksəriyyəti haqqında məqalələr yazmışdır. Ədibin Azərbaycan xalqının qəhrəman keçmişindən yazdığı silsilə məqalələrdən biri də Qara Məlik haqqındadır. Məqalə 1941-ci ildə “Vətən uğrunda” jurnalında dərc olunmuşdur. Əsərin əlyazması ədibin AMEA Məhəmməd Füzuli adına Əlyazmalar İnstitutundakı şəxsi arxivində saxlanılır. Təqdim etdiyimiz məqalədə əsərin nəşr variantı ilə əlyazması arasında nüsxə fərqləri nəzərə çatdırılmışdır. Əlyazmada olan bəzi cümlələr, bəzən tam bir abzas ixtisar edilmişdir. Bəzi sözlər nəşr nüsxəsində başqa sözlə əvəz edilmişdir. Məqalədə Qara Məlikin igidliyi və şəxsi həyatı əlyazma nüsxəsi əsasında işıqlandırılmışdır.

Наиля Самедова

Народный герой XII века Кара Мелик

PЕЗЮМЕ

Ключевые слова: Ордубади, Кара Мелик, Тебриз, народ, статья

Азербайджанский народ веками славился своими героями, такими историческим личностям, как Бабек, Фахреддин, Кероглу, Джамал Гарадаглы, Гачак Керем, Гачаг Наби. В XII веке в Азербайджане в эпоху Кызыл Арслана жил народный герой, смелая личность, который был известен под именем как Кара Мелик. О многих исторических личностях написаны статьи видным представителем азер- байджанской литературы XX-го века Мамед Саидом Ордубади. Одна из серии статей писателя о героическом прошлом азербайджанского народа посвящена Кара Мелику. Статья была опубликована в 1941 году в журнале «За Родину». Рукопись произведения хранится в личном архиве писателя в Институте рукописей имени Мухаммеда Физули НАНА. В данной статье представлены различия между рукописным экземпляром и пе- чатным вариантом статьи писателя. Отмечено, что некоторые предложения, а иногда и целые абзацы из рукописи, в печатном варианте были сокращены, также некоторые слова были заменены другими. В статье на основе рукописи, освещены мужество и личная жизни Кара Малика.

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J.of “Manuscripts don’t burn”: №1(8), 2019, Special issue, ISSN: 2410-5600

Nasib Goyushov. Intellectual, metaphysical and aesthetic perception of script in Islamic culture // J. of “Manuscripts Don’t Burn". №1(8), 2019, Special issue, pp. 29-38.

UDC: 7.033: 091 (003.07) (003.2)

Nasib Goyushov Doctor of Science in Philology, Associate Professor Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli, ANAS 26 Istiglaliyat Street, Baku E-mail: [email protected]

INTELLECTUAL, METAPHYSICAL AND AESTHETIC PERCEPTION OF SCRIPT IN ISLAMIC CULTURE

Key words: Islamic culture, manuscript book, line, harmony, intellectual, metaphysical, esthetic perception

Introduction

The history of the manuscripts written by the Arabian alphabet and kept up today tells us a lot: except the books destroyed during the wars, fires and other events, more than millions of book in Arabic language and approximately four hundred books in Persian and more than hundred of manuscript books in Turkish survived up today. The handwriting and script have attracted attention not only from transferring the texts, but also as an important and dynamic aesthetic element in Islamic culture. Among the numerous types of this handwriting, six types are more widespread and Non-, especially, Iranians and Turks had great services in the evolution from the aesthetic point of view. When speaking about the script and the book in Islam, it is necessary to get acquainted with the way the Koran views the universe. From this point of view, two important points in the foreword written by H.Gibb to the famous book of Seyyid Hussein Nasr “Introduction to the Islamic Cosmic Doctrine” (13.p.XIV): a. The Qur'an approaches the universe and humanity which is the part of it from the Divine justice, the perfection, harmony and truth are originated from God. In the world of existence, the general order and integrity are ensured with it, the vital activity of all elements is regulated on the harmonic attitude of mutual rights and duties, and everything moves towards the purpose allocated by God. b. The attitude to science in Islam is different from other civilizations, where science has a universal criterion that is related to the revelation, and if not taking this into account, the modern science could seem to be an artificial tail for Islam. So, there is a universal and comprehensive view from the revelation of the truth in Islam, and the script is the key to reading and understanding the universe. Seyyid Hussein Nasr also notes in his introductory remarks that science is related to the revelation in the traditional Islamic civilization, thus, the universe and social life are breathing with it (13.p.1). According to the author, in other civilizations, the nature is studied only for its benefits and daily needs of society. However, in Islam, nature is also a book of symbols, while man is the aim of escaping from the material elements and illuminating in the perfect spiritual journey (Same. p. 2). The author draws an example from Azizaddin Nasaf that there is analogy between the universe and the Qur'an, and the universe itself is a book; every

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences species in nature is in harmony with the Surah, Aye, and every living thing is in handwriting with the letters; every day, fate and movement of time relieve the book (universe) Surah by Surah, Ayeh and Ayeh, letter by letter, so you could know the meaning (same. P.2) The most perfect harmony is from God, and this harmony covers the ghosts in the heaven up to the human which is the integral part of the universe, as well as other living beings in the heavens and the earth. At the same time, the human being accepts that harmony as an example in all aspects, in mental, moral, and social life. The source of the Islamic aesthetic idea is that same harmony. In Islamic art, wisdom is combined with the power of craftsmanship and has its moral aspect. Therefore, "the perception of art in Islam is connected with the deepest understanding of both poles" (14. p. VII-VIII).

Description of the subject

In the Muslim East, the script and the book were key indicator of the science and culture, wisdom and intelligence; even the princes had mastered the art of calligraphy, science, literature and , and showed for the book and the script. Ordering and preparation of the beautiful manuscripts and the organization of rich libraries have been in the focus of great Rulers. In Islam, script and handwriting combine wisdom with harmony, its intellectual, metaphysical and moral as well as aesthetic aspects come together. The holiness of the writing is not accidental, because the mind and the thinking of the person, the thoughts, the inner world and emotions of the person, turn into his/her documentary memory and live eternally. The Eastern thinking paradigm is in harmony with the cosmological look and harmony in the universe; because its source is from Almighty and Holy God and the highest harmony belongs to Him. The universe itself is also described as as a book created by God, and everything in the universe: the sky, the stars, the mountains, the rivers, the wildlife and the plants are all reflected in this book. Man unwittingly interacts with the universe and surrounding nature, takes advantage of it and thinks about it, trying to read and understand the secrets written by God in that book. Thus, while the universe appears as the object of thought, on the one hand, it creates a sense of aesthetics with its harmonic nature from other side. Man himself is also a perfect book combining two worlds - the Material World and the Spiritual World, the body and spirit. God gives him from his soul, and gifts virtue as the heart and the mind. This is why he is regarded as the value of the nature, and at the same time, his nature was a deeper wisdom. In this way, man has a duty according to his creation and character: he shall read the book called nature and also shall read himself and to go through a glorious way of life by recognizing the greatness of these books. At the same time, he must know and approach God, the Creator of the universe, the One that gave him life, soul, mind and body. In the Islamic art, the secular and the spiritual polar are not separated from each other, and the connection between them is established by a dream world. The handwriting also has such a feature. In the East, the script and the handwriting are not only graphic embodiments of words, but also known as a symbol of holiness. According to the Qur'an, words and scripts are considered to be divine blessings, they not only express God's name and attributes, but they also play important role in person's understanding of the world. By script, the word stays in the memory of the history; the letters reflect the words and words represent the meaning. Both words and scripts are regarded as sacred things. The first verse of the Qur'an begins with the word "read" (Alaq: 1). The value of pen, scripts, and knowledge is emphasized in many Ayehs, they vow to the pen and scripts (Rahman 2, Alaq: 1-5, Kalam 1).

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As the scripts and the book are inseparable from one another, the intellectual and aesthetic aspects reflected in them are also interconnected. Therefore, all elements used in the design of the book of Oriental culture: paper sheets, their usage, volume, selvage, their decorations, geometric, floral and zoomorphic patterns, sky objects and elements of nature, meadows, gardens, human and animal drawings and other drawings are in handwriting with each other, as well as with the script and the handwriting, and connected to each other as parts of the whole book. Both the scripts and the patterns and drawings are visible due to the pen, so the pen has a great value as a creative force and tool. From this point of view, the pen’s place and level is very large in the universe. Gazi Ahmad pointed to the hadeeth “First Allah created a pen” in his “Gülüstani- hünər”, indicating that the animal pen is a brush of Mani, Chinese and Persian artists. Floral pen has been created for books and scripts, science and intelligence, and its mental-spiritual circle is wider and more capable. Although beautiful scripts -handwriting is made with hands movement, its source is the purity of the soul. In the past, the origin of the scripts was explained mythological. The script was considered geometry of the soul (7.p.10-12). First, Adam taught script 300 years before his death, he wrote with clay and then burnt with fire. Even if there was storm, the writing remained and it could not be deleted (6.p.8). Ibn Khaldun indicates that the Prophet (peace be upon him) was a person who gained knowledge by the Divine Inspiration without having a lesson (ummi), and therefore he was highly esteemed. The ordinary handwriting and the script is the art and profession of person and people can even earn with it. The beauty of the writing is provided by training. The Prophet's (pbuh) mind is measured by the acquisition of the knowledge treasured from reading and writing (5.p.832-833). In Eastern culture, script and handwriting are aesthetically source of balance, harmony and beauty. However, there is a rich and sacred spiritual world behind this exquisite beauty. According to the famous American orientalist Franz Pouzental, Arabic graphics have a function of harmony and holiness. This script is considered sacred as it reflects the Mercy and Charity features of God, and the beauty of the creatures created by God. At the same time, the script acts as an artistic tool at all levels in Eastern culture (11.p.157). Even a white sheet intended for writing is not a usual paper, but a valuable asset (Same.p.151). In short, graphics in Eastern culture have metaphysics, holiness and aesthetics that are not observed in other handwritings. Therefore, various linear patterns are graphically used in most decorative- embroidery works, home-made items, carpet and book art, and even ornament of the tombs. In all types of Islamic architectural monuments, writing-graphic patterns are widely used as a decorative tool that directs human imagination to eternal beauty and harmony. , which is a place of worship for Muslims, consists of three parts: lower - seat, middle - hull and top - dome. The first part represents the Earth, the third part represents the Sky and the second part is the part connecting these two. The writings here are a means of communication between the two worlds that make the elements of the Earth to reach the supreme Sky, or holy level. (1.p.45). All the manuscripts and graphic patterns used in the architectural monuments created in the Eastern countries show that those monuments belong to the Islamic culture regardless of the content (8.p.135). The aesthetic of the Arab writing is an interesting issue. This writing was advanced in Hijaz in two ways, the most perfect was Kufi. The Qur'an was first written on the Kufic script. Then there was and of course, the Kufi handwriting was chosen for its aesthetic beauty. The decorative types of this handwriting are used in inscriptions, page decoration, wall plastering, cutting jobs, and stony inscriptions. The Kufi script then coupled with networked and fertile elements and turned to an entire harmonic motion. In the early ages, along with the botanical elements, zoomorphic and anthropomorphic lines were also observed in these lines, which were explained by the influence of local culture. However, in the later periods, the

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences subtle nature elements in calligraphy were replaced with abstract Islamic and geometric lines under the influence of the spirit of monotheism of Islam. In this sense, the kufi script draws people from nature to the spirits of the soul, creates spiritual vaccines between man, nature and God. Though the handwriting is a geometric pattern, it also has its spiritual-moral aspect. The circular writing of the Kufi handwriting and its consistent symmetrical structure increases its aesthetic value, and directs its gaze to the divine inequality. Muallaqi script was then created from this script, and this script was mainly used in the patterns of sacred buildings, , ornamented mausoleums (12.p.65). This type of handwriting attracts more attention by black and white color; black script expressed one word, and the white meant another. During the Abbasids, muhaggag, then reyhani script were formed from the Kufi. Later, suls were formed. In , the Sheikh Lutfullah Mosque was built during the Safavid period in 1012 and 1028 (1604-1619) and its chapel was decorated with Suls script by Alirza Abbas. Aesthetically Kufi script is more attractive. The Kufic script was embroidered on the border of Mehrab, the Safavid monument. It dates to Hijri 755 (1354). This chapel is kept in the Metropolitan Museum. Ibn Mugla played a special role in the formation of handwriting types. He distinguished six types of handwriting: - Muhaggag, reyhani, suls, naskh, touqi, ruga (7.p.16-17). The Gubar and Musalsal script types are also considered to be decoration writings belonging to that group. The state correspondence was written in touqi script. During the Teymur period, Talig script was formed and Alishir Navai was among the master of that script. The Ottoman nobles changed the Talig script and used the Divani type. Ruga type of script was also created from the divani script. During the Safavid period, Mirali Tabrizi (death: 850/1447) created a more harmonic example of naskh and talig – nastalig script. This type of script has been developed in the writing of Turkish and Persian works and has managed to maintain its aesthetic level so far. Later, the Shikasta-nastalig script was spread. In addition to simple script types, decorative types were formed by the combination of geometric ornaments and artisctic witing types: tughra, half-tugra, gulzar, musanna, muamma, tafannun, siyahmashg, qita and figure. The writing and script is the expression of the inner world of man. While writing, the movement of person’s hand is related with the heart and soul. “The movement of the pen from left to right, and from right to left, up to down is realized by the soul. The Chinese script is which is from up to down is the look of the human between the Heaven and the Earth, fall from the Sky to the nature, and the material expression of the soul. In the Eastern writing, the pen moves from the outer world to the inner world - to the heart. In the western writing, this direction is opposite side. The writing is considered to be the axis of the world and the destiny. The line is the warp and weft of the page. Vertical writing is a sign of stability and horizontal writing is a symbol of the multiplicity of the universe "(2.p.57-58). In Islamic cosmography, writing and script are important elements. The dot is a symbol of truth and unity. The dot being entire and indivisible is a point to the Unseen world. The creation of the universe is supposed to be a turning of the compasses of the Creator. According to the Qur'an, God is the one who gives beautiful shape to the creations. His Al- Badi name draws attention from this point of view (Baqara: 117, Anam: 101). God is also known as an artist and a musavvir (describer) (Ali Imran: 6, pg. 24). The first creation by God is primarily a mind, light, or pen. The pen is equal to the light and mind, because everything is made of pen, written with pen and painted. The basis of creation is the word of God (the word "kövn" i.e. the command "ol" (be)). The letter and the writing are the carrier of the words, and the words are the carrier of the meanings.

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The point in the creation of the universe and the destiny is a support point of the compasses and the beginning of existence. Before the compasses of the creating were moved, the point was metaphysical support for the unity of the human soul. So, every word, writing, description starts with dot and consists of the dot. The dot is is at the same time the symbol of infertility: everything starts from eternity and moves to eternity. There is direction from the unity to the majority in the network patterns; however, there is return from the majority to the unity that is the return to the dot in the ornaments. The branch in Kufic script is the symbol of majority around the dot. The dot is directed toward the ornament from the line, which is in agreement with the meaning of the world tree and world book. The root of that tree is fixed, and its branches are directed to the Heaven. The word of God is in the value of the tree of the world mentioned in the Qur'an (Ibrahim: 24). The dot is a symbol of stability and unity in writing and painting. In medieval Islamic culture, God is the source of absolute perfection, beauty and harmony and, although the human being is created at the end, it is of great importance because of the fact that it is the closest creature to the Divine from the point of view of the mind and spirit, where a perfect human being is put forward. According to the Qur'an, man was created in the most beautiful form. Therefore, in the artistic description, the comparison is organized from the top to the bottom of the cosmic plane: God, man and nature. One of the main features that differentiate Islamic art from other cultures is that here the handwriting is the main focus. This difference is primarily related to the cosmological view, because, according to the Qur'an, all creatures, universes, heavens and earth are created by the pen of God, and therefore have a single harmonic system. That is why the elements of nature, animals, or human beings, in other words, separate details are not puffed out; they are understood to be in harmony with common space. In his research Titus Burckhardt mentions two aspects of Islamic art that are indivisible: a. cosmic order and relation with the nature; b. connection with the metaphysical world. The first is the material world and the majority, the second is the spiritual world and unity. Here, esoteric cognition comes together with mental intellect. In this respect, calligraphy has a special place in Islamic art as well as other types (3.p.22-25). Another important aspect is that not animal but floral elements are stressed out in the Islamic art (10.p.272-273). This is explained by the fact that those elements are more adaptive to the aesthetic perception of the script. There are two sides in the nature: a pen and a plaque. The pen wrote the fate of the human in the board Mahfuz (always preserved) in the Qur'an (12.p.157). The pen creates writing from the dot, majority from the unity, and world of wide meanings from compactness. Seyid Sharif Circani named pen as detailed science, i.e. broad science. That is, the letters written with the pen are compressed in ink, and the pen turns it into the writing, giving detailed information (4.p.20). The invisible writings on the Mahfuz (protected) board and the ideas sent down from the sky to the human soul are found in the form of writing in the normal boards or pages by pen. The heart is likened to a page or a plaque in this sense. It should be noted that there are more animals and human figures in Takhti-Jamshid, which is derived from the zoomorphism and anthropomorphism in ancient mythology. The lion acts as a symbol of power. However, the plant is considered sacred and symbolic as a tree of life from the ancient times in the East. For this reason, floral, bush, flower, leaf and petals are widely used as elegant embroidery elements in Islamic art. They create a new harmony with geometric patterns, arc connected with each other and curve lines. The geometric and arc lines are symbolically directed to the eternity. A beautiful harmonic order is created from the join of the floral and geometrical elements with the writing and these three elements (floral, geometrical and calligraphic script)

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences are in align with each other and complete each other. Grapevine life tree attracts attention among all other floral . Leaf and flower, circular and arc-like patterns are called "khatai" patterns. Arc-like patterns and circle tend to the infinite as the Lahut (Divine) world, but triangles and squares are considered as geometric paintings of Nasut (human) world. That is why, circle and circular elements are of great importance because they mean life and eternity. Artistic calligraphy patterns with patterns consisting of the synthesis of floral and khatai pictures are important in the design of the manuscript, and create a great aesthetic look with their miniature art. However, these patterns and drawings are widely used in adornment of mosques, sanctuaries and mausoleums along with writing and guarding. From this point of view, the analogy and parallels built on writing and script in the artistic description take a wide place. In this regard, concepts like script, secretary, board, sheet, page, pen, pencil, pattern, written, figure, notebook were widely used in different artistic features in works of Fuzuli. In the couple from “Qalam” (Pen) ode of the poet, it says: To drink the water of eternity, Khidr goes to the dark world, So to write nice works, pen is put into the dark ink The pen is likened to the successful Khidr prophet, and the black ink is like darkness; the pen transmits the spiritual world into the writing by drinking from the darkness. Fuzuli expresses the natural phenomena or the psychological state of man by the language of the images, which expresses the notion of "writing-script-description". Pen wrote the fate of the human in the board Mahfuz (always preserved) in the Qur'an (11.p.153-154). The pen creates writing from the dot, majority from the unity, and world of wide meanings from compactness. Seyid Sharif Circani named pen as detailed science. That is, the letters written with the pen are compressed in ink, and the pen turns it into the writing, giving detailed information (4.p.20). The invisible writings on the Mahfuz (protected) board and the ideas sent down from the sky to the human soul are found in the form of writing in the normal boards or pages by pen: Manuscripts are not only rich sources delivering the scientific, cultural and literary heritage of the past from generation to generation, but also valued as the masterpieces of the medieval art. There is no culture in the world like the calligraphy, tahzib (decoration of the pages), binding and miniature art of East. Interestingly, the manuscript book has been developed by many non-Arabs as an artistic monument, particularly service of people from , Azerbaijan, Asia Minor and attracts the attention. The Qur'anic verses and other manuscripts prepared at the highest level from the point view of preparation belong to Tabriz, Isfahan, Shiraz and Heart schools. The traditions of these schools are spread throughout the region. The aesthetic aspect of the writing and the importance given to the line art are all part of the interest in book art. In the , book design, binding, and decoration of pages created exquisite art examples. Rich ornamental and decoration works in the art of the book - geometric, khatai, floral patterns, networked drawings, oil paintings, geometric drawings, intersection lines, orange (rosettes), umbrella (bookplate) and petals on the cover of the binding, garden, flower, nightingale and canary, other floral and zoomorphic paintings inside the binding, cartridge, tehzib (embroidery and decorations of borders), colorful addresses and frontispiece, decoration of the interval between the lines with golden water, bordering the text with different frames, writing the addresses with golden water and white oil paint, color types of embroidery and ornaments are not observed in any culture of the world due to its aesthetic level. In this sense, the calligraphy and book art of Muslim East peoples are truly unique. Khatai ornaments, geometrical or erroneous patterns and other elegantly decorated elements in the art of the book often create an aesthetically panel rich with scripts and writings, and focus attention from nature to metaphysical world (9.p.182-183). All of the listed elements

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J.of “Manuscripts don’t burn”: №1(8), 2019, Special issue, ISSN: 2410-5600 create a general harmony with miniature drawings. In short, miniature paintings, other decoration works, create a complete aesthetic harmony with beautiful calligraphy patterns. From the writing of the manuscript to the volume, all the design work is accomplished with great craftsmanship, and sometimes the preparation of a single copy tookseveral years. For example, the famous calligrapher Shah-Mahmoud Nishaburi wrote Nizami’s "Khamsa" for the First Tahmasib for three years and this rare copy is kept in the British Museum. The cover of the literal manuscript was prepared from leather and cardboard, and its outer cover is decorated with special oil paint and casting embroidery, rosettes are worked at the corners and in the center, and in some copies literal calligraphic writing is used. In the cover art, oil-painted floral and geometrical and someties zoomorphic drawings also attract attention. Mainly geometric-floral, calligraphic, and erroneous patterns are used in the Qur’an covers. The title sheet is drawn with a colorful address, khatai and floral ornaments in separate and duality. For the text, there is rectangular double lined frame, and the gap between the lines is decorated, the writings on the side of the border are given in the orange, or sometimes in triangles. All title, heading, subheading and endings are distinguished by their own artistic design. The ornaments and decorations used in the art of the book are continued in architecture, household goods and carpet art as a tradition. In other words, there is a commonality and generality among the medieval patterns and colors. The area of usage of the line art is very wide. The writing ornaments used in the carpet and rug, fine inscriptions and different type of calligraphic ornaments on historical buildings and castles, palaces and fortress, mosque and , khanegahs and tombstones show the rich artistic and aesthetic means of this art. Even the beautiful calligraphy patterns engraved on the mausoleum and ordinary grave stones show the superiority of writing. The aesthetic significance of classic writing should be sought in its exciting harmonic order and eternal movement towards infinity. The symbolism of the letters was still used in before Islam, as Arabic writers compared the letters to many characters and created many figures in artistic thinking and organizational structure. The writing and reading, the intellectual activity of a human kind is of great importance in Qur’an. There is an interesting compromise between Lovhi-mehfuz (Protected board) and destiny and the decree of Fate. In artistic imagery, the meaning of the pen is related with fate symbolically. As the pen of destiny, the decree of Fate is like a fortune. So, it is the fate that makes the pen to write. The angels are the ones that write the fate and there is no erase for this writing. The esoteric inscription of the hidden content of the letters originates from the Qur'an. The names of several surahs in Qur’an are expressed in letters: Ya. Sin; Ta.Ha; Sad; Qaf; Nun (pen) surahs. These surahs begin with the same letters. Many verses of the Qur'an begin with different number of letter combination (2, 3, 4, 5): for instance: Baqarah, Ali Imran, Anjabut, Rum, Luqman and Sajda – start with “alif, lam, mim” letters, Yunus, Hud, Yusuf, Ibrahim, Hijr surahs with “alif, lam, re”, Mumin, Fussilat, Zukhruf, Dukhan, Casia and Ahqaf - “he, mim”, Shuara and Gasas surahs with “ta, sin, mim”, Araf surah with “alif, lam, mim, sad”, Rad surah with “alif, lam, mim, ra”, Maryam surah with “kaf, ha, ya, eyn, sad”, Shura surah - “he, mim” and “eyn, sin, qaf”, Naml surah with “ta, sin” letters. Medieval artists are based on the Qur’an in the symbol of the letters. “Alif”, “lam” and “mim” given at the beginning of Baqarah surah is interpreted as follow: Alif – is the symbol of tawhid and unity, and also pointing to Allah, and the figure of the lover is compared with alif. Mim is the sign to Prophet Muhammad (pbuh), lam is point to the Gabriel. As the first letter is Alif, it is considered to be the beginning. The word Allah also starts with this word. They even said that all the letters were one-lined as Alif and they have changed thir form because they did not obey God (to the letter Alif). Alif can become letters such as“dal”, “re”, “nun” etc. by changing its form. All sacred books (Torah, Psalms, Gospel, and ) are

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences intended to explain the wisdom and power of the One who regards unity and solidarity of the universe. Therefore, Yunus Imre summarizes the contents of four books in one Alif: The meaning of four Books Gathered in one Alif. The expression "Mim" letter in a figure is 40. Islamic philosophers regarded the stages of creation up from mind to human is 40, and that the darvishes steal out for 40 days were related with it. "Mim" letter, at the sometime refers to the light of Muhammad (pbuh). “Be” letter is the opening letter in Bismillah, so the dot at the bottom is the starting point for the creation. ). “Be” letter is in inclined form, which is a symbol of bow to the Alif (union of God). Qur’an starts with letter “be” and ends with letter “sin” – which means “enough” for the humanity. (The word combination of “Be” and “sin” letters is “bəs” which means enough). The letter "vav" signifies the relationship between God and the creation, as a literal "and" sign. Letters are external signs in writing. So the limitation on the letters is a sign of idolatry. The secret meaning of the letters is more important. The letters are known as symbols of the diverse manifestations of the universe, and since every creation is supposed to be prayed to God, there is no such letter that does not pray to God, that is, everything in heaven and the earth prays to God, so the unity of the universe is always important (Hadith 1, Hashr: 1, Rad: 15 and so on). Man himself is a perfect copy of the Lovhi-Mahfuz (protected board), reminiscent of a written set of all truths. This idea taken from the Qur’an was justified in the teachings of the famous philosopher . All these thoughts were out of the . In some cases, the symbols associated with the writing had superficial contexts formed on the basis of the external alike. The eyebrows are likened to a tughra, which is decorated at the beginning of the letter. Khatai resembled the eyebrows to the Bismillah. The gentleness of the mouth is alikened to the letter “mim”, eyes to the “sad” or “eyn” letters, hair curve to the letters “dal” or “cim”, the birthmark with dot, figure with the letter “Alif” and so on. There are many symbols of the superficial content: the letter "ha" is the end of the word of God, and is the beginning of word “huva” (as personal pronoun He – God). Ibn Arabi pointed out the divine essence with letter "ha”. The letter “Qaf” is a sign to the mountain Qaf, the home of Anga (phoenix) bird, which is a symbol of the purity. Qaf is a symbol of proximity to Truth. The letter “eyn” is the symbol of the eye and jewel, “nun” is the symbol of "success", "victory”, “mim” is the symbol of property (divine authority = Kingdom), Alif is the symbol of love and friendship. The following symbols have been developed in Bektashis: Alif - the only truth; Ta - demand (Demand of God); Re-equality (math); Ye - way, sect; Qaf - savings; Te - Islam (To surrender to the Truth); Lam – pure knowledge; Ha - pointing to Divine. Following this brief and general acquaintance with the symbol of the letters, one should draw attention to the fact that the use of the symbolic-artistic values of the words in the word art does not mean to be belonging to the Hurufi religion. Even if we examine Nasimi's poems carefully, we can come up with other fictional expressions and sayings, along with the purely Hurufism content.

Conclusion

In Eastern culture, the script and the writing are primarily related to the book, and are primarily consists of symbols and codes that translate the idea into documentary memory. Here, the writing brings out the intellectual function of the script, and book. At the same time, the metaphysical function of writing culture in Eastern culture, as well as the elegant decoration and embroidery elements of different types of lines in the designs of the sacred

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J.of “Manuscripts don’t burn”: №1(8), 2019, Special issue, ISSN: 2410-5600 places are from household items draws attention. There are two main functions of the line, which are the result of the “floral” and the arc-like elements: a. aesthetic function directed to eternity with its apparent geometric equilibrium; b. metaphysical function towards sacredness in terms of superficial and soul. These features are reflected in all types of art of the Middle ages - in the artistic design of the manuscript, textile and carpet making, especially in architecture. In literature and voca- bulary, motifs related to writing, lines and illustrations are treated as fine artistic characters and symbols. Thus, the function of the line is not limited to delivering the rich scientific-philosophi- cal, religious-moral, historical-social and literary-art heritage of the Middle Ages to the pages of the manuscripts and delivering them to future generations. The unusual balance of this line combines with its moral aspect, metaphysical perception, and at the same time an endless artistic-aesthetic invocation, where the ideal triviality places the human imagination and spirit into holiness, eternity, and divine harmony.

References:

1. Ardalan N. Bakhtiyar L. The Sense of Unity. The sufi tradition in Persian Archi- tecture. L. 1975 2. Titus Burckardt. Hünəri-islami. (Power of Islam) Translation: Masud Rajabnia. The- ran. 1366 3. Titus Burckardt. Məbaniye-honəre-eslami. (Power of Islam Culture) Translation: Amir Nasiri..1386 4. at-Tarifat. al-Curcani Seyyid Sharif. Egypt.1357 5. Ibn Khaldun. Müqəddimə (Foreword). Translation: Parvin Gunabadi. Tehran. 1359 6. Ibn Nadim. al-Fihrist. Translation: Muhammad-rza Tajaddud. Tehran. 1346 7. Ghazi Ahmad. Golestan-e Honar. Correction: Süheyl Xansari. Tehran 8. Grabar O. The Formation of Islamic Art. New Haven and London. 1973 9. Muhammad Madadpur. Təcəlliyate-hekməte-mənəvi dər honəre-eslami. Tehran.1374 10. Doctor Muhammad Madadpur. Heməte-onsi ve zibaişenasiye-erfaniye-honəre- eslami. Tehran.1384 11. F.Rouzental. Fuksionalnoye znaçeniye arabskoy qrafiki. “Arabskaya sredne- vekovaya kultura i literatura”. Sbornik statey zarubelnıx uçyonıx. .1978, 12. Yasavuli Javid. Təzkireyi-xoşnevisan. Tehran. 1363 13. An introduction to Islamic Cosmological Doctrines. Revised Edition Seyyed Hos- sein Nasr. Thames and Hudson Ltd. 1978. Preface by H. A. R. Gibb 14. Art of Islam. Language and Meaning. By Titus Burckardt. Foreword by Seyyed Hossein Nasr. World Wisdom. 2009

Nəsib Göyüşov

İslam mədəniyyətində xəttin intellektual, metafizik və estetik qavramı

XÜLASƏ

Açar sözlər: İslam mədəniyyəti, əlyazma kitabı, xətt, harmoniya, intellektual, metafizik, estetik qavram

Yazı və xətt bəşər mədəniyyətinin ən mühüm və dəyərli göstəricilərindəndir və insane- ların düşüncə və duyğuları onun vasitəsilə tarixin sənədli yaddaşına çevrilir və nəsillərdən nə-

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences sillərə ötürülür. Yazı və xətt işarələr sistemidir və insanın əqli fəaliyyəti həmin işarələr vasi- təsilə gerçəkləşir. Yazı mədəniyyətinin qədim və zəngin tarixi vardır və bunlar arasında min üç yüz ildən artıq yaşı olan ərəb xətti təkcə ərəblərin deyil, əksər müsəlman Şərq xalqlarının, o cümlədən Azərbaycan xalqının kitab mədəniyyətində işlənmiş, türk, fars və başqa dillərdə qələmə alınan zəngin elmi, ədəbi və fəlsəfi miras həmin xətlə sənədləşərək günümüzə gəlib çatmışdır.

Насиб Геюшов

Интеллектуальное, метафизическое и эстетическое восприятие письма в исламской культуре

РЕЗЮМЕ

Ключевые слова: Исламская культура, рукописная книга, письмо, гармония, интеллектуальное, метафизическое и эстетическое восприятие

Письмо и писменность являются важнейщим и ценнейщим показателем культуры, посредством которых, мысли и чуваства человека вооплащаются в документальную память истории и передаются из поколения в поколение. Письмо и писменность – это система знаков для интеллектуальной деятельности человека. Письмо имеет древную и богатую историю и арабская графика вот уже более 1300 лет используетя в книжней культуре мусульманских народов, в т.ч. азербайджан- ского народа. Богатое литературное, научное и философское наследие прошлого на арабском, персидском и тюркских языках дошло до нас на указанной графике.

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Pasha Karimov. Vahid Gazvini & His Divan in Turkish // J. of “Manuscripts Don’t Burn". №1(8), 2019, Special issue, pp. 39-53.

UDC: 821 (091)

Pasha Karimov Doctor of Science in Philology, Professor Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli, ANAS 26 Istiglaliyat Street, Baku E-mail: [email protected]

VAHID GAZVINI & HIS DIVAN IN TURKISH

Key words: poet, historian, vizier, gazal, masnavi.

Imaduddovla Mirza Muhammad Tahir Vahid Gazvini was a prominent statesman, poet and historian of the 17th century. He lived up to 95 years old until the end of that century, served in the government during the rulings of five Safavi Kings, rose from the positions of Accountant and Palace Historian to the positions of Vizier and Grand Vizier. According to researchers, Muhammad Tahir was born in Gazvin in 1015 of the hegira calendar (1606-1607 of the current era) in the family of Mirza Hussein Khan who was a government servant of the middle class, and spent his childhood and young time there (14, p. 79). According to the information given by M.T.Nasrabadi in his memoirs, upon completion of his education, Vahid ‘was employed under supervision of Mirza Saleh, Head of the Pointing Office of Council of Scientists and was instructed to keep records in one of the official logbooks. After the death of Mirza Saleh, Muhammad Tahir was appointed to his position and soon started to work in the teams of King Safi (1629-1642), a prominent statesman of his time, who was also known as Sari Tagi, and Mirza Muhammad Tagi Etimadussaltana, who was the Grand Vizier of 2nd King Abbas (1642-1667).’ (13, p. 26) After the murder of Sari Tagi by high rank military commanders, Khalif Sultan was appointed to the position of Grand Vizier for the second time (1645) and he after some hesitations approved the position of Muhammad Tahir in the government. With the guarantee of Khalif Sultan, Mohammad Tahir was appointed to the position of Palace Historian. He was instructed to write the history of the period of ruling of 2nd King Abbas. During the ruling of 2nd King Abbas’s son King Suleiman (1667-1694), upon the death of Sheikh Ali Zangana, Vahid was appointed to the position of Grand Vizier of the King with the title of Imaduddovla in 1101 of the hegira calendar (1689-1690 of the current era). During the early years of the ruling of King Sultan Hossein (1696-1722), Mirza Tahir retired from the government works and died in 1112 of the hegira calendar (1700-1701 of the current era). Loutfali Bey Azer mentioned that Vahid was a very healthy person (1, p. 234). Mirza Muhammad Tahir was from an educated family. In his memories, Nasrabadi mentions the names of his elder brother Mirza Faseh, who was a Vizier of Etimaduddovla Mirza Talib Khan Ordubadi for a long period, his brother Mirza Yousif with nickname of Valeh, his another brother Mirza Ami with nickname of Asaf, who was the Vizier of Gandahar Province, and his another relatives (13, p. 27). A range of sources give information about Vahid’s literary heritage. According to Loutfali Bey Azer, he had a divan consisting of 90 thousand distiches, while Sheikh Muham- mad Hazin stated that his divan consisted of 60 thousand distiches. Nasrabadi writes in his memoirs: This mister’s divan consisting of , Odes and Gazals includes about 30

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences thousand distiches. As he was the only expert in all fields of science, he choose the nickname of Vahid (The Only) for himself (13, p.27). Hazin called him Vahid Az-Zaman, that is, the only man of the time (11, p. 2197). Stating that Muhammad Tahir’s spheres of interest were very wide and covered History, Literature, Philosophy and Military Science, A.Rahmani also mentions his following works: Riyaz-At-Tavarikh (Garden of Histories). It is a historical work covering the period from the start of the Safavids’ ruling up to 1070 of the hegira calendar (1663-1664 of the current era). Abbasnama is the third and also the last part of this work. Munshaat is collection of letters written to various official and non-official persons of the time. Vahid is regarded a prominent literary stylist of his time. In Munshaaat, it is obvious that the author has an elegant, but a complex-grandiloquent style. This work was many times published in in the 19th century (Calcutta, 1826; Laknau, 1844, 1868, 1873). The manuscripts of the poet’s large Divan in Persian is preserved in a range of libraries of the world. Vahid is also an author of a range of epics in Persian, such as Khalvati-Raz (Hidden Place of Secret), Nazu-Niyaz (Whims), Goulzari-Abbasi (Flower Garden of Abbas), Dar Vasfi-Houmayun Tapa (Description of Houmayun Hill), Dar Tarifi-Nard (About Acey- Deucy), Fathnameyi-Gandahar (About Conquest of Gandahar), Dar Zikri Va Masrafi Ada- vati-Jangi (Names & Use of Military Tools) (14, p. 81). A.Rahmani thinks that Vahid’s work ‘Abbasnama’ has a decent place in Historical Studies of the Safavid period as a historical source of the middle of the 17th century. Muhammad Tahir, who wrote that work upon instruction of 2nd King Abbas covered the key issues of the political, social-economic and cultural lives of great Safavid State over a period lasting more than twenty years. And the key aspect distinguishing this work from other historical sources written about the same issue is just this point. Besides these, at ANAS Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli, the manuscript of Muhammad Tahiri’s Textbook on Mathematics in Persian, which consists of 2 chapters, was discovered. The work covers pages 88b-124 b of the manuscript being maintained under code m-95 (iv). The work discusses mathematical operations in complete and fractional figures and rules for measurement of the areas of geometrical figures, and presents many examples for calculation. One copy of the collection of Vahid’s works is maintained in the treasury of manuscripts of Berlin State Library (3, p. 271). On 30 pages (1b-30a) of this manuscript consisting of 487 pages, which is maintained under code of Ms. Fol. 3314, the poet’s Divan in Azerbaijani Turkish was written through Nastalig Transcription Style. This Divan consists of 1,842 distiches. In the fore part of the manuscript, there are two stamps belonging to the palace. In the colophon at the end (v.487b), there are these words: ‘Gad faraga min tasvidi-kulliyyati-divan min tasnifi vahidul-asr and farid-ad-dahr Mirza Muhammad Tahir Vahid betarikhe-shanzdahhom shahri-maharram alharam ahde-juluse-moubarak Bahadur shah moutabeg sanaye 1119 hijri’ (8, v.487b). (Translation: ‘Copying of the divan collection consisting of the works of Mirza Mohammad Tahir Vahid, the only personality of the century and the unique personality of the time, ended. On the 16th day of Maharram month of 1119 year in which King Bahadir came to the throne.’) From this, we find out that the manuscript was copied out on April 12, 1707. And the person who came to the throne was probably King Bahadur (1643-1712) known with the title of King Alam, who was a son of Baburi Ovrangzib who was a king in India. According to historical sources, he came into the throne on April 26, 1707, and regarded March 22, 1707, the date when he was informed about the death of his father, as the start date of his ruling (6, p. 220). The person who discovered this only copy known to us of Vahid Gazvini’s Divan in Turkish and presented Gazvini’s four poems in this Book ‘Pages from Our Literature History’

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J.of “Manuscripts don’t burn”: №1(8), 2019, Special issue, ISSN: 2410-5600 was Researcher Muhammadali Hosseini living in (4, p. 119-125). In 2009, Pasha Karimov and Arif Ramazanov prepared the poet’s Divan in Turkish for publication in the full volume and published it (7). P.Karimov wrote a large foreword to the book. After reviewing Divan’s manuscript in detail we can come to this conclusion that the copy was copied out by a scribe not knowing Turkish. Not understanding many of the words, this person only ‘drew’ their pictures and made many distortions. The text that has become poor for this reason is hardly readable. We should mention that on 5 pages (v. 115 a-119 a) of V.Gazvini’s Divan in Persian, which consists of totally 192 pages and is maintained in Tabriz Central Library, the poet’s poems in Turkish were copied out (9). There are only 117 distiches in Turkish here. Unfortunately, many parts of this manuscript are also in an erased form. Vahid’s Divan in Azerbaijani Turkish starts with a Masnavi consisting of 140 distiches. In this poem titled Saginama (Text on Waiter), the coming of spring and the revival and beauties of nature are described. The Poet communicates with a wine waiter and asks for a glass of wine from him on the occasion of the coming of the spring. While reading the work, we see that the flowers and various plants, of which beauty is described, belong to the garden of King’s Palace. The rose is compared to a Gizilbash (Red head), the violaceous is compared to a Janissary hiding his weapon, the lotus is compared to a person dressed in the European style, the red cherry is compared to a crow eye, and the apricot tree is compared to a chandelier. Vahid shows that the glorious and beautiful building of the King Palace and the pool at the yard made that place as the heaven. The Poet says that he is proud that the Spring Holiday is celebrated in his motherland and representatives of other nations are green with envy for this reason: Ərəb qafillərindən bir yeganə, Demiş bir nüktə əlhəq arifanə Ki, bu bayram əgər mübhəm olaydı, Bir bayram sarayı kəm olaydı. Olaydı gər bu ay ilhamdan bədr Bizə bu gün olurdu leylətül-qədr (7, p. 47-48).

The first ode following the Masnavi was dedicated to the construction of a mirror hall in the King Palace. Talking about the beauty of the hall and saying that he is the architect of that hall there, Vahid also informs that the mirror walls of this hall got admired when seeing the King:

Güzgü oldu sınığı sər ta pa, Məhvdür şahə çeşmi-bidarı (7, p.50)

In one of the distiches in the poem, we find the real construction date of the hall:

Salıb əda başın dedim tarix: Ki, göz açmış təvilə taları (7, p. 51).

From the real date composed on the basis of this bait, we find out that the mirror hall was constructed in 1089 of the hegira calendar or 1678 of the current era. Two odes following it, which consist of respectively 50 and 27 distiches, were dedicated to praising of Juneitabad Settlement of Isfahan. In his odes, Muhammad Tahir compares Juneitabad to a beloved woman and spring for its beauty and says that it ignited the enthusiasm in his heart. The poet calls Juneitabad the key distich of the Book of Life and explains that this beauty is due to King’s mercy. Assessing the Settlement as a souvenir remaining from the King, the author mentions the

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences names of 2nd King Abbas and King Suleiman with great respect. Vahid says that he regards Juneitabad as a doctor treating diseased people and compares it with the scientists and doctors valued greatly in the Muslim East:

Sənə vermiş yerini Əflatun, Sən xüm içrə həkimi-danasən. Tibdə qaimməqami-Calinus, Sani ərseyn İbni Sinasən (7, p. 52).

From page 4b of the Divan to its end (v.30a), the poet’s gazals, stanzas, poems and single-distiches were copied out not separately, but in an alphabetical order irrespective of their literary type. We should mention that the writing of replies by Govsi Tabrizi, a prominent poet of the 17th century to Vahid Gazvini’s gazals once again proves that V.Gazvini played an important role in the poetry of his time in the mother tongue. As is known, Govsi also wrote replies to gazals of several poets of his time, such as Vahid, Sahir and Agarazi, in addition to Fuzuli and Navayi and mentioned their names respectfully in the end distiches of his replies and gave verses from their poems. In the following replies that Govsi wrote to gazals of V.Gazvini, Govsi mentions his name:

Nə yaxşı söyləmiş, Qövsi, Vəhidi-pakgövhər kim: ‘Məni yandırdı bir atəş ki, düşməndən irağ olsun’ (15, p. 133),

Nə yaxşı söyləmiş, Qövsi, Vəhidi-aləmi-məni. ‘Nigahi-biməhabadır dilil-bitab dilmacı’ (15, p. 393).

Govsi also wrote replies to a range of other gazals of Vahid. In his memoirs, L.Azer explains that the praises said about V.Gazvini was due to his high rank (1, p. 234). However, we think that the poet’s works really deserve the mentioned praises, and Vahid’s poems in Turkish may be considered among the best examples of the Azerbaijani literature in the 17th century. When writing replies, Govsi selected only the poems that he liked and that had a high poetic value. The expressions like ‘Vəhidi-aləmi-məni’, used in these replies should not be understood as overvalued and insincere praises.

In one of his tarjibands, Govsi praises Mirza Tahir’s garden in Tabriz and its beauties:

Ol bağda ki, eylədi Mirzə onu zahir, Mirzə ki, onun Həqq ləqəbin eylədi Tahir. Ol bağda ki, ayineyi-dövr nümadır, Firdövs onunla olu rifətdə nə qadir (15, p.433).

Prominent Literature Researcher Salman Mourtaz writes about the attitude of Govsi to V.Gazvini: ‘The aim of the description that Govsi who did not know any fawning wrote about Mirza Tahir Vahid’s garden as a poem was not to get any benefit, but was only to show his inspiration to this great master and achieve Vahid to like his poems.’ (12, p. 103). As we mentioned, in Vahid’s Divan in Turkish, gazals, stanzas, poems and single-dis- tiches were not given separately, but were arranged in an alphabetical order and copied out mixed. For some reason, at the end of the gazals here, the poet’s nickname is not given. In the poet’s Divan, there are 40 poems that fully meet requirements of the Gazal type in terms of topic and form. Other poems are verses, stanzas and single-distiches. At Vahid’s time, most of

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Azerbaijani poets used to write their works in two languages, Persian and Turkish. Professio- nal poets having a quit large number of works in Persian, such as Mourtazagulu Khan Zafar, Tarzi Afshar, and Mazjoub Tabrizi also founded it important to write in the mot- her tongue. Muhammad Tahir who left a large literary heritage in Persian specially underlines in one of his poems in Turkish that he approached to exclusively Turkish speaking readers, and says: ‘Sarmaşur, əlbəttə, ey türkizəbanan, sarmaşur’ (7, p. 142). When reading the poems that Vahid wrote in the mother tongue, we see that he was an intellectual poet who read many books and had a good understanding of the works of his predecessors. The poet no doubt mainly learned from Fuzuli among classical poets for his poems in Turkish,, and was the fan of Fuzuli’s art. We can resolutely say that Vahid Gazvini was one of the most prominent representatives of Fuzuli’s literary school in the 17th century. Among the poems in his Divan which is available today, we recorded 88 replies to Fuzuli’s gazals, which is a significant number for the Divan of this scale. Among these replies, there are also gazals, poems and stanzas. V.Gazvini sometimes wrote several replies to individual poems of his great master. In addition to poets of his time, such as Zafar, Saib, Govsi and Tasir, V.Gazvini also wrote a reply to Fuzuli’s gazal with ‘At Sight’ (repeated word after the rhyme). Fuzuli talks about the beauty of his beloved woman in this gazal. He compares the figure of his beloved to a box tee and her lips to a flower bud, and decides that his beloved woman is much more beautiful than those. The gazal was written as addressing to the pretty woman in full. The largest reply written to this poem in the 17th century, which is known to us, is Gazvini’s reply. In first five distiches of his gazal, Vahid talks about the prostrated situation of the lover looking on his beloved, and compares the beauty of his beloved with nature and legendary characters in the following seven distiches. The first distich is closer to the first distich of the original:

Gözüm açılır qönçeyi-xəndanını görgəc, Dilim tutulur çeşmi-süxəndanını görgəc (7, p. 89).

In the first verse of his poem, Vahid wrote ‘My eyes get opened’ instead of ‘I get cheered up’, and instead of the words ‘disordered hair’ in the first verse of Fuzuli, Vahid used the expression ‘smiling flower bud’ in the second verse of the great poet’s that distich. The expression ‘speaking eyes’ in the second verse where Vahid used the expression ‘My tongue becomes speechless’ instead of ‘My speech becomes inactive’ is attractive with its poeticism. Saying ‘I stoop when seeing your petted cypress-like figure’ in the distich, Vahid creates contrast by comparing his curved figure with the pretty woman’s cypress-like figure. In the classic literature, the lover is generally compared to a nightingale and the beloved woman is generally compared to a flower. But in Vahid’s gazal, both the nightingale and flower saw the beautiful woman and got admired:

Bülbül açılır gül kibi sən yanə gəzəndə, Gül qönçə olur qönçeyi-peykanını görgəc (7, p. 90).

Desiring to express his thoughts more poetically, the poet uses the art of Takrir (repeating) in the second verse of the distich and uses the word ‘bud’ two times. It is said here that the flower becomes a bud when it sees the beautiful woman’s bud-like eyelashes. In one of the last distiches, the expression ‘Shirin’s face’ is used. It does not mean Shirin, but means the image of her face drawn on Bisoutun Mountain by Farhad. Although Fuzuli says ‘My heart, don’t give wine to every person looking like Shirin, drink it youself’ in one of his gazals (2, p. 192) and recommends not to love a lifeless face, however, Vahid uses

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences the poetic figure of overstatement in his gazal and states that even a lifeless face will revive if it sees his beloved woman and will sacrifice itself for the sake of this beautiful woman:

Hərçənd ki, canı yoxdu, surəti Şirin, Can verdi sənin canın üçün canın görgəc (7, p. 90).

In this poem, the poet used the word ‘body’ four times and achieved to express his tho- ughts more impressively and poetically by creating quibble and alliteration from repetition of the consonant ‘b’ (in the words ‘body’ and ‘when seeing’). Let’s consider the meanings that the word ‘body’ has in the second verse: ‘gave its life’ – sacrificed its life; ‘for the sake of your life’ – for you; ‘when seeing your body’ – when seeing your face (this word’s such me- anings as soul or heart may also be possible here). Although Vahid wrote many replies to Fuzuli, it would not be right to call Vahid imitator and we should mention that the poet played a specific role in the development of our poetry in the mother tongue. The reply is the sameness of a form. Although a range of Azer- baijani poets who lived and wrote in the 17th century demonstrate that they learned from the artistic characters of the works of great Fuzuli and benefitted from the treasury of his poems- art, each of these poets has a specific style. Becoming a professional artist by learning from the heritage of Fuzuli, V.Gazvini played some role in the development of the Azerbaijani poetry of the 17th century in Turkish. In Vahid’s poems, we can also see description of nature’s beauties, proverbs, and praising of the Prophet and the kings of his time. However, besides these, the key topic of the poet’s works is no doubt the lyrics of love. Similarly to Fuzuli, Vahid also regards the love as a power making one ideal and says that ‘Mind of love makes every madman clever.’ (7, p. 146) According to the poet, one not falling in love and not suffering from the pain of separa- tion may not know the pains of his time:

Hər kişi kim, çəkməmişdir canı hicran acısı, Anlamaz, bilməz nədir dünyada dövran acısı (7, p. 211).

Although the poet sometimes complains against the troubles he experienced for his love and says by approaching his beloved woman ‘Who wants to be on friendly terms with you be- comes an enemy of himself’ (7, p. 70), he states in most of his poems that the pain of sepa- ration is even more expensive than his life for him:

Dərdi, yarəb, can çıxan çağda canımdan çıxmasın, Dadlı candan dadlıraqdır bu qəmi-canan bənə (7, p. 73).

There are amorousness and love in the personality and essence of the lyric character of Vahid’s poems. As long as he lives, he is capable to think and feel and he will not forget the face of his beloved. In one of his poems, the poet says that as long as the candle of my conscience in my heart torch lights in this temporary palace, that is, the world, my beloved will live in my dreams and memory:

Bu sarayi-ariyətdə tirə olmaz xatirin, Gər sönməz könlümün fanusində şəmi-şüur (7, p. 103).

The reason for the sighing of the poet always is that he engraved the image of the hairs of his beloved into his heart:

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Etmişəm lövhi-dilə təsviri-zülfi-yarımı, Bu səbəbdəndir müdam ahi-pərişan çəkdigim (7, p. 176).

We can see Fuzuli’s literary logic in Vahid’s poems. While Fuzuli measures the severity of the love with the beauty of the beloved and says ‘The love is as much as the beauty is’ (2, p. 117), Muhammad Tahir states that he is proud of the deepness of his love by saying ‘My love is not weaker than your beauty.’ (7, p. 61) The character of lover in V.Gazvini’s poems first of all attracts attention with his self- devotion and preparedness for every trouble for the sake of love. The troubles that he faces in his love do not tucker him, but attracts him to them more. The poet considers it as blessing when his heart deliquesces when remembering the lips of the beautiful woman:

Türfə nemətdir ki, dil yadi-ləbindən ab ola, Dadmışam bu şəhdi-can, yaxşı əcaib dadı var (7, p. 154).

The lover is happy for the troubles he experiences, and although he is bond with his beloved, his heart is free:

Şaddır aşiq ki, qəmgindür cəfayi-yardən, Bənddədür öz qeyddən, əmma dili-azadı var (7, p. 148).

The heart of the lyric character of Vahid’s poems is as fragile as glass, but is resistant to any trouble. The poet calls himself ‘a strange being’ for this external contrast:

Dün Vəhidi gördüm, əlhəqq qabili-bidad imiş, Daş canlı, şişə bağırlı əcaib zad imiş (7, p. 166).

Although sometimes this lover experiencing troubles for his love complains that he is weak and asks for mercy, it is clear that the bearer of these troubles is not a weak person. His power is in the severity of the troubles he bears and in his endless resistance:

Dedim ki, gör zəifligim, rəhm qıl bənə, Dedi ki, kuhi-dərd çəkən natəvan degil (7, p. 173).

And the words that this invincible, resistant and devoted lover says about his loving heart also complete his own poetic character. The poet creates an interesting image where his door is a mountain and his chimney is an admiring eye and says that it is my heart and invites his lover to there:

Dağdır qapısıvü dideyi-heyran bacası, Gəl dilim xanəsinə, bacaludur, qapuludur (7, p.110).

One of the aspects stipulating the severity of the sorrow of the lyric character in great Fuzuli’s works is the inaccessibility of his beloved and impossibility of meeting. Similarly to Govsi, one of his time’s poets, Vahid also regards the meeting possible, but think that it is not enough to treat the trouble of love. According to the poet saying ‘If meeting with the beloved were possible, my longing would increase’ (7, p. 112), ‘A person who will give you to me is not kind’, the meeting increases the longing of the lover, as the lover knows that he will inevitably face the future sorrow of separation while the meeting, and therefore, worries in

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences advance, wants to build a wall in front of the lips of his beloved to prevent her to promise a meeting and says ‘I want to build a wall in front of your lips to prevent you to promise a meeting.’ (7, p. 176) Alike separation, the meeting also makes the lover to suffer. However, despite all troubles he faces, the lyric character of Vahid’s poems does not want to give up. Stating that he is ready to even give up his religion and belief for this love, he says ‘Religion and belief should be given up for love.’ (7, p. 178) We cannot assert that a real love far away from the Islamic Sufism is discussed in all poems of V.Gazvini. In some of the poet’s poems, we can see expression of a real, secular love not masked with the Islamic Sufism. Therefore, if his beloved is in his arms, then his arms are a part of the heaven:

Sorursan gər xəbər cənnət bu cani-qeyd fərqindən, Qucaqda olsa gər canan, qucaq cənnət bucağıdur (7, p. 126).

The sorrow that the poet experiences in his love is very valuable for the poet, he pays a significant attention to his this misery and fuses over it day and night:

Bu pərişanlıq ki, zülfündən bənə olmuş nəsib, Titrərəm üstündə sübhü şam cəm’iyyət kibi (7, p. 209).

The love is such a trouble that its medication is itself, therefore, the poet approaches his beloved and says ‘The love will be a medication for me if you are my doctor.’ (7, p. 71) In his poems, Vahid pays a special attention to description of the situation and psychological state that his lyric character faces due to his love. The lover who becomes speechless due to the severity of his love says: ‘I become speechless from time to time due to my passion.’ (7, p. 68) The face of his beloved never gets out of his sight, he only sees his beloved everywhere he looks at:

Əksi –ruyi-yar çün çeşmi-tərimdən getmədi, Baxıram hər yanə, timsali-müsəvvərdür bənə (7, p. 70)

The situation of the lover is undetermined, he is neither sad nor happy: ‘I’m in charming situation, I’m neither sad nor happy. (7, p. 154). The poet recognizes that he is not capable to describe his situation accurately and writes:

Nə ölü, nə diri, nə məsti-layəqəl, nə hüşyarəm, Nə qəmginəm, nə xəndan yarsız, bilməm nə halimdür (7, p. 111)

He so much trembles like an aspen leaf due to his wail that the bird of sleep cannot land on his eyes, that is, he has lost his sleep:

Yuxu quşu gecələr aşiyani-didəmə qonmaz, Nəsimi-nalədən cismim nihani bəs ki, ləzzandur (7, p. 113)

The lover fallen from his beloved’s grace has become so weak that it has become difficult for painters to see him and draw his picture:

Düşmüşəm gözündən sənin, rəngim deyər əhvalımı, Zə’fdən nəqqaş həm müşkül çəkər timsalımı (7, p. 220)

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But his weakness and burning to ashes for the love increases his strength. Alike the rebirth of Salamander birds after burning to ashes, the lover also becomes stronger after losing his calmness and determination:

Dəxi oddan işimiz hər nə yandı, oldu xakistər, Tükəmməz çünki aranım, qərarım, taqətim artır (7, p. 112).

One of the specific features of Vahid’s poems is his candidness. In his gazals with the repeated words ‘To my surprise’, he approaches to the illusion of his beloved and inert items with the same candidness to prove the power of his love. All distiches of this poem in which literary questions and poetic figures of illiterate and literate men have been used more have been written as a question sentence:

Dağdar könlümü, ey bədxu, gülustan eylədin, Gülmədin, açılmadın, bu evdə mehmansan məgər? (7, p. 132).

The poet approaches his beloved and says that she turned his wounded heart to a rosary. Considering his heart as a home, the poet complains that his beloved who is the owner of this house does not smile and neglects him: Is she a guest here? In another distich of the poem, the author approaches a mirror that does not rest day and night (as it reflects everything in front of it). Maybe it also admires the face of the beautiful woman:

Gecəli-gündüzlü bir dəm xabü rahət görmədin, Ol pəri hüsnünə, ey ayinə, heyransan məgər? (7, p. 132).

Muhammad Tahir’s capability to professionally combine abstract and concrete de- finitions makes his speech more poetic and romantic. He calls his beloved who does not look like anyone as ‘my pretty coming as fortune and going as a soul.’ (7, p. 203) Coming of the pretty woman may change the poet’s life, therefore her coming looks like the fortune. And with her going she takes the poet’s soul with her, therefore her going looks like a soul. The poet describes the remembering his beloved as finding of the illusion of that pretty’s dream a way coming from mountains and entering his heart: ‘Her illusion found a way from mountains and entered my heart’ (7, p. 220) Vahid is a poet with a very strong fantasy. In his poems, he is fantastically able to use natural events and inert items as a professional painter and give them meanings to explain his thoughts to readers more visibly according to his purpose:

Səfheyi-əflak bəndən yarimə bir namədür, Dil dəvatü xun midadü dudi-ahum xamədür (7, p. 118).

The poet who uses a layer of the sky as a paper, his heart as an ink case, his blood as a pen and the some of his yell as a pencil and says that he is able to explain his love to his beloved also attracts attentions with his fantasy and the poeticism of his words. In one of his poems, the poet says that the parts of his heart flied to the sky and each of them has become a star. Finally, his beloved will see his heart separated to hundreds of parts:

Görünür axır sənə ləxti-dili-sədparəmiz Çün üruc oldu gögə hər biri bir ulduz olur (7, p. 119)

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Here, the poetic figure of Husn-i Talil was used professionally.

In the 16-17th centuries, there was a process of change of the poetic style in the poetry in Persian, and the Indian style started to expand. In his monography titled ‘Saib Tabrizi & Indian Style in Poetry in Persian, Masiaga Muhammadi also mentioned the name of Vahid Gazvini in addition to Saib Tabrizi among the prominent representatives of this style in the poetry in Persian. (10, p. 55) When looking through Vahid’s Divan in Turkish, we see the characteristics of the Indian style in also the poems that Vahid wrote in the mother tongue. Similar to other representatives of the new style, Muhammad Tahir also addresses to social issues in a range of distiches in which he used the poetic figure of fable, and expresses didactic thoughts. In one of his poems, a materially reach person is compared with a morally rich person in the example of a wallet and a heart:

Kisəvü dil-ikisi şişeyi-saətdür Ki, biri xali olan çağda birisi doludur (7, p. 111).

The wallet and the heart is compared to the two sides of a sandglass: when one side is full, the other side becomes empty. That is, the wallet of the person with a full heart is empty and the heart of the person with a full wallet is empty. This harmony described by the poet with assistance of a visual character clearly reflects the situation of his time and the unfairness in the society. We know that a range of Azerbaijani intellectuals, including poets left the motherland for various reasons in the 17th century for foreign countries. Some of them, such as Masihi and Saib Tabrizi returned back to the motherland. But some of them, such as Rahmati Tabrizi and Mirza Sadig Ordubadi died abroad. In one of his poems, Vahid writes about those who were far away from their motherland:

Naçar edər cəlayi-vətən cövri-çərxdən, Divani-şeirdən biri çün intixab olur (7, p. 135).

Those who get separated from the motherland complain about hopelessness. They should know that they are as a poem selected from a Divan, that is, they are distinguishing sons of the motherland. The poet professionally unmasks the love to high ranks and money by using the literary expression mean of fable. He compares those having crowns and high ranks to a candle lighting in a party. While they understand that they are burning, they don’t want settlement of this problem and change of the situation:

Cəhan bəzmində bənzər şəm’i-bəzmə sahibi-əfsər, Yanar, əmma deyər bu dərdə payan olmasun, yarəb (7, p. 75).

Alike a range of other progressive-minded poets of his time, Muhammad Tahiri’s attitude to fanatic religious men is also negative:

Yaman görməz gözü, əlbəttə, hər kim zahidi görməz, Yaman hərgiz eşitməz kim ki, vaizdən xəbər sormaz (7, p. 164).

Wise-didactic thoughts are not also rare in V.Gazvini’s poems. In his poems, the poet call people not to give themselves up to troubles of the life; to control their souls; to have their

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J.of “Manuscripts don’t burn”: №1(8), 2019, Special issue, ISSN: 2410-5600 eyes open; and not to be pessimist. In one of his poems, Vahid says that if an accident happens, turning of believers away from it is profanity, as everything comes from God:

Qəzadan yüz çevirmək küfrdür, gər etiqadın var, Peyənbər kibi həqdür, çün gələn işlər Xudadəndür (7, p. 128).

Here, giving oneself up to the fortune is not promoted absolutely. It is only recom- mended to recognize that any accident is sent by God and to find a solution with discretion. Although the events taking place in the life saddens the poet and sometimes decreases his believe in humans, he does not get pessimist and also calls humans to be optimist. He thinks that only God may give those that a man wants from the life. ‘Whatever you want is given by God.’ (7, p. 114). But a pessimist man only sees bad things wherever s/he looks at: ‘A pessimist man always sees bad things.’ (7, p. 153) One century before Vagif, Vahid also recommended to accept both the bad and good times and both the gifts and troubles of the life in the same way, as both of them are the lifetime according to the poet:

Ömrümüzdən sayılır ruzi-səfidü şami-tar, Lütfilə qəhri-ikisi həm bərabərdür bənə (7, p. 71).

In the poems of V.Gazvini, we find wise thoughts about extremely various moments of the life. The poet calls those who become slaves of their passion weak. According to him, those who win through their passion are real brave ones:

Rəiyyət olmuşam nəfsi-xəbisə, olmuşam aciz, Əgər olsam müsəllət nəfsimə, sultanlığım vardır (7, p. 106).

In one of the distiches, the poet calls people not to neglect others. It uses the poetic figure of fable in the second verse and gives this example: If letters were separated from each other and don’t combine, words would not form:

Bu tənha gərduni biganə gəzmə, qalma biməni, Yapışmaz bir-birə ta hərflər, hərgiz kəlam olmaz (7, p. 163).

We can also find similar thought in the works of Saib Tabrizi, who is one of the most prominent representatives of the Indian style. Saib calls people to be close to each other, help each other, and to take an example not from birds flying on the sky, but from pomegranate arils: Gög fəzası nə məqami-pərü bal açmaqdır, Daneyi-nar kimi bir-birimizə qısılın (5, p. 22).

As we can see, both of these poets, who are representatives of a new style in the poetry distinguish with their unordinary vision about the life. They find a meaning in the reality, in the events taking place around, and in very different life facts, and relate them to their social and philosophical thoughts, which is a specific aspect of the Indian Style. Vahid criticizes collecting so much assets and says ‘Persons who have so much property are always restless’ (7, p. 134) and states that rich men cannot smile. He recommends his readers to be far from things making one disturbed in the life to have a pleasant and easy life:

Ömrünü gər istər isən kim, xoşü asan keçə, Özünü bu təngnayi-dəhrdən bir yanə tut (7, p. 85).

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The poet calls people to be alert, not to miss chances, and not to turn their backs to their enemies: Mərd əldən fürsətin verməz, əlbəttə, düşmənə, Tiğ tək ağzı olan arxa çevirməz düşmənə (7, p. 194).

Muhammad Tahir’s thoughts about the art of poem are also noteworthy. The poet paying a special attention to motives and characters that are new and may be seen strange and unordinary to readers as a representative of the Indian style, talks about the troubles arising in application of this in poems:

Məniyi-biganə tarac eyləmişdi əqlimi, Bir-birilən ləfzü məni olmamış məhrəm hənuz (7, p.165).

Using the strange character is in Vahid’s mind for a long time, but it is impossible to apply it without finding full consistency between words and meanings and making them close to each other. According to Muhammad Tahir, written literary works should be differed from each other, as there is very significant difference, from the ground to the sky, between poems:

Fərq şeir arasında vardur zəmin ta asiman, Bir şeirə biri dəgməz, biridir şeiri-süar (7, p. 134)

According to Vahid, a poet becomes valuable if he can express his troubles, sadness and problems in his/her works in a sophisticated literary form:

Bu nişandır ələmimdən ki, düşübdür dilimə, Şeir bəhri ki, sığa cədvəli-təngi-qələmə (7, p.198).

V.Gazvini values his works highly and compares his poems with halva due to their sweetness and states that bad men reading his works envy him and ‘swallow the bait of asto- nishment’:

Kəlamım şəhdini görən güman etmiş bəni həlva, Çü gördü, düşdü dami-heyrətə bədxah nişanımdan (7, p. 185).

More than one hundred single-distich poems included in Vahid’s Divan in the mother tongue draw attention with richness of their topics and with their literariness. There are both first distiches in which the verses have the same rhymes and separate distiches in which the verses do not have the same rhymes. Here, we find examples of the lyrics of love, fragments with social content, and didactic poems. In the single-distiches, we witness interesting poeti- cal findings of the poet and the ability of the poet to create poetical pictures in this literary type which has limited options, as well as using of the capacity of the language by the poet professionally:

Rəhm et bənə heyranın olum, getmə nəzərdən, Göz işığısan, göz işığı gözdə gərəkdir (7, p. 156).

In one of his single-distiches, Vahid very professionally describes the history of a lover suffering from the love of his beloved for readers only with assistance of verbs:

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Gəldi, gördü, gözlədi, etdi, dolandırdı məni, Əglədi, əgdi, əritdi, bükdü, yandırdı məni (7, p. 217).

The description of the nature is also attractive in V.Gazvini’s these poems. In his poems dedicated to the spring, he visualizes the picture of nature’s beauties with assistance of comparisons, metaphors and overstatements. In his poem starting with the verse ‘The spring came, flowers opened their face scarfs again’, the poet compares the rainbow to the sides of the musical tool of drum and the lightning to angels playing on the sky:

Çənbəri-dəf kimi oldu cilvədən qövsü qüzeh, Oynadı xeyli pəri tək gögdə hər yandan şəhab (7, p.80).

In his poem with the repeated word ‘Dances’ after the rhyme, the poet says that all young and elder people automatically wake up with the coming of the spring, all the nature dances, and construes the flowing of waters splashingly as their clapping and dancing:

Gül üzlü novbaharın kəndi-kəndindən şeyxü şab oynar, Oxur gülşəndə sular, əl çalar mövcü hübab oynar (7, p. 143).

In his poems, V.Gazvini used elements of the live speaking language, bywords and proverbs. The poet says ‘with cut hair’ to his beloved who offends him with humor, and uses the bywords ‘Dogs wrangle with each other, but get separated when seeing a wolf’ and ‘Even blind persons know square meals’ adequately and professionally. In order to explain his thoughts to readers more effectively and poetically and make them memorable, Vahid successfully used the polysemy of the words in the mother tongue. Wanting to say ‘Don’t bear grieve, remove this sorrow from your heart’, the poet professio- nally benefits from the polysemy of the verb ‘bear’ in our language:

Çəkmə bu dərdi, könüldən bu yegani çək çıxar, Mey çəkəndə özgəsi çün sən çəkərsən intizar (7, p. 134).

Poetically expressing the thought that ‘Don’t grieve, remove this sorrow from your heart, While others drink wine (that is, have fun), you are anxiously waiting for another person’ in this distich, Vahid demonstrated that he spoke Turkish fluently. In order to increase the expressivity and emotionality of his poems, the poet also used synonyms and repeated words in the distiches and verses. One verse consisting of synonym words ‘There are disorder, escape, anarchy and theatre here’ (7, p. 149) describes the arisen turmoil very well. Vahid is capable to increase the impact of his works professionally with assistance of repeated words:

Öylə sərməstəm ki, hicranında bilməm şəb nədür, Ay nədür, ulduz nədür, əncüm nədür, kövkəb nədür (7, p.108).

Another example:

Açıl, açıl, açıl, açıl, ta ki, səhər açıla (7, p.199)

Or:

Kuyində Vəhidin dili-zarı necə oldu, Ey can, sölə, ey can, sölə ey can, sölə billah (7, p.202).

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In his poems, the poet paid a special attention to increase the impact of his words by using alliteration, that is, repetition of consonants of the same type. Here is one example for the repetition of ‘b’ and ‘g’ consonants:

Zahid, incitmə bəni, bən sərxoşü sən bidəmağ, Ya əlimdən çək ayağı, ya ki bizdən çək ayağ (7, p. 167)

We can see that Muhammad Tahir professionally used poetic figures in his poems. And here is an example for use of the literary expression mean of contrast:

Təzad bədii ifadə vasitəsindən istifadəyə misal: Könlümü daim yəman ol yaxsı baxışlı tutar (7, p. 115).

Vahid also successfully used the art of Talmih that is alluding any event. For example, when saying ‘I have seen your black hair and I want water of life’ (7, p. 178), he alluded the legend where Alexander the Great searched for the water of life together with Hizir in the dark world. Vahid Gazvini’s Divan in Turkish proves that he had a specific role in development of our poetry in the mother tongue in the 17th century.

References:

1. Azer Loutfali Bay. Atashkada. Tehran, 1337. 2. Fuzuli Muhammad. Works. In six volumes. 1st Volume. Baku: ‘Sharg-Garb’, 2005. 3. Heinz Wilhelm. Persisiche Handschriften. Teil 1. Wiesbaden: Frans Steiner, 1968. 4. Housseini M.A. Pages from the History of Our Literature. Baku: Nurlan, 2004. 5. Hosseini Muhammadali. Saib Tabrizi. Scientific Research Text of His Poems in Turkish. Baku: ‘Elm va Tahsil’, 2013. 6. Encyclopedia of Islam. 2nd Volume. Istanbul: National Education Press House, 1970. 7. Gazvini Vahid. Divan. Baku: ‘Nurlan’, 2009. 8. Gazvini Vahid. Divan. Manuscript. Berlin State Library. Code: Ms. Orient. Fol.3314. 9. Gazvini Vahid. Divan. Manuscript. Tabriz Central Library, No 2647. 10. Muhammadi Masiaga. Saib Tabrizi & Indian Style in the Poetry in Persian. Baku: Elm, 1994. 11. Muin Muhammad. Farhange-Farsi. V.6. Tehran, 1378. 12. Momtaz Salman. Sources of Azerbaijani Literature. Baku: Yazichi. 1986. 13. Nasrabadi Muhammad Tahir. Tazkireyi-Nasrabadi. V.1. Tehran, 1378. 14. Rahmani A.A. Muhammad Tahir Vahid’s Work ‘Abbasnama’ as a Historical So- urce. News of the Academy of Sciences of the Soviet Socialist Republic of Azerbaijan. Series of History, Philosophy & Law. 1974, No 2. 15. Tabrizi Govsi. Divan. Baku: ‘Nurlan’. 2005.

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Paşa Kərimov

Vəhid Qəzvini və onun türkcə divanı

XÜLASƏ

Açar sözlər: şair, tarixçi, vəzir, qəzəl, məsnəvi

İmadüddövlə Mirzə Məhəmməd Tahir Vəhid Qəzvini XVII əsrin görkəmli dövlət xadimi, şairi və tarixçisi olmuşdur. O, həmin əsrin əvvəlindən sonuna qədər yaşamış, təxmi- nən doxsan beş il ömür sürmüş, beş Səfəvi şahının hakimiyyəti dövründə hökümət idarəsində çalışmış, mühasib və vəqayenəvislik (baş verən hadisələri qeyd edən tarixçi) vəzifəsindən vəzirlik və sədri-əzəmliyə qədər yüksəlmişdir. Vəhid Qəzvinin maraq dairəsi çox geniş olmuş, tarix, ədəbiyyat, fəlsəfə, hərb elmini əhatə etmişdir. Onun Səfəvilər dövlətinin tarixinə dair “Abbasnamə”, rəsmi və qeyri-rəsmi şəxslərə yazılmış məktublar toplusu olan “Münşəat” əsəri geniş yayılmışdır. Şairin farsca iri həcmli divanının əlyazma nüsxələri dünyanın bir sıra əlyazma xəzinələrində saxlanmaqdadır. Bundan başqa o, farsca bir sıra poemalar da yazmışdır.

Паша Керимов

Вахид Газвини и его тюркский диван

РЕЗЮМЕ

Ключевые слова: поэт, историк, везир, газель, маснави

Азербайджанский поэт, историк, политический деятель XVII века Вахид Газвини является автором многочисленных стихов, поэм, исторических трудов на персидском языке. Недавно в Берлинской Государственной Библиотеке был обнаружен его диван- сборник лирических стихов на тюркско-азербайджанском языке. В этом диване, состоя- щийсья из 1842 бейтов собраны маснави, касыды, газели, кыты, назмы и текбейты по- эта. В этих стихах Вахида чувствуется сильное влияние великого азербайджанского по- эта Физули. Но вместе с тем в его произведениях можно увидеть новые тенденции ли- тературного процесса того времени.

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Pasha Karimov, Ragub Karimov. A New Look at the Heritage of Mirza Bakhish Nadim // J. of “Manuscripts Don’t Burn". №1(8), 2019, Special issue, pp. 54-64.

UDC: 82-94; 821; 930.25 (091)

Pasha Karimov* Doctor of Science in Philology, Professor Corresponding Author: E-mail: [email protected]

Ragub Karimov Doctor of Science in Philology, Professor *Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli, ANAS 26 Istiglaliyat Street, Baku E-mail: [email protected]

A NEW LOOK AT THE HERITAGE OF MIRZA BAKHISH NADIM (Based on the Materials of the Institute of Manuscripts)

Key words: literature, poem, goshma, mukhammas, manuscript

Mirza Bakhish Nadim is one of the artists in the history of our literature, whose life and works have been researched least. The literary heritage of this prominent poet lived in the 19th century has not been researched completely until today, and although some thoughts were expressed about him, the said issues have not been proven with concrete facts and grounded evidences. We find the first published information about the poet in the Book ‘National Poets’ by Salman Moumtaz, published in 1935 (1, p. 96). Here, the researcher did not say anything about his biography, personality and activity and founded it enough to only include his several poems into the collected works as examples. Then, we find relatively wider information on Nadim in the researches of Academician Feyzulla Gasimzadeh. Particularly, the information given by the scientist about the life and partly the works of Nadim in his Book ‘The History of the Azerbaijani Literature of the 19th Century’ is very interesting (2, pp. 84-86). Here, for the first time, it is attempted to restore Nadim’s biography, and clarify his birth and death dates and his place in our literature. However, the information given by F.Gasimzadeh is also superficial. He only mentioned the names of the poet’s several poems, such as Description of the Winter, Hazel Bullock, Mirablig, Misir Grandchild Imamverdi, Murad Khan, Karbalayi, Mahmoud, Whoop and Gosharlar, and founded it enough to only give four examples from them. With the examples he gave, the scientist proves that Nadim who described the occupation of Azerbaijani Khanates by the Tsarist , various fight scenes, occupation of Ganja, destroy and pillage of Azerbaijani villages by Iranian armies, unlimited dominance of Emirs, unbounded oppression and violence by the bonding feudalism structure, and bribery of the governors of the Tsarism in Azerbaijan served as a realist artist. With his such satirical poems the poet becomes morally closer to Zakir and gets a specific honorable place for him in the history of development of the satirical poetry. Although another prominent researcher of our literature of the 19th century Professor Kamran Mammadov expressed some opinions about the satirical works of Mirza Bakhish

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Nadim in his Monography titled Satire in Azerbaijani Poetry of the 19th Century, he generally did not give any new information about neither the life nor the works of the poet widely (3, p. 133). As he had not enough materials, he also could not express grounded opinions about the worldview of Nadim and the characteristics of his works as a professional satirical poet, and found it enough to only express general thoughts about him. We find relatively wider information about Mirza Bakhish Nadim in the article titled ‘Mirza Bakhish Nadim’ of Professor Mustafa Mustafayev (4, p. 158). Besides repeating some of the thoughts that Feyzullah Gasimzadeh expressed, he also tried to restore the poet’s biography based on the information given by Agakarim Janibayli, a Teacher from Salian, who paid attention to Nadim’s heritage already in the 1920s, discovered, studied and copied out his manuscripts for the first time and wrote comments. M. Mustafayev, for the first time, presented the poet’s Mukhammas titled Plowman Mahmud, Goshma titled Murad Khan and poem titled To Colonel Mr. Ismail in the full volume to readers. The consistency of the information given by both F. Gasimzadeh and M. Mustafayev proves that both of them used the same source, that is, the manuscript that Agakarim Janibayli copied out from its original copy. That manuscriot is currently maintained with Code D- 350/10327 at the Institute of Manuscripts of the ANAS, named after Muhammad Fuzuli (5). It becomes clear from the note on the manuscript that it was previously maintained with 8021 inventory number. The researchers we mentioned above also used that manuscript maintained under that inventory number as a source. And this fact is also discovered that neither F.Gasimzadeh nor other researches that we mentioned did not have another work of Mirza Bakhish Nadim. And as we mentioned above, this manuscript is not Nadim’s autograph, but is its copy. On Page 54 of the manuscript, there is this note which indicates the identity of the person who copied out the work, issued the first opinion on Nadim and tried to determine his birth and death dates and analyze his works: ‘Teacher Agakarim Janibayli. Salian, July 10, 1928. This manuscript consisting of 250 pages, copied out by A.Janibayli was paged with black ink from Page 1 to Page 99 and with a pencil after Page 100. The paging is incorrect sometimes and there are empty pages remained between consequent pages (99-100, 100-101, 103-104, 108-109, 172-173, 181-182, 194-195, 209-210, 214-215, 218-219, 219-220, 222- 223). Most of the pages were not completed fully and on some pages only one, two distiches, or sentences were written and the remaining part of the pages were left empty. It is observed that Janibayli did not copy out the poems in the original source consequently, but did it selectively. We think that although the author intended to copy out the author’s poems to those incomplete or empty pages, later could not realize his intent for some reasons that are not known to us. In this manuscript that he copied out, Janibayli’s some comments and interpretations were also provided. He included dots instead of some words that he could not read within the verses and noted ‘I could not read’ or ‘It is unreadable’ in front of the verses. We think that these words have become either erased or unreadable as they were written with the Shikasta script style. The writing of Nadim’s other available work with the Shikasta-Nastalig script style, which is probably an original version, give us ground to make the above conclusion. Although we don’t have detailed information on Agakarim Janibayli, it becomes clear from his works that he was a person paying attention to Literature and the art of poem. Repetition of the words that he said about Nadim by F.Gasimzadeh once again proves that Janibayli was also a talented researcher. Janibayli also wrote a 54-page foreword for the digest he copied out. Although some of his assumptions are doubtful, the conclusions he made may be accepted as correct ones in general. Facts show that the first researcher of the life way that Mirza Bakhish Nadim passed through and of his literary heritage was just A. Janibayli, a Teacher from Salian. We should regretfully say that although the next researchers of Nadim’s

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences heritage benefitted from the researches of this devoted intellectual enough, they did not express any opinion about him and kept their silence about him. We value this initiative of the researcher and will try to give those that he wrote about Nadim as they are for the sake of objectivity. He writes: ‘From the information that I have collected from elder people who saw and knew Nadim and from his student who studies at Nadim’s , it becomes clear that as if Nadim’s father Mullah Asadullah left together with some of his relatives for Navahi due to anarchy and continuous turmoil taking place in Shirvan town early 13th century according to the hegira calendar, and became residents of that region and stayed there. Some of the persons trying to prove that Nadim is from Shamakha for his origin only base on the close relationship of Nadim with Shamakha, his studying in Shamakha and his going to and stay in Shamakhi for most months. However, these hearsay news could not also be enough correct and decisive so that make us satisfied, as Navahi Village many times was included in either Salian or Shamakhi counties. It is clear that when it was included in Salian County, probably the relationship of the population was close with Salian city, which was the center of that county, and when it was included in Shamakhi County, the relationship of the population was close with Shamakhi city, as they need the central city of their county in all of their activities. Therefore, the population of Navahi used to send their children to either Salian or Shamakhi to get education. We can see that Nadim also had quite close relationship and communication with both Salian and Shamakhi cities. He even resided in these cities for two to three months and wrote some historical events that he witnessed and left them as a heritage for us, and met with many of famous persons in these cities. And maybe he said the following words due to the county to which Navahi Village where he lived belonged:

Yenə vəqtində adım söylənir Şirvanə, İbrahim, Xəstə Baxış Nəvahi sakini-Salyan, haray.

Nadim married a sister of a person named Mullah Muhammad Riza at ‘Five Madmen’ Settlement in Salian City and lived in Salian for a long time. Now, there are many relatives of him in Salian. Alike the determination of his original place and the place of birth correctly, it is also very difficult to determine his date of birth. According to the hearsay information I heard, it becomes clear that he was born in 1205 of the hegira calendar and died when he was 95 in 1300 of the hegira calendar, which is supposed due to him saying that ‘I am 95’ in the last years of his life and by considering the birth date of one of his grandchildren born six months after his death. Moreover, some people say that he was born in 1200 of the hegira calendar and died in his 98 in 1298. The latter maybe relatively correct in comparison with the former. Because when reviewing several historical works that the poet wrote through poems and published, we can see that during 15-20 years since the arrival in of General Tsitsianov sent by Russian Tsar 1st Alexander in 1217 of the hegira calendar (or 1803 of the current calendar) to govern , he mentioned many of the important and historical events taken place in Georgia and Dagestan, and Ganja, Iravan, Shirvan, Salian, Talish, Baku, Darband and Gouba Khanates and many years after them, he described through poems even the historical disaster, that is, scarcity and drought happened in Navahi Village where he lived and around that village in 1297 of the hegira calendar. Here it becomes clear that our veteran poet even could say poems in 1217 and was yet alive in 1297. If we assume that he was born in 1205 of the hegira calendar, it will become clear that he started to say poems in his 12. As this is not adequate for his age, I think that the former is wrong and the latter is correct. Nadim got his primary education in Navahi from his father. As becoming a mullah was progressive at that time, his father sent him to Shamakhi to study and become a mullah. After learning Persian, Turkish and Arabic perfectly and approaching to Navahi there, he comple-

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J.of “Manuscripts don’t burn”: №1(8), 2019, Special issue, ISSN: 2410-5600 tely grew away from the plan of becoming a mullah for some reason in contrast with his father’s dream and engaged in agriculture (5, p. 4-6). The research that Janibayli conducted comparatively and through analysis and the conclusions he made may be considered rational and correct. Particularly the assumptions that he made in the light of historical events and his talks with those who knew Nadim personally once again prove that his words are true. On the other hand, approval of his thoughts by also Academician Feyzulla Gasimzadeh increases the trust to Janibayli. Nadim, who was an ordinary laborer, engaged in agriculture and cattle-breeding and did not have good living conditions. As he was always among the working people and supported them in their troubled days and tried to solve their problems as much as he could, the population loved him and approached him in their most problematic days. Highly valuing the trust of the population to him, Mirza Bakhish, according to the available information, many times stayed in Baku, Salian and Shamakhi for days and even months to solve the land related problems of the peasants and met with high ranked officials and accomplished to solve the problems of his countrymen. Of course, the land problems were between the bosses and peasants. Representatives of this exploiting stratum who could not accept the protection of the peasants and poor strata by Nadim struggled againt him with all means and tried to humble the poet among the population. Reportedly, once he poet went to Shamakhi to solve the land problem of the peasants. His travel lasted long that time. Enemies using this tried to spread a rumor among the population. Seeing that the displeasure increased between the populations, the poet’s son Mirza Farajullah wrote a letter to his father to inform him of the situation. Reading his son’s letter, Nadim directly understood the situation, that is, the enemies did what they wanted, and wrote a reply letter to his son by means of a poem:

Desələr guşzəd olma, mənə böhtandı, oğul, Acığın dövlətə vardır zərəri, qan, oğul. İki aydır məni salmışlar “bu gün”, “zaftra” ya,

***

Kəsmişəm qapusunu icz ilə mən “İvan”ın, Mər* eşitmüblər, oğul, “zaftra”sın Divanın.1

The examples that we gave put our great poet Gasim bay Zakir in mind of us. Alike Zakir, Nadim also had had fill of ‘tomorrows’ and ‘administrative authorities’, in short, the bureaucracy of ‘Ivans’ and openly declared his hate among the population without hesitating from anything. Giving this example in the manuscript, A.Janibayli rightfully assesses it as an evidence of ‘the self-devotion for the population’ of Nadim: ‘I think that these five verses that we can read brokenly and incompletely may a tool that may introduce to us Nadim, Nadim’s sincerity and his self-devotion for the sake of the population even briefly (5, p. 9). Kamran Mammadov also considers this characteristic of the poet and highly values his services: ‘Mirza Bakhish Nadim, who had very poor and troubled living conditions and was not respected by the bosses of his time, was reverenced by the laborers. The dignified poet who made scribing his profession helped laborer peasants as much as he could and did his best to prevent the violation of their rights and privileges.’ (3, p. 133)

*Mər – is the shortened form of the word ‘məgər’. 1The example was taken from the mentioned manuscript of A.Janibayli. There is this note given there: ‘Unfortunately, I could learn only these five verses by means of hearsay information. I did not change even one letter of it and wrote it as I heard.’

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Janibayli then issues an opinion on personal satires of the poet and writes: ‘As regard the satiric works he wrote, they generally consisted of strong attacks and terrible critiques in a quite acceptable form as a poet against dishonest people who treated poor villages unconscio- nably.’ (5, p. 9) And Academician F.Gasimzadeh writes by considering the environment in which not only Nadim, but also most of the poets of who lived and wrote works in the 19th century were, and their objections to this environment: ‘National poets and ashugs who lived in villages and faced the oppression by the bosses and suffered from that oppression were fighting in their satirical poems against the tsarism judges and the tsarist laws and rules, oppressive bosses who violated the rights of peasants. In his works, Nadim was shooting bosses who cut the salaries of harvesters and khans who harnessed the peasants to ploughs with satire (2, p. 179). Both A.Janibayli and F.Gasimzadeh found it satisfactory to give examples from the poet’s Goshma with the repeated words ‘Murad Khan’ after the rhymes to prove their arguments. In this Goshma consisting of six tetra-stiches, the poet extremely criticizes Murad Khan not paying salaries of peasants and thus making the ordinary laborers suffer hardly, and other sponger parasites in his example and does not find it satisfactory to compare them to donkeys running for bran and one-eared dogs, and says ‘There are many dogs like you in valleys’ and spit in their faces. In the fifth tetra-stich of the satire, the poet says ‘If the peasants had wisdom, they would gibbet you, Murad Khan’ and makes his satire stronger and call the peasants to protect their rights and be combative:

Ey ağalar, süzə tərif eyləyim, Nə iş tutub yüziqarə Murad xan. Tamam kəsdi biçinçinin həqqini, Heç vermədi sikkə, parə Murad xan.

Şəltik bilimindən tikibdir dəgə, Eşşək kimi yügürərdi kəpəgə. Münasibdir bir tayqulaq köpəgə, Qanuq olub cənavərə Murad xan...

In his another poet with the repeated words ‘Karbalayi’ after the rhymes, Nadim again protects the interests of the peasants. The person he targeted in this poem is not only an ordinary boss, he is also a person who has visited and takes some position among the society. Despite he is Karbalayi (Karbala visitors), he is also a despot tyrant alike Murad Khan. Both of them have the same faith and aim: exploit people by any means and get wealth. Nadim wrote this poem not on him behalf, but on behalf of reapers that Karbalayi brought from Mughan to reap his grains. This poem consisting of four tetra-stiches is their application to Karbalayi to get their honest salaries. The arrival of Karbalayi in Navahi shortly after this event and criticizing Nadim’s close friend named Karbalayi Salman makes the poet angry and he wrote another satire with the repeated word ‘Karbalayi’, targeting that person. Differently from the first satire, Karbalayi’s personal characteristics are criticized in the second satire. Taking into account Nadim’s these characteristics, A.Janibayli writes that he was a poet who always thought about the need of the population. In order to get more familiar with him, we should review his letter that he wrote in the form of poem to his friend Mahmud. Janibayli interprets the reason for the writing of the poem and says that there was also the second Navahi Village in the neighborhood of Navahi Village there Nadim lived, of which popula- tion even now are called Ploughmen Navahi as they used to be ploughmen of kings and khans in the past. When Azerbaijan was under the control of Iranians (and also now), the population

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J.of “Manuscripts don’t burn”: №1(8), 2019, Special issue, ISSN: 2410-5600 of that Ploughmen Navahi Village used to rent the planting soil named Charakdar from the government and plant one fourth of that soil. They collected and prepared the crop they got and officers of the government came to that village to get the crop to stock them in the wells of the king’s palace and brought for this purpose three persons a day with their horses from that village for corvee. Once, the job rotation comes to a poor peasant named Mahmud. Mahmud says: ‘I don’t have a horse. I hope the officer will not kill me for it’ and refuses to go to the corvee. Upon the instruction of the officer, Mahmud was taken and harnessed to another horses. Hearing about that event after some time, Nadim went to Ploughmen Navahi Village to learn the reality and met with Mahmud who was about 90-95 and already lived the last days of his life and became friends with Mahmud, and after learning about the details of that case, wrote his following poem and sent it to Mahmud:

Mahmuda! Aya, rəncbərara mərdi-yeganə, Nahaq yerə rəncidə olub gəlmə fəqanə, Xaliq sizi rəncbər yaradıbdır bəgə, xanə, Hərçənd gərəkdir qoşalar at bu kotanə, At olmasa heç incimə, insan da qoşarlar.

Şahlıq quyular buğda ilə dolmasa olmaz, Məmur da buna amir əgər olmasa olmaz, Salyani Həsən xan da əgər soymasa olmaz, Sal gərdəninə gərdənəbənd, gir bu kotanə, Lal ol, dilini kəs, xışa insan da qoşarlar.

Canun çıxacaq lap öləsən də əkəcəksən, Vəl olsa da, xış olsa, kotan da çəkəcəksən, Əkdin o çərəkdarı axırda biçəcəksən, Şah nökərisən, damğalı qulsan o şahanə, Keçmişdə deyərlərdi ki, heyvan da qoşarlar.

A.Janibayli very regretfully writes: ‘Today, I could learn a small part of that poem written 110-120 years ago from illiterate peasants. And this proves that the poem left a deep impression on the peasants that time and roused interest among them. I did not change even one letter of it and wrote it as I heard (5, p. 52). Professor K.Mammadov was influenced from that poem of Nadim and wrote: ‘It is impossible to read without distress the poem that Mirza Bakhish Nadim, whose poems smell laborer peasants and plowmen, who describes the hard living conditions of the plowmen with a specific irony and whose works differ with this aspect, dedicated to poor peasant Mahmud who was working as a slave day and night for some food to live.’ (3, p. 137) Although the slave-owning and use of the labor of slaves did not officially exist in Azerbaijan in the 19th century, exploitation of the peasants did not yet differ from the labor of slaves. And that was directly what disturbed Nadim. He could not tolerate the exploitation of his nation as a slave and found it as a solution to take his pen and criticize and unmask despot and merciless bosses. A.Janibayli writes that Nadim was ‘an open-minded person telling the truth, who was a capable man engaging in social activities and who was not afraid of telling their faults and unacceptable acts to the faces of any persons’ irrespective of their ranks. For his this nature, the number of Nadim’s enemies was increasing day by day and most of them were mullahs and bosses who had some positions in the society. They tried by all means to discredit Nadim among the population. But Nadim did not hesitate to say his words and unmask these

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences antipodes, feigned and deceptive religious men sometimes directly and sometimes indirectly. A.Janibayli also notes that he mostly disagreed with mullahs and shot them with his satire. Nadim even was regarded as a nonbeliever and he was called not Mullah Bakhish, but Mirza Bakhish. And even his saying at the end of his 168 verse poem, which he dedicated to the famine and scarcity happened in Navahi in 1297 of the hegira calendar (1879-1880), that:

Nadima, etmə şikayət belə ildən həqqə, Nə xudavənd bilir fəsli, nə də peyğəmbər

gave a chance to his enemies to discredit the poet among the population. Being tired of the mullahs, Nadim wrote his poem with the repeated words ‘What's that to you’. That step further activated the mullahs and they started to perform a practical action to discredit and kill Nadim. Soon, Nadim left his family in ruined conditions and went out from Navahi hopelessly.’ (5, p. 30). There is no information about that where Nadim was for a long time. But from some available poems of the poet, it becomes clear that lived abroad for some time, had very hard living conditions and had a severe homesickness:

Kimsənəm yox mənə yazsın bir namə, Qürbət içrə bu diyara bənimçün, Məlum olsun sizə-əhli möhübban, Dua qılın sahibkara bənimçün.

Malü əmlakımı etdilər təraş, Tökər mərdümlərim müdam qanlı yaş, Əlac edin mənə, ey qohum-qardaş, Bir yerdən olmadı çarə bənimçün.

Or:

Gecə-gündüz qan-yaş töküb ağlaram, Vətən tərkin qılıb eldən ayrıldım. Bibəhərdür heç görmədim səfasın, Bağban idim qönçə güldən ayrıldım.

These feelings are clearly evident in his Goshmas with the repeated words ‘I fell’, ‘I got separated’, ‘It is a bazaar’ and ‘For me’. A.Janibayli notes that Nadim was in a prison for some time. However, he says that not based on facts, but on assumptions, which is not reasonable. According to the researcher, ‘Nadim did not pay a special attention to religious poems, Novhas and Odes and spent quite a short time for this purpose.’ The author grounds his opinion by saying: ‘He had a visibly small number of Novhas and Odes.’ (5, p. 9) But we cannot agree with this opinion of A.Janibayli. Probably, he was not aware of Nadim’s other manuscripts, at least his 354-page manuscript being maintained at the ANAS Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli, under Code B-4275/5900. This manuscript of Nadim may be considered as an autograph copy for some characteristics. Alt- hough the digest of manuscripts was paged from the start to Page 29, it was also re-paged with Arabic numbers after Page 30. The poems given from Page 20 to Page 225 were borde- red with the red ink. Here, more than 100 poems of the poet belonging to various literary types and discus- sing various topics are given. Among these poems, the poems that the poet wrote to his

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J.of “Manuscripts don’t burn”: №1(8), 2019, Special issue, ISSN: 2410-5600 friends and acquaintances have a special place. Surely, Nadim did not treat in the same way all of his acquaintances to whom he approached, and wrote satires to some of them. In the preamble of the manuscript, Nadim also wrote words in honor of the great Creator, Prophet and Imam Ali alike other poets of his time according to the generally accepted rule, and promoted the supremacy of the religion and the importance of worship. In addition to these, as the occasion arose, he also addressed various historical events and theoretical and philosophical ideas, and made considerations about the poetry and art. In the manuscript, the poet gave a special place to Gazals and gave his about 60 Gazals sequentially اﺷﻌﺎرات ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﮫ from Page 134 to Page 201. In the heading part of that section, the poet wrote ﺑﻔﺮاﺧﻮاھﯽ ﺧﻮد ﻣﺎ.... in Persian (Love poems I wrote willingly). These Gazals visibly proves that he was not only a satire poet, but was also a lyric poet. From Page 298 to the end page, that is, Page 354 of the manuscript, the poet’s poems dedicated to religious issues and particularly the Karbala event are given. We can see that the poet belongs to the Shia sect, as in his these poems, he specifically described Ali, Fatimayi-Zahra, Zeinab, Hussein, Gasim, Aliasgar, and His Holi- ness Abbas, and the tragedies they were exposed to. As in the beginning of the manuscript, in this part of it, twelve Gazals that the poet wrote about love are also given among his poems about religious issues (On Pages 298, 299, 300, 301, 302, 310, 311, 313, 315, and 341). Mirza Bakhish wrote his poems with several nicknames. From his available two manuscripts, we can see that he wrote his poems with nicknames of Nadim, Khasta Bakhish, Khasta Bakhish Navahi, Navakhi Bakhish, Shikasta Bakhish, Miskin Bakhish and Bakhish. In his poems that he wrote through the classical poetry, he mainly used the nickname Nadim, while he mostly used his other nicknames in his poems with the syllabic meter. A.Janibayli, the first researcher of the poet’s heritage writes that ‘We can observe the nicknames Khasta Bakhish and Navahi Bakhish in most of the works he wrote at his young times.’ (5, p. 3) It is difficult to say how correct this thought is. However, it is known as a fact that Nadim used each of these nicknames not only at his young times, but also in various periods of his life, and even at his elder times. We should also particularly note that the poet mainly wrote poems in the Goshma type when he lived abroad (at about his elder times) and mostly used the nicknames we mentioned above in those poems. It is also interesting that in none of the poems with the syllabic meter, he used the nickname Nadim. In the manuscript, there are also poems that the poet wrote in the types of Mukhammas, Musaddas, Mustazad, Rubai and etc. The key part of this manuscript (about its two thirds) consists of Odes, Invocations, Novhas and etc. written on religius topics. Surely, if Janibayli were familiar with that digest of poems, he would reject his thought that he said previously about the religious opinions of the poet. Being of Nadim a faithful person is also clearly visible from the poems he wrote on religious topics. Probably, A.Janibayli also intentionally puts the religious opinions of the poet he studied into the shades as required by the atmosp- here existing in the country on the eve of the repression, alike other intellectuals of his time. And it is also a fact that although the poet was a believer, he also always struggled against deceptive religious men and particularly, imperfect mullahs and believers. According to A.Janibayli, ‘After the Russian occupation, Nadim served in various positions. He mainly served as a scribe in government authorities (administrative authorities). And he performed that job during the major part of his life and made it his profession finally. After living abroad for a long time, he applied for the position of scribe in Navahi Village.’ (5, pp. 34-35) Returning back to Navahi again, the poet restores his previous respect among the population. As he was serving in an official position, his enemies feared and preferred to stay calm at least outwardly.

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Nadim was removed from his job after several years. He searched for a new job and for this purpose, applied to various persons, including Colonel Ismayil bay Gutgashinli. Howe- ver, none of his friends could assist him. Being in a hopeless situation, Nadim again applies to Mr. Ismayil. In this poem consisting of twenty two distiches, the poet with a heavy heart wrote that he was not capable to do other job than scribing and asks for his assistance:

Əgər gəleydi əlimdən bir özgə kəsb mənim, Bu zəhməti sana verməzdim, ey həmidəxisal.

Ticarət eyləyə bilməm və nə kəştü zər etmək, Nəçarə ədlü tərazu qurum, olum baqqal.

İşimdi münşiyi-divan olub qələm yazmaq, Kəmalə sinnə yetib ta ağartmışam saqqal.

Əlac yoxdu, dəxi, bu işə sərəncam et, Bidune-mayə dögüldür ki, həq verü həqq al.

Ümidi-Nadim odur, məlcai-pənahidən, Bu əmrə rövnəq əncam edə, olam xoşhal (5, p.39).

However, Nadim’s that attempt was also unsuccessful. And the promises of his friends were also resultless. The poet who was in a very difficult situation found solace in writing a satire to one of them – Mullah Muhammad. Nadim’s this satire had more public character than individual character. Here, the poet pretends criticizing Mullah Muhammad, but critici- zes commandants, bureaucracy in the Tsar Governance and bribery as Zakir:

Yazmışam dərdi-halın komendanta..... Deyillər “post paşol, zaftradur” həm bazar.

Getdim naibimə surəti-halım deməgə, O da bir şəxs dögül kim, gələ ondan bir kar.

Başıma nə kül töküm, axəri kimə yalvarım, Aşinavü dustü rəfiqi görürəm bədətvar.

... Hər kəsə söz deyirəm ovcun açır kim, mənə ver, İstəyir qırxa başım misali-dəllək Ağayar.

Düşmənin tənə sözü, həm rusun zaftrası, Bağrımı parə edib, qoymayıb aramü qərar (5, p.43-44).

Being unsuccessful in all of his attempts, Nadim finally agrees to be appointed to a position which was not decent for him, that is, the position of irrigation supervisor to Pirsaat River: Mənə mirablıq əmrin kim olur eyb duta, Lacərəm, nə edim, zati-xudavəndə qəsəm.

Vəqti-namərddü bu mərd bilür bunda nə var, Zilləti-mərdilə namərd tapub izzəti-dəm.

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A.Janibayli describes these times of the poet’s life and writes that the period in which he served as an irrigation supervisor was the most difficult time of his life. ‘In this heavy situation, Nadim sometimes served in the public sector and sometimes served in the agricultu- ral sector. In the end of his life, he even opened a school in Navahi and served as a teacher. Some of the persons who was a student in Nadim’s school even now live and I could learn many of the information that I collected about the biography of the poet from them.’ (5, p. 47) It becomes clear from these notes of Janibayli that he paid a great attention to Nadim’s lite- rary heritage as a patriot intellectual, conducted searches for a long time, did not miss even the smallest nuances about him and most importantly, made a valuable contribution to the literary community by restoring the biography of the poet based on facts. As a result, every person who wrote about Mirza Bakhish Nadim after him directly benefitted from the informa- tion that he wrote and isssued their opinions about the poet. All of the abovementioned once again proves that Mirza Bakhish Nadim was really one of the talented poets having a specific place in the history of Azerbaijani literature of the 19th century. The full works of such a talented poet may to be limited to only these two digests that we mentioned. Surely, the poet had several manuscripts. However, this time we had to limit our research about the poet with those two sources. Currently, a purposeful activity has started to learn and study the heritage of M.B.Na- dim at the Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli. The finding of the poet’s manuscript that we consider as an autograph may be considered as a successful result of these serious researches conducted. We believe that the discovery of the poet’s literary heritage will be a significant contribution to the study of our 19th century literature.

References:

1. Moumtaz S. National Poets. Baku: Azernashr, 1935. 2. Gasimzadeh F. History of 19th Century Azerbaijani Literarute. Baku: Maarif, 1956. 3. Mammadov K. Satire in 19th Century Azerbaijani Poetry. Baku: Elm, 1975. 4. Moustafayev M. Mirza Bakhish Nadim. ‘Azerbaijan’ Magazine, 1976, No 8. 5. Nadim. Poems. ANAS Institute of Manuscripts, D-350/10327. 6. Digest of Manuscripts. ANAS Institute of Manuscripts, B-4275/5900.

Paşa Kərimov, Raqub Kərimov

Mirzə Baxış Nadim irsinə yeni baxış

XÜLASƏ

Açar sözlər: ədəbiyyat, şeir, qoşma, müxəmməs, əlyazma

Azərbaycan ədəbiyyatşünaslığında həyat və yaradıcılığı ən az öyrənilən sənətkarlardan biri də Mirzə Baxış Nadimdir (1780-1878). XIX əsr Azərbaycan ədəbiyyatının görkəmli nü- mayəndələrindən biri olan Nadimin əlyazma irsi ətraflı araşdırılmadığından onun həyat və yaradıcılığından geniş danışmaq da mümkün olmamışdır. Ədəbiyyatşünaslıqda son dövrlərə qədər onun bir neçə şeirindən danışılmışdır. AMEA Məhəmməd Füzuli adına Əlyazmalar İnstitutunda D-350/10327 şifri altında saxlanan əlyazmada Ağakərim Canıbəyli adlı salyanlı müəllim şairin bir sıra şeirlərini köçür- müş, maraqlı qeydlər yazmışdır.

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Паша Керимов, Рагуб Керимов

Новый взгляд на творчество Мирза Бахыша Надима (На основе материалов Института Рукописей)

РЕЗЮМЕ

Ключевые слова: литература, стихи, гошма, мухаммас, рукопись

Мирза Бахыш Надим - один из самых малоизученных азербайджанских поэтов XIX века. Исследователи, высказавшиеся о его жизни и творчестве основывались на ру- копись А. Джаныбейли, который собрал и переписал ряд его произведений. Сальянский учитель А. Джаныбейли в 1928 году собрав факты из стихов Мирза Бахыша Надима и рассказов его бывших учеников смог высказаться о дате рождения и смерти, некоторых моментах жизни поэта. В Институте Рукописей обнаружена еще одна рукопись стихов М. Б.Надима. В этой рукописи, состоящий из 354 страниц собраны более 100 стихов поэта. Здесь наряду с лирическими стихами есть и немало стихов Надима на религиоз- ные темы. На основе нового источника мы имеем возможность более подробно изучить жизнь и творчество поэта.

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Tahira Hasanzade. Khalisagarizade Abdulgani afandi’s pedagogical activity // J. of “Manuscripts Don’t Burn". №1(8), 2019, Special issue, pp. 65-69.

UDC: 930.25 (091), 37.03

Tahira Hasanzade Doctor of Science in History Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli, ANAS 26 Istiglaliyat Street, Baku E-mail: [email protected]

KHALISAGARIZADE ABDULGANI AFANDI’S PEDAGOGICAL ACTIVITY

Key words: Khalisagarizade, pedagogical activities, textbooks, enlightener

According to experts, the roots of the history of Azerbaijani pedagogical thought are deeply rooted in past centuries. The history of organized school education is linked to the history of Islam. The issue of relation between the science and religion is not a new issue; its origins go back to the Middle Ages (4, 200). The Qur’an encouraged Muslims to acquire knowledge by preferring "those who knows to ones that does not”. This is one of the sayings of the Prophet (pbuh): “What Allah has created first is the mind. Look for science even in though.”(4, II) Prior to Islam, there were Zoroaster schools in wire-worshipping (1, 95), followed by Christian schools in the northern part of Azerbaijan, Albania. Azerbaijani teachers in the madrasahs were intellectuals educated in Eastern countries: , Damascus. Abul Ula Ganjavi, Falaki Shirvani, Khagani, Nizami, were thinker writers and teachers. Maragha science school headed by Azerbaijani scientist Tusi, his works “Akhlag-i Nasiri” (A work on ethics), “Adabul-mutaallimin” reflecting his pedagogical ideas are the sources of the history of Azerbaijani pedagogical thought. The text critic Kamandar Sharifov considers Azerbaijani scientist as a great thinker in science. The people's poet, , was a talented teacher, and the saying “not every educated person can be Molla Panah” refers to him. The title of "Mullah" was then given in connection with high-level pedagogical activity. M.F.Akhundov, Mirza Kazim bey, S. Shirvani, M.Sh.Vazeh and other thinkers had the great services in the history of Azerbaijani science and pedagogical thought of the XIX century. During this period, science and literature were at a new stage of development. However, there were great difficulties in this period as well. The shortage of staff and lack of teaching aids led to the closure of schools. The manuals prepared and used by Shamsaddin Abdulqani Nukhavi Muhammad Afandi oglu Khalisqarizadeh, the well-known scientist, pedagogue and book writer of the 19th century, who lived in such a complicated period, constitute a new stage in Azerbaijan's pedagogical thought and is of particular importance in learning this historical process. According to the study of the scientist and text critic V.Sha- rifov, we find out that Abdulqani’s father Kamaladdin Muhammad Afandi was educated in Eastern languages and was familiar with the classical heritage. He also gave the first edu-

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences cation to his children, and seeing that his youngest son Abdulqani has special skills, he worked with him more and taught oriental languages. Later continuing his education in national schools and madrasahs, Abdulgani was a student of Abdulla Afandi Akhundzadeh, a well-known master of that era, and studied both classical poets and mastered the art of calligraphy. The madrasahs of Abdulla Afandi Akhundzadeh and Alijan bey Nukhavi in Shaki were enlightenment place giving comprehensive knowledge on everything. It is no coincidence that Abdulgani began his pedagogical activity in the special madrasah of Alijan bey Nukhavi, and turned the well-known madrasah into deep knowledge and science place with his knowledge and pedagogical activity. Nevertheless, many madrasahs were being closed during that time. Engaged in the pedagogical activity for over 35 years, Abdulqani Nukhavi taught his own special training methods in the madrasahs, and prepared a number of tutorials for that. (3,6). They were in the form of collections of the manuscripts and books, and some are currently kept in the Institute of Manuscripts. If we look at the textbooks he compiled, we will see that secular sciences such as linguistics, literary criticism, history, philosophy, logic, mathematics, geometry, astronomy and etc. were taught in the madrasah he worked and that students were gaining comprehensive knowledge. Abdulqani Nukhavi studied artistic and scientific works he had researched for many years, commented on them and widely used his scientific work during teaching and education. Therefore, the scientist worked on it by defining its significance for teaching. He compiled and taught textbooks that provide information about all areas of science to enable students to have a comprehensive knowledge. For example, he translated the preface of the famous scientific encyclopedia, Katip Chalabi's novel, “Kashf az-Zunun ‘an ‘asami l-Kutub wa’l- funun” (‘Opinion’s Scrutiny of the Names of Books and the Sciences’) and parts related with the various sciences, and included it into the curriculum. Here, he wrote the definitions of all sciences and gave information about the works of the famous scientists and writers on the edges of the text. He extracted some of the information about scientists from “Kashf az- Zunun” and some from other sources. In short, this teaching material was useful both as school supplies and a reference book. Along with the textbooks he had prepared and written, Abdulqani Nukhavi met with the advanced educators, discussed the problems of the educational institutions, and utilized the textbooks they compiled and expressed his attitude towards them. Copying the book of A.Bakikhanov “Qanuni-Qudsi” (The Holy Law) published in 1831 and using it was a manual at the school, the young teacher Abdulqani also made his critical remarks about the work. (3.17) It is known from sources that Abdulqani Afandi continued his education in Turkey. By the way, it should be noted that the language of textbook “Farsi takallum risalasi” (A tract on conversational Farsi) is very close to . This work is one of the many textbooks prepared by Abdulqani Afandi Khalisaqarizadeh and is a valuable source for studying the pedagogical ideas and progressive teaching methods of the scholar. In his work, the scientist who proposed his new pedagogical methods criticized the teaching methodology of the Oriental languages, including the , and showed its defects. Seeing the main disadvantage in the teaching methods of the teachers who made the pupil whose speaking skills were primitive to read the Hafiz, Sadi, Abdulqani, for example, suggested to teach the dictionary of the preface, method of dialogue, and then pupils learnt the Persian can read the simple texts that did not have Arabic compositions. The educator, who prefers conversation, has expressed his opinion on this in the “Farsi takallum risalasi”. The work is valuable because it presents students with a number of pages of Azerbaijani history. Examples: “Question: How many cities Azerbaijan have?

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Answer: Previously, Azerbaijan had many towns. Now most of the cities have passed to the Russian government. The cities that passed to Iran are Tabriz, , Maragha, Salmas, Hoy and . Katip Chalabi gave wide information about this country in the book “Cihannuma” (View of the World). (3.62) Like Azerbaijan, they know Turkish language everywhere in Iran. (3.69) The paper written by the is called a figure, and the paper written by the rulers and Emirs were called taliga (memorandum)” (3, 71-72). By this information, he informs the students about the archaeological documents. The book advises the students to read many works related to history, including the “Alamarayi-Abbasi” and Durreyi-Nadiri. The 19th century was also faced with the closure of a number of schools due to financial difficulties and lack of pedagogical staff. Nevertheless, intellectuals like Abdulqani Afandi did their best, compile the textbooks, and open the doors of their private libraries to the people. Abdulqani Afandi Nukhavi enriched his library with his own funds, and his notes on the white pages of these books reveal that their geography is based on Istanbul, Alexandria, , , Medina and other cities. Firidun bey Kocharli called him “teacher of the Azerbaijani people with flaring heart” in the nineteenth century (5). The scientific foundations of the Institute of Manuscripts named after Mohammad Fuzuli, ANAS had rich examples which do not wholly cover Abdulqani Afandi's wealthy manuscript and printing book collection. Among the encrypted book over 200 in the Arabic, Persian and Turkish languages, the book coded as V-411 attracts attention. This is the Tiflis publication of the “Muallimul-atfal” of Akhund Ahmad Huseynzadeh, the third Sheikh-Islam of the Caucasus, in 1879. The manuscript copy of the work is dated to 1874. Most likely Abdulqani Afandi was acquainted with the handwritten copy of the masterpiece. “Muallimul- atfal” is an alphabetical textbook written in the method of voice. Being written in 1874, this textbook is the first textbook for Azerbaijani schools. Yaqubi Asad Rza criticized Huseyn Ahmadov, the well-known teacher, the researcher of the Azerbaijan pedagogical history, for avoiding this fact. (2). As it is known, Q.Chernyayevski published his book “Mother language” in 1883 with method of voice. Ahmad Huseynzadeh thanked Consul General Mirza Mahmud khan Tabrizi, who worked in Tbilisi, for this help in publishing the book on the last page of the “Muallimul-atfal” and said that the diplomat was a well-wisher and patron of the homeland and nation. It should be noted that Mirza Mahmud khan Tabrizi, as a representative of the Gajar states, fulfilled his diplomatic mission in a number of foreign countries, and was the Consul General in Tiflis in 1877-1883. He is widely spoken in the article "Three Diplomats of One Generation". The great confessor Ahmad Huseynzadeh (he was the 3rd Sheikh-Islam of the Caucasus in 1862-1884 and is the grandfather of the public-political figure, writer-publicist and pub- lisher Alibey Huseynzadeh) was a clear intellectual figure of the time. While dealing with the history of Azerbaijan in the manuscripts, I faced with the fact that at the request of Garabagh Ruler Ibrahimkhalil Khan's daughter Govhernisa, two mosques, madrasahs and properties in Garabagh were devoted to Govharagha in “Vagfname” (Letter of Devotion) prepared by Akhund Ahmad Huseynzadeh. Along with engagement in rich pedagogical activity, Abdulqani Nukhavi Khalisagariza- de was a public figure. Taking into account the reputation of the Khalisagarizade, highly esteemed as the most prominent of scholars and virtues (3) in his life, he was appointed as imam of the Big in Nukha city and the head of the city and the chairman of the Nukha Shariat Court. The official public documents on the activity of the great public figure as the chairman of the Nukha Shariat Court are preserved in the treasury of the Archive

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Documents of the Institute of Manuscripts named after M. Fuzuli of ANAS. These documents prove that Imam Afandi was justly stood on the protection of the shariat laws. Abdulqani Afandi Khalisagarizade, who spent all his knowledge and skills in making people educated in the nineteenth century, was born 200 years ago, in 1817, and died in his 62nd year (1879) by leaving behind his rich heritage. Jalal Yusifzade, who wrote the book "Parents Advices" at the beginning of the twentieth century, probably recalled Abdulqani Nukhavi Khalisagarizade's advice in the following lines: The school makes you fluent and bright, And there is no secret at this point. The school makes the world a flower garden, And there is no other delight Eden.

The researcher K. Sharifov rightly notes that Abdulqani Khalisagarizade was one of the progressive Azerbaijani scholars and educators who had serious scientific-pedagogical ac- tivity during the new era of Azerbaijani culture of the 19th century. His pedagogical activity should be a subject of research and should be thoroughly investigated (5).

References:

1. Ahmadov H. Azərbaycan məktəbi və pedaqoji fikir tarixi (History of Azerbaijani school and pedagogical idea). Baku: ABU publication, 2001, 320 p. 2. Asad Rza Yaqubi – Azərbaycanda təlim-tərbiyə mədəniyyəti və pedaqoji fikir tarixi (The history of education and upbringing culture and pedagogical idea in Azerbaijan). Baku; “Nurlan”, 2005, 628 p. 3. Khalisagarizade Abdulqani Afandi. Farsi təkəllüm risaləsi. (A tract on conversatio- nal Farsi) Baku: “Science and Education, 2014, 98 p. 4. Pashazadeh Allahshukur. Qafqazda islam. (Islam in the Caucasus) Baku: Azerneshr, 1991, 224 p. 5. Sharifli Kamandar. Alim, pedaqoq və kitabşünas. (Scholar, educator and book critic) Baku: Nurlan, 2007, p.79.

Tahirə Həsənzadə

Xalisəqarızadə Əbdülqəni əfəndinin pedaqoji fəaliyyəti

XÜLASƏ

Açar sözlər: Xalisəqarızadə, pedoqoji fəaliyyət, dərsliklər, maarifçi

XIX əsr Azərbaycan elm və pedoqoji fikir tarixində A.A.Bakıxanov, M.F.Axundov, Mirzə Kazım bəy, M.Ş.Vazeh və digər mütəfəkkirlərin böyük xidmətləri olmuşdur. Bu dövr- də elm və ədəbiyyat yeni inkişaf mərhələsində idi. Lakin bu dövrün çətinlikləri də olmuşdur. Pedaqoji kadrların çatışmaması və dərs vəsaitinin azlığı məktəblərin bağlanmasına səbəb olur- du. Belə bir mürəkkəb dövrdə yaşamış, XIX yüzillikdə dövrünün tanınmış alimi, pedaqoqu və kitabşünası Əbdülqəni əfəndi Xalisəqarızadənin yazdığı, tərtib və tətbiq etdiyi dərslikləri Azərbaycanın pedaqoji fikir tarixinin yeni mərhələsini təşkil edir və bu tarixi prosesi öyrən- məkdə xüsusi əhəmiyyət kəsb edir.

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Azərbaycan Milli Elmlər Akademiyası Məhəmməd Füzuli adına Əlyazmalar İnstitutu alimin zəngin əlyazma və qədim çap kitabları kolleksiyasını mühafizə edir. Mənbələr ərəb, fars və türk dillərindədir.

Тахира Гасанзаде

Педагогическая деятельность Халисагаризаде Абдулгани афанди

РЕЗЮМЕ

Ключевые слова: Халисагарызаде, педагогическая деятельность, учебники, просветитель

Большие заслуги в истории науки и педагогической мысли в Азербайджане в XIX веке принадлежат известным мыслителям А.А.Бакиханову, М.Ф.Ахундову, Мирзе Ка- зим беку, М.С.Вазеху и другим. В этот период наука и литература в Азербайджане находились на новом этапе развития, в котором были и свои трудности. Нехватка педа- гогического персонала, школьных принадлежностей послужили закрытию школ. Жив- ший в этот сложный период известный ученый, педагог и библиотекарь Абдулгани Ну- хави Халисагаризаде, составил и написал ряд учебников, которые использовал в своей деятельности, что явилось новым этапом в истории развития педагогической мысли в Азербайджане и сыграло важную роль в изучении этого исторического процесса. Инс- титут рукописей имени Мухаммеда Физули Национальной академии наук Азербай- джана хранит богатую коллекцию рукописей и древних печатных книг Абдулгани Ну- хави Халисагаризаде, в состав которого входят источники на арабском, персидском и турецком языках.

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Zakiyya Abilova. The work ”Mefatihul-ulum" by Abu Abdullah Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn Yusif al-Kharazmi // J. of “Manuscripts Don’t Burn". №1(8), 2019, Special issue, pp. 70-74.

UDC: 001.5 (091); 297.18

Zakiya Abilova Doctor of Science in Philosophy, Associate Professor Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli, ANAS 26 Istiglaliyat Street, Baku E-mail: [email protected]

THE WORK “MEFATIHUL-ULUM” BY ABU ABDULLAH MUHAMMAD IBN AHMAD IBN YUSIF AL-KHARAZMI

Key words: Kharazmi, Mefatihul-ulum, sciences, comment, philosophy

Science is understanding the authenticity and essence of something by perceiving. The Sacred Book of Islam places great importance on science. It is enough just to remind that the first verse of this Sacred Book was addressed to the Prophet (PBUH) and said, “Read!": "(Oh, Prophet! Read the Qur'ani-Karim in the name of the Lord (saying bismillah), who created all creatures from nothing!" (1. 96, 1). Naturally, the prophets were sent by being chosen, pre- ferred with all their positive characteristics. Therefore, the Prophet of Islam (PBUH) was responsible for finding the right way for his Ummah and solving both internal and external problems of society. In the Qur'an, the Prophet (PBUH), who was informed of the secrets of the world, is also advised of the necessity of science. The Qur'an, which places great impor- tance on the education, science and intellect, praised science and scientists, and said that they would go forward only using science and mind. Messenger of Allah (PBUH) said: “Learning science is important to every Muslim. Let me tell you that God those who love science” (8, I.45.). The Prophet (PBUH) Ali (PBUH) also highly evaluates science and a scientist. It is written in "Nahjul-balagha", know that the servants of the science of God protect what is to be protected. They would keep his springs current, they would be friendly with each other, they would meet with love... Distrustfulness would not cause them to doubt, and gossiping would not spread into their . God created their nature and character with these beautiful featu- res.” (12. 241) "Usuli-kafi" advises to keep company with the scholars who have fear of Allah in their hearts, who remember Allah. So, if this person is a scientist, his science will be of benefit to him. If he is ignorant, they will teach him science (8, I. 110). Thus, the real scientist is the one who is far from the abhorrent features such as felinity, cunning, envy, hypocrisy, drinks the word of God the meaning of which he tries to unveil, as a sweet sorbet to cool the burning heart. He is loyal to his friends, wandering away from his enemies. Throughout history, scientists have classified sciences in terms of separating their fields and boundaries, identifying relationships between these fields, and systematically eva- luating experiments related to different sciences. Many Islamic scholars, such as Ibn Ishaq al- Kindi, Abu Bakr ar-Razi, Abu Nasr al-Farabi, Abu Ali ibn Sina, Nasiraddin Tusi, have put forth significant works in this field. In the first classifications, sciences are divided into two parts: Religious Sciences and Philosophical science. From Islamic scientists Abu Nasr al-Farabi (870-950) in his work “Ehsaul-ulum” listed the famous sciences one by one when classifying the sciences and reported what co- vered each of them and divided them into the following groups:

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1) Linguistics science and its sections 2) Logic and its sections 3) Teaching (educa- tional) Sciences (Mathematical Sciences) they are arithmetic, geometry, optics, astronomy; music science, weights science, mechanics and sections of each of them. 4) the Science Of Nature (Physics) and its sections and theology (metaphysics) science and its sections; 5) the Civil science and its sections, fiqh (Islamic law) and the science of kalam. ( 3, 23) Nasiraddin Tusi considers science as a happiness of soul. The great thinker notes that happiness of soul consists of five parts: the science of purification of morality (ethics), the science of logic, the science of mathematics, the science of nature, theology. Considering conduct of the training in this order to be acceptable, Tusi perceives the happiness of body as a field of medical science, and the science of astrology as an important factor in understanding of the universe. According to Tusi, the sciences that regulate the affairs of the nation, state and society belong to cultural happiness. The scientist refers here Sharia and grammar which include fiqh, hadith, news (history) and regulation and practical sciences, which include clerkship, arithmetic, geometry, economy. (5, 222-224.) One of the interesting sources about the classification of Sciences is the work of Abu Muhammad Ahmad bin Yusif al-Kharazmi “Mefatihul-ulum". In the sources there is little information about Kharazmi's life. He is known to be from Khwarazm. The medieval Arab historian al-Makrizi claims that he was called Balkhi before he was attributed to this region (10,I. 258). It can be assumed that his family was born in Khwarazm, and he himself was born in Balkh. Khwarazm is a region extending from the lower part of the Amu-Darya River to the east of Lake Aral, and Balkh is a city located in western . ”Mefatihul-ulum" is the only work by Kharazmi known to the world of science. The author dedicated this work to II Noah Abu Hasan Obeidullah bin Ahmad al-Utbiya who loved and protected the scholars, the Prime Minister of Samanids, who reigned in Khorasan and Mavarannahr in the IX-X centuries. Considering that Utbi was a prime-minister in 975-977, the date of writing of the book can also be attributed to this period. At the same time, it can be assumed that worked in the state service for a long time in the Palace of Noah Mansur (9, XVI. 223). Since there is no information about his students as well, it is difficult to refer him to any school. Secretary Chalabi attributed the date of Kharazmi's death to 997 (11, II. 1756). As for "Mefatihul-ulum", at first glance, it seems that Kharazmi wanted to develop a small encyclopedia that explains the terms the secretaries needed when performing adminis- trative work. From the work it can be perceived that he deeply knew mental and narrative sciences, had knowledge of Greek and Syriac languages along with Arabic and Persian, and in classifying these sciences was well aware of Western and Eastern Literature. The author divided the sciences into two parts as Arabic and Ajam Sciences and compiled them in two articles. The first article called "Arabic Sciences" consists of 6 sections and 52 chapters. These include: Section I is about Fiqh and consists of 11 chapters. Section II is about Kalam and consists of 7 chapters. Section III is about Nahv (grammar) and consists of 12 chapters. Section IV is about Writing and consists of 8 chapters. Section V is about Poetry and aruz and consists of 5 chapters. Section VI is about News and consists of 9 chapters.

The second article called "Ajam Sciences" consists of 9 sections and 41 chapters: Section I is about Philosophy and consists of 3 chapters. Section II is about Logic and consists of 9 chapters. Section III is about Medicine and consists of 8 chapters. Section IV is about the Science of numbers (Arithmetic) and consists of 5 chapters. Section V is about Geometry and consists of 4 chapters.

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Section VI is about Astronomy and is up to ¼ of Chapter I. Section VII is about Music and consists of 3 chapters. Section VIII is about Tricks (problems) and consists of 2 chapters. Section IX is about chemistry and consists of 9 chapters. (7, 7) Information about fifteen Sciences was included into two articles. Since each of the sciences was given under the title of one section, the work was composed of fifteen sections. As it seems from the list, the sections themselves consist of chapters and their total number is ninety-three. In the chapters where separate divisions of the sections are explained the components of the topic are disclosed in a certain framework. From the Arabic Sciences Kharazmi presents Fiqh in the first place. First he explains usuli-fiqh, then taharat, namaz, azan, fasting, zekat, hajj, trading, marriage and divorce, punishment and inheritance issues. From the religious sects, explanations are given under the names of mu'tazila, kharijiyya, ashabul-hadith, mujbira, mushabbiha, murjia and shia. The first division consisting of six sections includes fiqh, kalam, nahv, rules of writing (writing), Poetry-aruz and Akhbar (history) sciences. It is known from the listed that Kharazmi as the main science of Islamic science gave only fiqh and kalam. Fields of sciences like tafsir, hadith, etc. were not included here. The most striking feature of the section on nahv science is Kharazmi's attempt to connect logic with grammar. Karazmi introduced various terms about the clerkship on the army, land, finance, communication and irrigation works in Khorasan, Toharistan. There is also information about Kharazmi's poetry and aruz art, terms related to the history and political affairs of Persian, Turkish and Greek Nations. As it is seen from the list, the sixth section of the first article is about the News (history). The sixth chapter of the section is about “The words that create a lot of confusion about the information of the ". The name "Azerbaijan" is used twice in this chapter and a brief information is given about it. Kharazmi writes: "al-Maraziba is the plural form of the word al- Marzban. They are the ones behind the kings. They are the kings around. "Marz“ in Persian means ”border". "Marzban” is the "owner of the border". .."Marzi-Turan", that is, ”The border of the Turk". Khorasan people called it "Marzi-Iran". That is, the border of . Khorasan means east". "Khorabaran” means "west". "en-Nimroz" is the place where the south wind "mahabbun" blows. Because, in the afternoon the sun is its azimuth. "Azerbadikan" is the north wind. "Azer" is one of the months of winter. "Bad" is the wind. The meaning is ”the place where the winter wind blows". Later the word became Arabic and took the form of ”Azerbaijan" (7, 115). when giving te explanation of the expression "Bahla" Kharazmi writes: “Is "al-Fahlaviyya" from the Persian languages. The kings used to speak this language at their meetings. This is the language which belongs to ”Bahla". "Bahla” is the name of the place where five countries - Isfahan, Rey, Hamadan, Mahi-Nahavand and Azerbaijan are situated" (7, 117). When giving information about the Ajam Sciences the information about the history and culture of these peoples is also reflected. And "Ulumu-ajam" consists of philosophy and the sciences close to it. He categorized Philosophy not as an independent science, but referred it to a separate class as Ulumul-falsafa (philosophical sciences which come after it as from the point of view of counting them a science system. This classification is given as follows: A) Theoretical sciences: Theology or elmul- ilahiyya (metaphysics) 2. Elmut-talimi var-riyaziyya (Mathematics), 3. Elmut-tabii 4. B) Practical sciences. 1. Ethics 2. Household 3. Culture and general policy and ownership. According to Kharazmi, metaphysics has no divisions. And the sciences included in the sections of mathematics consist of algebra, geometry, astronomy and music. And the sciences included in the section of physics are medicine, meteorology, mineralogy, botany, zoology and chemistry. He also pointed out that was formed from melkaiyah, nasturiyya and yagubiyya sects. In the section of Judaism he mentions karais in the VIII-IX centuries with the name ananiyya. Indian beliefs such as barahima, jumaniyya,

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J.of “Manuscripts don’t burn”: №1(8), 2019, Special issue, ISSN: 2410-5600 bitheistic beliefs with Zoroastrian roots like manihizim, mazdakiyya, margionism and dey- saniyya, rejecting beliefs like dahriyya and muattila are shortly presented in this section. In the division of philosophical sciences, terms related to anatomic, pathological, and pharmacological rules are introduced as a continuation of physics. According to Kharazmi, the last of the educational sciences is music. Kharazmi described musical instruments in Greek, Arabic and Persian regions and considered it a science of instruments (9. 224). Many studies have been carried out on the work. Among them Eilhard Wiedemann's and C.E.Bosworth's works occupy an important place. "Mefatihul-ulum" was involved in the study by the scientist on Dutch Linguistics and Literature history, theology and philosophy G. Van Vloten and a critical text on several copies of the Arabic text was prepared. This text was first published in 1895 and again in 1968 in Lugdini-Batavorum (the ). "Mefa- tihul-ulum" was published in 1928 in Bombay and in 1923 in Cairo. The next time it was published in Beirut by Ibrahim Abyari in 1989. Seyid Huseyn Hadi translated the work into Persian and it was published twice in 1968 and 1983 in Tehran. According to Brockelmann, there is information about the work and its author in the works of Isaac ibn Muhammad al- Aziz “al-Vuquh fil-lugha” and al-Aghdabi “Kifayatul-mutahafiz " (2, S.I, 434-435). From the Soviet Orientalists M.M.Khayrullayev and R.M. Bakhadurov conducted extensive research on the work and published it as a monography. In the monography, where classification of sciences in general, is considered as one of the general and fundamental problems of science the idea that “in ancient and early Middle Ages, most sciences were included in philosophy, and after the formation of Islam the Qur'an containing the answers to all questions in itself has become a real source and object of researches" is emphasized (6, 7). And in Azerbaijan the work was not fundamentally involved in the research.

References:

1. Qurani-Kərim. Azərbaycan dilinə mənaca tərcüməsi. Ərəb dilindən tərcümə edənlər: Z.M. Bünyadov, V.M.Məmmədəliyev.Bakı, “Şərq-Qərb” nəşriyyat evi-2012. 568 s. 2. Brochelmann C. Gtchichte der Arabichen Litteratur Erster Supplementband. Leiden E.J.Brill 1934. 3. Fərabi Əbu Nəsr Ət-Türki. Elmlərin təsnifatı. Fəlsəfi İncilər Kitabxanası. Ərəb dilindən tərcümə edən Əmirşah Əmirəhmədov (Hacılı). Bakı, “Adiloğlu” nəşriyyatı -2006, 212 s. 4. Fərabi Əbu Nasr. Əhsa`ul-ulum . B-94. Ərəb dilində əlyazma. AMEA Məhəmməd Füzuli adına Əlyazmalar İnstitutu. 5. Xacə Nəsirəddin Tusi. Əxlaqi-Nasiri.Fars dilindən tərcümə edən Rəhim Sultanov. İkinci nəşr. Bakı- “Elm” -1989. 254 s. s.113.) 6. Хайруллаев М.М. Бахадуров Р.М. Абу Абдаллах Ал-Хорезми. Х век. Академия Наук СССР. Научно-библиографическая серия. Москва. Наука- 1988. 7. Johannes van Vloten. Əbu Abdullah bin Əhməd bin Yusif əl-Xarəzmi. Mfatihul- ulum. Lugduni-Batavorum, 1895 (ərəb dilində). 8. Kuleyni Əllamə. Usuli-kafi. I cild. Fars dilindən tərcümə edən E.A.Tağızadə 2005.s.45. 991 s.). 9. Kutluer İlhan. Harizmi Muhammed bin Ahmed.İslam Ansiklopedisi TDV, Cilt 16. İstanbul 1997. 555 s. s.222-224. 10. Mərziqi. əl-Xitat. I c. s.258. 11. Mustafa bin Abdullah (K. Çələbi - Hacı Xəlifə). Kəşfüz-zunun an əsəmiyi- əl-kutub vəl-fünün. II c. s. 1756. “əl-Bəhiyyə” mətbəəsi. 12. Rəzi Seyid Şəfi. Nəhcül-bəlağə. Hz.Əlinin (ə) buyurduqları. Tərcümə edəni Zabit Əhmədov.”Fəcri-Quran”. 480 s. s.241)

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Zəkiyyə Əbilova

Əbu Abdullah Məhəmməd ibn Əhməd ibn Yusif əl-Xarəzminin“Məfatihul-ulum” əsəri

XÜLASƏ

Açar sözlər: Xarəzmi, Məfatihul-ulum, elmlər, şərh, fəlsəfə

Tarix boyu alimlər sahə və hüdudlarını bir-birindən ayırmaq, bu sahələr arasındakı əlaqələri müəyyənləşdirmək, fərqli elmlərə aid təcrübələri sistemli şəkildə qiymətləndirmək baxımından elmləri təsnif etmişlər. İbn İshaq əl-Kindi, Əbu Bəkr ər-Razi, Əbu Nəsr əl-Fərabi, Əbu Əli ibn Sina, Nəsirəddin Tusi kimi bir çox islam alimləri bu sahədə sanballı əsərlər orta- ya qoymuşlar. Bu məqalədə elmlərin təsnifatından bəhs edən maraqlı mənbələrdən biri, Əbu Məhəm- məd Əhməd bin Yusif əl-Xarəzminin “Məfatihul-ulum” (Elmlərin açarları) əsərindən bəhs olunur. Əsər haqqında qısaca olaraq onu demək olar ki, müəllif elmləri iki qismə ayıraraq, “Ərəb elmləri” və “Əcəm elmləri” kimi iki ayrı-ayrı məqalədə tərtib etmişdir. “Ərəb elmləri” adlanan birinci məqalə 6 bab və 52 fəsildən, “Əcəm elmləri” adlanan ikinci məqalə isə 9 bab və 41 fəsildən ibarətdir. Altı babdan ibarət birinci bölmədə Fiqh, Kəlam, Nəhv, Kitabət (yazı yazma), Şeir-əruz və Əxbar (tarix) elmləri yer alır. “Əcəm elmləri” isə fəlsəfə və ona yaxın olan elmlərdən ibarətdir. Əsərdə hər bir elm və onun tətbiq edildiyi sahə ilə bağlı maraqlı şərhlər vardır.

Зakия Абилова

Произведение Абу Абдаллаха Мухамеда ибн Ахмед ибн Юсиф Аль-Хорезми «Мафатих аль-улум»

РЕЗЮМЕ

Kлючевые слова: Хорезми, Мафатих аль-улум, науки, комментарий, философия

На протяжении всей истории ученые классифицировали науку с точки зрения раз- деления ее областей и границ, выявления взаимосвязей между этими областями и сис- тематической оценки опыта различных наук. Многими исламскими учеными, такими как Ибн Исхак аль-Кинди, Абу Бакр ар-Рази, Абу Наср аль-Фараби, Абу Али ибн Сина и Насираддин Туси, были написаны многочисленные произведения в этой области. В данной статье освещается один из интересных источников об истории развития наук и их классификации – труд «Мафатих аль-улум» («Ключи наук») Абу Абдаллаха Аль-Хо- резми. Коротко об этой работе можно сказать, что автор, разделяя науку на арабскую и нетрадиционные - «неарабские» науки», представил их своем сочинении в двух частях. Первая часть состоит из 6 разделов и 52 глав, вторая часть содержит 9 разделов и 41 главу. Первая часть включает в себя следующие науки: фикх (мусульманское правове- дение), калам (догматическое богословие), нахв (грамматика), китаба (писание), поэ- зия-просодия, история. В раздел «Нетрадиционные - «неарабские» науки» вошли фило- софия и смежные с ней науки. В статье даются также интересные комментарии к каж- дой науке и к области ее применения.

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Akram Baghirov. Moments Related to the Azerbaijani Literature in Abdullah Kabuli’s Work ‘Tazkirat at-Tavarikh’ // J. of “Manuscripts Don’t Burn". №1(8), 2019, Special issue, pp. 75-81.

UDC: 93 (091); 821

Akram Baghirov Ph.D in Philology, Associate Professor Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli, ANAS 26 Istiglaliyat Street, Baku E-mail: [email protected]

MOMENTS RELATED TO THE AZERBAIJANI LITERATURE IN ABDULLAH KABULI’S WORK ‘TAZKIRAT AT-TAVARIKH’

Key words: 17th century, poet, Turkic, value, source, multidisciplinary, Azerbaijan, literature

A comprehensive study of the Azerbaijani literature of the medieval period is signify- cantly related to the study and scientific publication of the original sources. Even autograph copies should be put into the use of the wide range of readers and literature experts and be included in the scientific circulation after strictly researches by textual experts and composi- tion and publication. In addition to the literary heritages of authors of the medieval period, the original sources also include the opinions written by literature experts of the medieval period, such as authors of memoirs, historians and chronographers about these works, examples given by them from their heritages, and their notes about the most interesting and valuable moments of their lives. The study of these sources may be regarded as a valuable service to modern researchers in describing the full literary-poetic portraits of the authors of the medieval period, composing perfect and correct texts of their works, and specifying the literary-historical picture of their times. As known, in addition to exclusive poet memories highlighting the literary environment of the medieval period, the thoughts and facts written in the historical works and memorials written by the scientists with encyclopedic knowledge of that period and the chapters dedicated to poets and writers may also be accepted and are accepted frequently today as the key and valuable moments in the biographies and works of various poets. And one of such original sources is the work titled “Tazkirat at-Tavarikh” of an author named Abdullah Kabuli of the 17th century, which has not been accessible for the wide range of researchers for a long time and has almost remained far away from the scientific circulation. The key reason for remaining of this valuable work which we may call The Memoirs of History far away from the circulation for the scientific environment of Azerbaijan is that we did not have a copy and printed version of its manuscript and there was no information about this work in the books of Ahmad Goulchin Maani and Aliriza Nagavi about memoirs, which are regarded as valuable biographical-bibliographical sources (2; 3).

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After getting the printed version of this work in 2013, we learned that there are brief descriptive information about it in Tashkent, Story and Dushanbe catalogues (4, p. 416; 5, pp. 67-68). And according to Aliriza Goujezadeh, a work written about it in Dushanbe was translated into Persian and printed in in 1365/1986 (1, p. 37). The thirteen-page brief, but informative introduction written by Aliriza Goujezadeh about this work and its author can form a full idea about the sources standing on the ground of the publication of Tazkirat at-Tavarikh and about its research date. The verses, hadiths, names of individual, places and books, and factual histories given at the end of the book and throughout the work, and the presentation of the poems given as examples in the alphabetical order, all of these indicators significantly simplifies the use of Tazkirat at-Tavarikh. Surely, as we mentioned about the manuscript copies known to the scientific world before this publication, there were some information in Story and Tashkent Catalogues. For example, the Tashkent Catalogue published in 1952 presents this work’s autograph copy maintained at Academy of Sciences under Number 2093 and notes that it consists of 258 pages and was written in 1010 of the hegira calendar or 1601 of the current calendar, and also underlines that this work is a very valuable source that may be regarded as an addition to the book Tarikhi-Ragimi of famous medieval historian Sayyid Ragimi, which is a digest of factual histories (5, pp. 67-68) Giving information about this copy based on an article of Doctor Shamsaddin Nuraddin, published in Persian, Aliriza Goujezadeh writes that it was written with the readable Nastalig script style and its cover stamped with seven stamp-medallions was made of brown leather. The same source also asserts that the manuscript is an autograph copy completed in Kashmir in the 11th day of Rabiul-Avval month of 1010 of the hegira calendar. The sentences written by the author on Pages 64-66 of the work’s Tehran publication, to which researchers referred, also confirm that this copy is an autograph. The second copy used in the research of the work and the preparation and publication of its criticized text is the manuscript being maintained at the Semionov Foundation of the Institute of History of Academy of Sciences. This copy was copied out by a poet with nickname of Poet with the Nastalig script style with the Shikasta element upon the order of a person named Mir Jamaladdin, and was prepared in Kabul. According to Aliriza Goujezadeh, Doctor Shamsaddin Nuraddin accepted the preparation date of the manuscript as 1147 of the hegira calendar (1734-35 of the current calendar). According to him, although this 256-page copy looks like more accurate than the autograph copy, it is not free of mistakes. However, this copy significantly assisted in preparation of the text for printing. According to Aliriza Goujezadeh, the scribe of this copy even tried to correct some mistakes that the work’s author made. Researcher-scientist Aliriza Goujezadeh writes about the third copy of Tazkirat at- Tavarikh, which is known to the science, based on Indian catalogues that this copy is maintained in Salar Jang Library-Museum of Hyderabad with Code T.a.6 and consists of 76 pages. Based on the Indian catalogue, it is supposed that this copy, of which scribe is not known, was copied out in the late 10th century of the hegira calendar and was an autograph copy. On the pages of the manuscript, stamps in which Abdul-Halim bin Abdul Shukur, King Abul-Fazl Muridi Jahangir were written were put. It is noted that the name of the author of the memoirs is Abdullah on the pages related to various biographies of the work (1, pp. 232, 233, 509, 561 and etc.). As the author of the memoirs accurately presented many historical moments and facts in relation to Kabul and called him Kabuli, all the researchers think that he was born in that City and was related to that City.

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From his sons, Abdullah Kabuli only mentions the name of one of them, Abdurrahman and presents a factual history in relation to his birth date (1009 of the hegira calendar/1600 of the current calendar). The researchers suppose that Abdurrahman was born in Kashmir. It is only possible to get some fragmentary information about Abdullah Kabuli’s life from his work. Referring to these scripts, we can say that he travelled in India for a long time and contacted scientists and artists. Based on the notes he made on the Tashkent copy of the work, it becomes clear that he was in Parganayi-Matilayi-Sarkar-Bakr Settlement in 1009- 1010 of the hegira calendar and completed the work there (1, pp. 549, 561). Although we don’t have any information on the birth and death dates of Abdullah Kabuli, according to a note in the Tashkent copy (Page 241a) we can say that he was alive in 1011 of the hegira calendar (1602-03 of the current calendar). The writing of factual histories about Sofist sheikhs, scientists and sect heads and mentioning them with respect shows that Abdullah Kabuli had a wide literary-philosophical worldview, which is the subject of another research. Abdullah kabuli, who was a poet was known as an expert in factual histories. Gunahi is the nickname he used in his poems. The work Tazkirat at-Tavarikh was written based on various and multiple rich sources. Although many of the names of the works that he very sincerely mentioned in the preamble he wrote to the work are known to the science, we also find some unknown names. A little part of these names that may be interesting for the modern scientific auditorium is mentioned in the preamble of the work by the author. A larger list including many sources, such as Kholasaye-tarikhe-Banaketi, Tarikhe-Tabari, Zobdat-at-Tavarikh, Nezam at-Tavarikh, Oyun at-Tavarikh, Habib as-Siyar, Nafahat ol-Ons, Jame al-Hekayat, Tarikhe-Gozide, Majales an- Nafayas, Tabagate-Naseri, Tarikhe-Firuzshahi and etc. is presented in the preamble written by Aliriza Goujezadeh. The work consists of six chapters called layers and covers the following topics: 1st Layer: Histories in relation to the births, deaths and lives of Prophets, including Prophet Muhammad (pbuh), his children, wives, four pleasant loves, twelve imams and fourteen divine innocents, and his companions. 2nd Layer: Factual histories in relation to the lives of saints, sheiks and Islamic scientists. 3rd Layer: Histories in relation to the lives of famous poets and owners of merit. 4th Layer: Histories in relation to the lives of famous , kings, judges and emirs. 5th Layer: Histories in relation to the lives of King Jalaladdin Muhammad Akbar, his princes and emir sons, and conquest of towers and provinces. 6th Layer: The histories of the foundation of mosques, madrasas, settlements, gardens, baths, towers, wells, bridges, caravanserais, books and pamphlets. Abdullah Kabuli not only gives the factual histories written about any person or historical event by him or others, but also expresses his attitude to that person or event, assesses them from his point of view and presents interesting and valuable facts. The work may also be called a brief encyclopedia of Islamic culture’s scientific, literary, philosophical, historical, social and etc. areas until the 17th century. One of the chapters of the work, which is interesting in terms of the study of the history of our literature is the third layer. The histories presented here about the lives and works of famous poets and owners of merit, and Abdullah Kabuli’s thoughts valuing them give to us interesting facts in terms of tracking the life way of these authors and correcting their birth and death dates. This chapter includes the biography of about two hundred Turkish and Persian speaking poets. This chapter starts with the introduction of two famous Arabian poets named Labid and Farazdag, and in addition to half-page information about each of them, examples from their poems are also presented (1, pp. 239-240). The information about these

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences poets show that Abdulla Kabuli also knew perfectly the Arabic language and literature in addition to Turkish and Persian, and used the available sources in all of these languages. Provision of information about the poets, whom the author particularly underlines as Turkish and Turkish-speaking poets, however, about whom there is not adequate information in the modern readers, in the work in addition to great Uzbek poet Alishir Navayi (1, pp. 362-363) is very interesting and has a great importance to imagine the literary environment of their times. For example, one of them is Amir Yaminaddin Tugrayi Faryumadi (1, p. 294). This poet was guarded by Khaja Alaaddin Faryumadi, who was the owner of a courtroom in Khorasan during the period of Sultan Muhammad Khudabanda. His son Amir Mahmud Ibn Yamin was also a poet. The memoir’s author writes that Ibn Yamin’s poems ‘are even today read in Iran and Turan’. Presenting examples from poetic conversations between the father and the son, Abdullah Kabuli writes that Amir Yaminaddin died in one of the Wednesdays in Shavval month of 714 of the hegira calendar and his son Ibn-Yamin died in one of the Sundays of Ramadan month of 745 of the hegira calendar, and their tombs are side by side in Faryumad Settlement. In the research, it is particularly underlined that this family was a Turkish origin. The author of the memoirs gives information about the Divan of Movlana Lutfi in Turkish, a poet of nice poems in Persian and Turkish, consisting of three thousand distiches and also notes that although all poets of his time wrote replies to his Ode with the repeated words Aftab (the Sun), which he wrote in Persian, none of them could reach his poem’s delicacy (1, pp. 343-344). C.A.Stori writes that the Divan of this author was published by A.Z.Validov in Kazan in 1914 with the title Jigatai Poet Lutfi and His Divan. That source also mentions A.Z.Validov’s article titled Manuscripts in Bukhara Khanate, published in 1916 (4, p. 416)/. The author of the memoirs writes that Lutfi died on the seventeenth day of Shaban month in 897 of the hegira calendar and was buried in Herat. The memoirs’ author gives information about a poet named Mir Mahmud, writing nice poems in Persian and Turkish and notes that he is also professional in various subjects and sciences, such as construction, muamma, music, working with gilt, drawing, stamp making and etc., and had a special respect among the lieutenants of Mirza Sultan Hussein. He writes that this poet died on Wednesday, the 10th day of Rabiul-Avval month in 900 of the hegira calendar. In the memoirs, information about tens of poets who were around Emir Alishir Navayi and wrote works in Persian and Turkish are given and valuable facts are noted. As it is impossible to list and present all of these one by one in a small article, we will attempt to talk as much as we can about only those persons recognized in the literature of Azerbaijan and took a decent place for them in the history of our literary thoughts, who are presented in these memoirs in a specific and interesting way. Great master of words Nizami Ganjavi leads (1, p. 248) in the list of these poets presented in the memoirs. Talking about the high profes- sionalism and moral dignity of the poet, the author of the memoirs writes that his Khamsa and Divan consisting of two thousand distiches has the best values and are unreachable as unique gems of art. He describes with very convincingly the historical meeting of the poet with Atabay Gizil Arslan, the scene which reflects the respect and love of this great king to this genius poet. He writes that Nizami died on Friday, the fourth day of Shaban month in 576 of the hegira calendar in the period of governance of Alp Arslan’s son Sultan Toghrul and was buried in Ganja. On Pages 551 and 552 of the memoirs, Nizami’s distiches in which the dates of writing of the poems included in Nizami’s Khamsa are mentioned are also provided. In the under-textual comments that Aliriza Goujezadeh made to the memoirs, it is written that some of these distiches differed from the printed copies of Khamsa and some of the distiches were not in these texts. And all of these moments makes this new source more interesting for researchers of Nizami’s literary heritage.

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Another Azerbaijani poet who is presented in more detail in the memoirs is Khagani Shirvani (1, p. 254-256). Having also respectful mind about this poet, the author narrates some moments of his life, his travel from Shirvan to Beilagan, his detention in Shabran tower for seven months, his pilgrimage to Mecca after the imprisonment, being of his previous nickname Hagaigi, and in order to make the memoirs more interesting for readers narrates one interesting fragment from the poet’s life, similarly many other biographies. He writes that Khagani died in the 15th day of Maharram month of 582 of the hegira calendar and his tomb is side by side with the tomb of Zahiraddin Fariabi in Surkhab cemetery in Tabriz. In the work, six distiches from the elegy that Khagani wrote to Sheikh Hafiz Abu Ali al-Attar Hamadani are provided (1, p. 142). When talking about Asiraddin Aksikati, a Turkish national and Persian-speaking poet, the memoirs’ author compares him to Khagani and writes that each of them had specific characteristics not found in the other, and notes that the grandiloquent words of Khagani are higher above others (pp. 259-260). When talking about Mujiraddin Beilagani, the author writes that other poets envied him, that he wrote a satire to the poets of Isfahan for some reason and the Isfahan poets replied him acutely, and notes that he died on Wednesday, in the fifth day of Ramadan month in 600 of the hegira calendar (1, p. 261). When studying these memoirs, Aliriza Goujezadeh used relevant works and sources about each poet and the poems given as examples or addressed to them, and showed the differences in the footnotes. He writes that one of the quatrains of Mujiraddin Beilagani presented in the memoirs is also in his Divan, but is presented in a different form. In addition to these genius poets, the memoirs also give information about a new series of Azerbaijani poets, interesting moments of their lives, their travels, meetings, and their birth and death dates. We present their names and the dates related to them in the sequence presented in that book: - King Shamsaddin Tabrizi. Died in 671 of the hegira calendar. His tomb is in Konya (1, p. 273). - Khaja Nasiraddin Tusi. Died on one of the Fridays of Shavval month of 691 of the hegira calendar. His tomb is now a visit place in Shiraz (1, p. 276). - Khaja Humam Tabrizi. Died in Shavval month of 713 of the hegira calendar. His tomb is in Tabriz (1, p. 282). - Khaja Salman Javaji. Died in 769 of the hegira calendar (1, p. 291). - Movlana Badr Shirvani. Died on Wednesday in the fifth day of Ramadan in 851 of the hegira calendar. His tomb is in Shirvan (p. 305). - Shah Gasim Anvar. Died on Monday in the third day of Shaban month of 837 of the hegira calendar. He was buried in Jam in his own garden and upon instruction of Emir Alishir Navayi, a mausoleum was constructed on his tomb (1, p. 306).

After these authors, the memoirs present four poets with last names Sabzavari. We suppose that there were also Turkish national poets among them: -Emir Sahi Sabzavari. Born in Maharram month of 787 of the hegira calendat and died in 857 of the hegira calendar. His tomb is in Sabzavar (1, p. 313). - Movlana Zinati Sabzavari. He was a colloquist with Emir Sahi Sabzavari. He died in the tenth day of Jamadi us-Sani month of 897 of the hegira calendar. His tomb is in Sabzavar (1, p. 339). - Khaja Mahmud Katib Sabzavari. He was also a great calligrapher. He died on Friday in the ninth day of Maharram month of 914 of the hegira calendar (1, p. 374). - Molla Hussein Vaiz Sabzavari. He is an author of many works. As his nickname was Kashifi, he is mainly known as Vaiz Kashifi. He died in the eighteen day of Shaban month of 933 of the hegira calendar. His tomb is in Herat (1, p. 381).

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No doubt, Turkish national poets are in majority among many artists with the last name of Samargandi, presented in the memoirs, and their wwirting their works in Persian was a requirement of their time. In general, medieval intellectuals of the Muslim East knew Arabic, Persian and Turkish in many cases and wrote their works in any of these languages by considering the auditorium of their readers, irrespective of their national origin. In the modern sense, they wrote their works in a multicultural environment. Authors failing to find supporters in the places where they were bon sometimes travelled throughout long distances and went to the provinces of governors valuing the poetry and arts and wrote their works with their support. For example, in the fourth layer of the memoirs, dedicated to sultans, it is written that Abdullah Kabuli wrote in the article dedicated to Sultan Baisungur bin Shahrukh Mirza (16th day of Ramazan month, 802 – 6th day of Rajab month, 837 of the hegira calendar), who was a protector of poetry and arts and wrote poems in Persian and Turkish, that fifty scribes were engaging in copying out books in his library and their supervisor was Movlana Jafar Tabrizi. The death date of the sultan who died at his young time is presented with factual histories written by Emir Sahi Sabzavari (1, 468-470). Writing that one of Nizami’s followers Movlana Katibi (death date is the 4th day of Shaban month of the hegira calendar) who wrote a reply to Khamsa, was also a great calligrapher and came to Shirvan and lived under protection of Emir Sheikh Ibrahim Shirvani and got both material and moral support significantly from the Sultan, the memoirs’ author also notes that the poet got fifteen thousand Shirvan dirham from the Sultan for his Ode with the repeated word Gul (flower) and distributed that money within a month to poets and poor people in the Caravansary in Shirvan. All of these creates a clear imagination about the literary environment and the relationship between governors and poets in Azerbaijan at that time, coming from the original source (1, p. 302-304). When talking about Azerbaijani poet Badr Shirvani, Abdullah Kabuli writes that Mushairas and Debates happened between Movlana Katibi who came from Khorasan and him, that is, they held poem contests, and also notes that ‘some owners of merit prefer Badr Shirvani’s poems more than his poems.’ (1, p. 305) In this small article, we talked about the chapter dedicated to poets of Abdullah Kabuli’s work titled Tazkirat at-Tavarikh and about some moments related to Azerbaijan and the Turkic world there. No doubt that these memoirs consisting of six layers and dedicated to various scientific areas are also waiting for larger researches as a multidisciplinary source in terms of study of the medieval history, Islamic history and other scientific areas.

References:

1. Abdullah Kabuli. Tazkirat at-Tavarikh (Studied and corrected by Aliriza Goujezadeh). Tehran, 2013. – 49+704 p. 2. Doctor Sayyid Aliriza Nagavi. Tazkiranavisi dar Hando . Tehran, 1964 – 879 p. 3. Ahmad Goulchin Maani. Tarikhe-Tazkirehaye-Farsi. Volume 1. – Tehran, 1350. – 769 p. Tehran – 1350, Volume 1, Volume 2. 4. Ahmad Goulchin Maani. Tarikhe-Tazkirehaye-Farsi. Volume 2. – Tehran, 1350. – 1029 p. 5. Stori C.A. Persian Literature: Biographic-Bibliographic Overview / Reworked and completed by Y.E.Bregel. Volume 1 – M., 1972. – 693 p. 6. Digest of Oriental Manuscripts of the Academy of Sciences of Uzbekistan SSR. Part 1 / Under the editorship and with participation of A.A.Semyonova), - Tashkent, 1952.

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Əkrəm Bağırov

Abdulla Kabulinin “Təzkirət ət-təvarix” əsərində Azərbaycan ədəbiyyatı ilə bağlı məqamlar

XÜLASƏ

Açar sözlər: XVII əsr, şair, türkdilli, dəyər, mənbə, multidissiplinar, Azərbaycan, ədəbiyyat

Hazırki məqalə XVII əsr müəllifi Abdulla Kabulinin son dövrlərə qədər tədqiqatdan kənarda qalmış “Təzkirət ət-təvarix” əsərinə həsr olunmuşdur. Əsərin məhdud sayda olan əlyazmaları onun araşdırılması üçün çətinlikliklər törətsə də 2013-cü ildə İran alimi Əlirza Qoucezade tərəfindən Tehranda çap olunması ədəbi-elmi dövriyyədə bu təzkirəyə marağı artırdı. Altı təbəqədən ibarət olan bu əsərdə farsdilli şairlərlə yanaşı türkdilli şairlərin, o cümlədən Azərbaycan şairlərinin də təqdim olunması bu təzkirənin bizim üçün dəyərini daha da artırır.Ərazi cəhətcə böyük bir regionu və müxtəlif millətləri əhatə edən bu əsər həm də multidissiplinar bir mənbə kimi diqqəti cəlb edir. Əsər zəngin mənbələr əsasında yazıldığın- dan günümüzə çatmayan bəzi mənbələr haqqında da məlumat verir. Əsərdə təqdim olunan Azərbaycanlı müəlliflərdən Xacə Nəsirəddin Tusinin, Xacə Hümam Təbrizinin, Xacə Salman Savəcinin, Mövlanə Bədr Şirvaninin, Şah Qasım Ənvarın və başqalarının adlarını çəkmək olar. Günahi təxəllüsü ilə şeirlər yazan Abdulla Kabulinin orta əsr şairləri haqqında dediyi sözlər və şeir sənətinə olan baxışları orijinallığı ilə maraq doğurur. Elmin müxtəlif sahələrinə həsr olunmuş bu təzkirə ədəbiyyatşünaslıq mənbəyi olmasından əlavə orta əsrlər tarixi, islam tarixi və başqa elm sahələrinin tədqiqi baxımından da öz geniş araşdırıcısını gözləyir.

Акрам Багиров

Произведение Абдулла Кабули «Тазкират ат – таварих» и некоторые его части связанные с Азербайджанской литературой

РЕЗЮМЕ

Ключевые слова: ХVII век, поэт, тюркоязычный, оценка, источник, мульти-дис- циплинарный, Азербайджан, литература

Данная статья посвящена изучению произведения автора ХVII века Абдуллы Ка- були «Тазкират ат – таварих», изданного в 2013 году в Тегеране, в частности, третьему разделу этого произведения, посвящѐнному поэтам, в числе которых представлены тюркоязычные, в том числе и азербайджанские поэты. В произведении, впервые вошед- шего в научный оборот, автор статьи привлекает внимание читателя на то, что этот труд является также мультидисциплинарным.

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Aybaniz Rahimova.The Manuscript and Printed Copies of the ‘Battal Gazi Saga’ Being Maintained at the Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli of ANAS // J. of “Manuscripts Don’t Burn". №1(8), 2019, Special issue, pp. 82-88.

UDC: 091 (821); 930.272

Aybaniz Rahimova Ph.D in Philology, Associate Professor Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli, ANAS 26 Istiglaliyat Street, Baku E-mail: [email protected]

THE MANUSCRIPT AND PRINTED COPIES OF THE ‘BATTAL GAZI SAGA’ BEING MAINTAINED AT THE INSTITUTE OF MANUSCRIPTS NAMED AFTER MUHAMMAD FUZULI OF ANAS

Key words: Battal Gazi Saga, Anatolia, Azerbaijan, Islam, manuscript, printed copy

The first Turkic-Oghuz Saga ‘Battal Gazi Saga’ written in the territory of Anatolia was also one of the widely disseminated works in Azerbaijan. This work’s manuscript and three printed copies being maintained at the Institute of Manuscripts of the Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences prove this. Although it was created and written in Anatolia, it also dis- seminated in very various places where Turks lived, in addition to Anatolia and Azerbaijan, and dedicated to Turkish hero Battal who struggled for Islam with his sword. The Baku manuscript of the saga known as Kitabi-Sayyid Battal Gazi, Kitabi-Gazavati-Battal-Gazi, Kitabi-Managibi-Gazavati-Battal Gazi, Sayyid Battal Gazi and Battalnama was called Kitabi- Sayyid-Battal-Gazi. The saga’s manuscript copies are maintained at Turkey’s variety of libraries and at the manuscript treasures of Drezden, Berlin, Paris, London, Vienna, Upsala, Sankt-Petersburg and other cities. Some of them were described scientifically-paleographical- ly by Flesher, Etie, Riye, Getz, Bloshe, Zettersen and others. The work’s manuscript copy being maintained at the Institute of Manuscripts of the Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences under Code B-7698 previously belonged to the collection of Azerbaijan’s prominent Linguist-scientist, professor Azal Damirchizadeh. There is the scientist’s own stamp on Page 28a. For known reasons, this work with religious content was not published and studied in the Soviet period. And in Turkey, the Battal Gazi Saga was published and seriously studied only recently. Hassan Koksal published the book titled Structure of Type & Motives in Battalna- mas in 1984 and titled Battal Gazi Saga in 2003. In 1993, Burhan Pachalioglu wrote and published the doctoral dissertation titled Battalnama. Besides these, we can mention the names of V.M.Kojaturk, P.Boratav, N.Damir and I.Melikof, who studied the saga in Turkey. Surely, we should also take into account the valuable opinions that Professor M.F.Koprulu gave about this saga in his works titled Literary Researches, History of Turkish Literature and Early Sufis in Turkish Literature. The textual study of the Battal Gazi Saga was firstly started by German Scientists H. Fleisher and H. Etie. The scientists translated the text they prepared on the basis of the com- parison of several manuscripts into Germany and published it. When writing her monography titled Malik Ahmad Danishmand, which she published in 1959, the scientist of Petersburg

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Institute of Oriental Studies V.S. Garbuzova also addressed to Battalnama saga that was written in the same style one century before the mentioned saga, and Turkish scientists who studied it addressed to the works of M.F.Koprulu, H.S.Yujelen and Russian scientist V.G.Smirnov and benefitted from them (1, p. 85-52). The first information on the existence of the Baku copy of the Battal Gazi Saga was given by Professor Azada Musayeva. In her article titled Baku Manuscript of Battal Gazi Saga, the scientist gave information on the lithographic copies of the saga being maintained at the Institute of Manuscripts, and determined that the lithographical book with Code V-86 be- longed to prominent Azerbaijani writer and statesman Nariman Marimanov while describing them paleographically. She also discovered that the mentioned manuscript with Code B-7698 of the Battal Gazi Saga belonged to Professor Abdulazal Damirchizadeh, and is being main- tained at the Institute of Manuscripts. She also described the saga scientifically-paleographi- cally. The scientist’s articles are not only about the manuscript and printed copies of the monument, but are generally the early researches about the saga in Azerbaijan (2). In 2009, Aybaniz Rahimova, a researcher of the ANAS Institute of Manuscripts, PhD in Philology published the full text of the Baku copy of the monument in the modern alphabet with a large foreword and also added a facsimile text of the work to it. It was published on the basis of the copy of the saga which formed in the 11-13th centuries and was prepared in the written form in the 13th century, copied out in Azerbaijan in the 19th century. The book’seditor Professor Azada Mousayeva also wrote an additional foreword to it. We should mention that both of the researchers who wrote a foreword to the Baku publication of this monument state that this work formed in Anatolia is a common saga of , and compare it with the Kitabi-Dada-Gorgud. The researchers show that most of the copies of the saga, including the Baku copy was written with prosy (3). However, there is also a poeti- cal version of the work. This only poetical manuscript was written by Bagai in the 18th cen- tury in the ruling period of Ottoman Imperator 3rd Mustafa. The author of the copy being maintained at the Istanbul University with Code TY 88 turned it into the poetical form on the basis of the Battalnama written with prosy and that time shortened the text significantly. There is information that the work was published in Istanbul in 1870 and in Kazan in 1888. At the Institute of Manuscripts of the Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences, named after Muhammad Fuzuli, 3 copies of the Battal Gazi Saga published in 1287 of the hegira cal- endar (or 1870 of the current calendar) are maintained. We hereby present the paleographical description of these copies: (i) The printed book being maintained with Code V-86/1692 was covered with color cardboard with yellow dots on it. Its sizes are 24x14 cm and its volume is 122 pages. The first page of this book published in 1287 of the hegira calendar (or 1870-1871 of the current calen- dar) was bordered with an ornamental framework and the words ‘Gazavati-Sultan Sayyid Battal Gazi’ were written on it. The book written with the Naskh script style with vowel points was published by means of the lithographical technique at the company of Khayriy- yayi-Sahhafiyya. (ii) The book being maintained with Code X-165 and published in 1298 of the hegira calendar or 1881 off the current calendar has a black cover. Its sizes are 24x16 cm and its vol- ume is 175 pages. The book written with the Naskh script style with vowel points was pub- lished at the company of Khayriyyayi-Sahhafiyya. There are fragments of poems within the text written by prosy. (iii) The book being maintained with Code XVI-165 and consisting of 154 pages has a gray cardboard cover. Its sizes are 24x14 and its date is 1329 of the hegira calendar (or 1911 of the current calendar). Its script style is the Naskh script style with vowel points. It was published at the company of Khayriyyayi-Sahhafiyya.

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When reviewing these three copies, we can see that the text and the script style of all of these three books are the same. The same printing house published these books in different years. The introduction of all of these 3 books is the same:

Hər sözün əvvəli bismillahdır, Məxlugin çün hər sözü Allahdır. Həqqin ismini yad etməkdir ərkan, Bir ərkan xucunı tutduqda insan. Rəvadır ismini yad etmək anın Ki, andəndir hərəkatı cümlə canın...

All of these three books end with the funeral and mourning ceremonies of Battal Gazi. The words given at the end part are also the same: ‘Sayyid Battal Gazi’s mourning ended here. Fatiha for the souls of all warrior for the faith and for the kind resignation of God.’ At the end, the publication dates of the books were given. As mentioned in the colophons in the introduction of the printed books, the work con- sists of six volumes. In the introduction part coming before the volumes, the news that God sent to Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) through Jabrail are discussed. The Prophet is said that Muslims will be owners of Byzantine in the future if God allows: ‘Because the blessed feel- ings of my friend Ahmad and my Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) tended to Byzamntine and I have to give gifts to my country’s population to make them able to destroy churches and con- struct mosques and madrasas instead of them.’ (4, p.4) As mentioned above, the book consists of 6 chapters. There are endings at the end of each volume, written to arouse interest of the readers and inspire them to read the other volu- mes interestingly, too. For example, this note was written at the end of the first volume: ‘This volume ends here. You will hear fanciful things and make mistakes in the second volume. That’s all.’ (4, p. 83) At the end of the third volume, we can read: ‘This volume ends here. If God allows, fanciful events will happen in the fourth volume. That’s all.’ (4, p. 230) In the work, in particular at the beginning of the volumes, the narration technique clearly shows it- self. For example, the fourth volume starts in this order: ‘Raviyani-əxbar və naqilani-asar şöylə rəvayət edərlər ki …’ (4, p. 132). We can see chapters called scenes within some volu- mes. There is this scene within the fifth volume: ‘This scene is about the murder of cursed Babak by His Holiness Sayyid and about adventures.’ (4, p. 314) In this scene, the events happened in the ruling period of deceased Momin Khalifa’s son Moutasim. Battal Gazi gets information from a cameleer coming from the direction of Bagdad that a false prophet named Babak, who has a miraculous power, to whom no arrow may be stabbed, whom it is im- possible to cut him with a sword or burn him, appeared. He accepts the pork meat and wine as halal (permitted), regards daughters for fathers and sisters for brothers halal. Everything that this man says takes place. He removes hoards from the soil. His father was exiled to a village for committing a theft and committed adultery with an odalisque of that village when shepherding there and Babak was born from that adultery. It is very difficult to defeat Babak who uses the help of Devil. After long lasting fights, Battal Gazi accomplishes to defeat Babak and invites him to the Islamic religion. When Babak refuses, Battal Gazi burns him in Bagdad. Probably, Strasburg University’s Professor Iren Melikoff also based on this moment in the saga when saying that Battal lived at the time of Babak in her article titled Turkish Cau- casus Notes: Babak Hurrami and Sayyid Battal Gazi. We should note that this point is also in many manuscript copies of the saga besides the printed copies that we discuss, including the manuscript No 318, being maintained at Paris National Library, which was copied out in 1504, and manuscript No 339 copied out in 1609, which were studied by I.Melikoff. The

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J.of “Manuscripts don’t burn”: №1(8), 2019, Special issue, ISSN: 2410-5600 researcher tried to prove that the conflict between Babak and Afshin, which happened in the history was changed and reflected as the conflict between Babak and Battal Gazi and recognized at the end of her article that she don’t have enough facts to prove her thought, and wrote: ‘In any case, this text is an important source for those wanting to comprehensively study the history of Babak’s Hurrami revolution (5). The volume of the only manuscript of this monument, being maintained at the ANAS Institute of Manuscripts with Code B-7698 is 198 papers, and its sizes are 17.5x22 – 11.5x16 cm. Inside the blue-gray cardboard cover and in the introduction of the work, there is a note dated 1872 in Russian in writing with a black pencil stating that the manuscript belonged to Haji Muhammad Rafi Jaffarov. At the end of the book, on Page 197b, there is a fragment from a Persian poem, consisting of four distiches and a note in Russian stating that the book belongs to Muhammad Rafiyev. There is not any note on Pages 1a-b, 2b, 105a, and 196a-196b of the manuscript. The text was written repeatedly on Pages 3 a and 11a. At the end, there are these notes: ‘And this part ended here. 100 thousand greetings to the soul of Mustafa.’ And there are these notes written two times ‘I wrote it to leave it as a souvenir and ensure readers to say thousands of prayers to me’. The text was written with the Nastalig script type with the red ink on white one-color papers. There are 12 verses on each page. On the first page of the book, there is a one-page Nagis piece of writing before the basmala, which is relevant to the saga’s content. After this, the text of the saga starts. After the note ‘Tammat-ul-kitab be oun-ul-mulk-al vahhab’ at the end of the book, there are these words ‘Kitabi-Sayyid-Battal, Abdulvahhab valadi Mirza Jalil tamam shod. Marhum Nuxavi sahibi-kitab’, and the date was written as 1255 (1839 of the current calendar). On the basis of these notes, we can find out that the work was copied out by Abdulvahhab valadi-Mirza Jalil. We can suppose that the book was in the collection of Abdulgani Mukhavi Khalisagarizade, a famous textual expert, pedagogue and book expert of the 19th century. The script of the note written in 1255 of the hegira calendar (1839 of the current calendar) differs from the text and was written long afterwards the copying out of the work. We can say that the work was copied out in the first half of the 18th century for its paleographic characteristics. Some differences are visible between the text of the manuscript copy of the saga and that of its lithographically printed copy. The poetical introduction given before the text in the printed versions is not in the manuscript. The beginning of the stories were given in the intro- duction part in the printed versions. Here, the text were divided into 6 volumes. However, these divisions are not in the manuscript. We can say the followings on the brief content of the saga on the basis of the Baku copy: It is already several days that His Holiness Prophet (pbuh) is anxious for not returning of Jabrayil (pbuh). He asks his companions to tell a cheering and pleasant story. One of his companions named Abdulvahhab talks about the largeness, beauties and pleasant places of Byzantine. With this talk, Abdulvahhab induced interest in the heart of the Prophet (pbuh) to Byzantine. That moment Jabrayil (pbuh) comes and brings news that after the death of His Holiness Prophet, a hero named Jafar from his dynasty will conquer Byzantine: ‘That moment Jabrayil (pbuh) came and conveyed the greetings of God. He said: Prophet of God, that Byzantine will become Muslim. But it will not be in your period. After your death, a wrestler from Malatya City will appear. His name will be Jafar. He will be a son of Hossein Gazi and son of Amiralmominin Ali ibn Abu Talib. Jafar probably will conquer that country. Jafar will fight for justice in this world and do such things that even Rustami-Zal did not do those in the world.’ (3, p. 1b-2a). the Prophet finds out that only Abdulvahhab from his companions will see the day of conquest of Byzantine. He calls Abdulvahhab and says ‘open your mouth’ and passes water from his mouth to his mouth. That water stick in Abdulvahhab’s throat. His Holiness Prophet (pbuh) instructs him to deliver his escrow to Jafar and convey his greetings

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences together with the letter he wrote and stamped to Jafar. The work’s protagonist Jafar Battal Gazi is from the Prophet’s (pbuh) dynasty and is a descent of Imam Hossein. He is a son of prominent military commander Hossein Gazi fighting for Islam in Malatya. His father died in the fight with the army of Byzantine, headed by Mehri Babil. Jafar Battal Gazi has an extraordinary talent and legendary power. When he was 13, he finished reading of the four holy books and learned all sciences. For the heroisms and courage he demonstrated, his sup- porters want to appoint him to the position of the head of the army after his father. However, Jafar does not agree with that until he takes revenge for his father. After defeating the enemy and returning back to Malatya, he gets the title of Battal (Hero) and bears that name proudly until the end of his life. The work is rich with mythological characters, such as djinns, fairies, wizards and ogres, and exaggerated events. Such motives may also be found in a range of Azerbaijani sagas and tales. As in Azerbaijani sagas, there are also historical personas in ad- dition to legendary and mythological characters here. We can parallel this work with the sagas Kitabi-Dada Gorgud and . For example, alike Gazan Khan in the Kitabi-Dada Gorgud saga and Koroglu in the Koroglu saga, Battal Gazi also appears alone in the battlefields with enemies. Alike Salur Gazan, he distributes his property and the hauls he gained to the nation. Alike Salur Gazan’s brown horse and Koroglu’s Girat and Durat, Battal Gazi’s horse Ashgar is also famous. All of these three heroes has a sword differing from those of others. With his growling looking like Koroglu’s growling in battlefields, he puts fear in the hearts of his enemies. Throughout the work, Battal Gazi disseminates Islam through his sword in many places. Although sometimes he was captivated, he solved the problem. Finally, he died accidentally. Believers in all Muslim countries moon about him. As mentioned, although some events happening in the work are consistent with the his- torical events happened in the 8-9th centuries, the Battal Gazi saga shaped in the 11-13th cen- turies and was written in the 13th century. When comparing the language and style of the work with those of the Kitabi-Dada Gorgud, we can see that there are a range of consistent mo- ments between them. We think that the comparison of the saga’s text published by Prof. Dr. Nejati Damir and Associate Professor Dursun Ardam in 2006 on the basis of a range of copies with the Baku copy may lead to interesting scientific results. A range of differences draw at- tention. The number of the stories in the Battalnama saga consisting of 243 book pages, com- posed by N.Damir and M.D.Ardam is relatively more and the stories were described in more detail and comprehensively. There are fragments of poems in the introduction part and vari- ous parts. And in the Baku manuscript, as we mentioned, the stories were described more briefly and the battle scenes were described shortly and the parleys were described concretely. The text of the Battalnama published by N.Damir and M.D.Ardam is closer to the text of the lithographic copies being maintained at the Institute of Manuscripts. They also have the same structure and were written through the Nastalig script style with vowel points. N.Damir writes in his research about the Battalnama: ‘The Battalnama was written as prosy. Afterward, dis- tiches of various numbers were included in the introduction and various parts of the work.’ (6, p.52). As we mentioned, we can see fragments of poems in neither the introduction part nor its divisions. Probably, the Baku copy was copied out from an older manuscript of the saga and therefore, there are not the added fragments of poems here. The language of the saga which consists of mainly sort sentence is simple, readable and understandable. When comparing the Baku copy with the text prepared by N.Damir and M.D.Ardam, we can see that Arabic and Persian words are relatively more in the Baku copy. For example: In the Baku copy: ‘Yezidi-ləin bu gəlmək ilə yetmiş dörd il xəlifəlik eylədi. Xütbədə Əli adını bəduğur eylədi’ (3, p. 2a). In the copy published by N.Damir and M.D.Ardam: ‘Hilafeti gasb ile Yezid tutdı. Yetmiş dödr yıl ihanet eyledi. Hutbede Ali adını anmaz oldılar’ (6, p. 71).

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In the Baku copy: ‘Geyik qaçıb mağaraya girdi, nabud oldı’ (3, p.2a). In the copy published by N.Damir and M.D.Ardam: ‘Geyik kaçdı, geldi, bir mağaraya girdi, belürsiz oldı’ (6, p. 72). In the Baku copy: ‘Elə məsləhət olundu ki, Abdussəlam Cəfər yetişincə bəd əzan il bunun üzrə keçdi’ (3, p. 5a). In the copy published by N.Damir and M.D.Ardam: ‘Şöyle maslahat gördüler ki, Cafer büyüyüncə Abdus-Selami ser-asker kıldılar On yıl bunun üzerine geçdi’ (6, p.72).

And the text of saga published by N.Damir and M.D.Ardam also differs in terms of the structure of the sentences to some extent. We think that it was due to the interference of the scribes. However, we also think that the both texts significantly reflect the characteristics of the early version of the saga. Based on the spelling and grammatical characteristics of the Baku copy of the saga, it can be easily determined that it was copied out in Azerbaijan. Probably, this copy is the manuscript in which the saga’s that version disseminated in Azer- baijan was written. In the Baku copy of the Kitabi-Sayyid Battal Gazi saga, the ancient ver- sions of a range of words have been maintained. Replacement of the e-i letters is observed in some words. For example, ‘didi’ instead of ‘dedi’ (said) and ‘virdi’ instead of ‘verdi’ (gave). In the text, various graphical versions of individual words are found. For example, ‘Qamusu- hamusu-həpsi’ (all). It is observed that the personal pronouns are used in two graphical versions as mən-bən and bunda-munda. In the work, we frequently find proverbs, expressions and bywords coming from the public language. The Baku copy of the Battal Gazi saga disseminated in Anatolia and written for the first time proves that the work also disseminated in Azerbaijan and was copied out by scribes. The text of the Baku copy reflects a range of linguistic characteristics of the Azerbai- jani-Turkish language. The maintenance of also the saga’s copies published in Istanbul at the ANAS Institute of Manuscripts is another proof showing that the popularity of this work in Azerbaijan. The comparative analysis of the Turkey and Baku copies of the Battal Gazi saga may valuably contribute to the study of Azerbaijani-Turkey folklore relations.

References:

1. Garbuzova V.S. ‘Tale About Malik Danishmand’. Moscow: Printing House ‘East- ern Literature’, 1959. 2. Mousayeva A. Baku Manuscript of Battal Gazi Saga // ‘Medieval Manuscripts & Problems of the History of Azerbaijani Culture’, Materials of the 6th Scientific-Theoretical Conference. Baku, 1998. 3. Kitabi-Sayyid Battal Gazi. Manuscript. Institute of Manuscripts. Code: B-7698. 4. Managibi-Gazavati-Sayyid Battal Gazi. Lithographic Book. Institute of Manu- scripts. Code: XVI-165. 5. Melikova I. Turkish-Caucasus Notes: Babak Khurrami and Sayyid Battal Gazi. Newspaper ‘Ədəbiyyat və İncəsənət’, Baku, November 25, 1988. 6. Damir Nejati, Ardam Mehmet Dursun. ‘-Battal-Nama’. Heje Publications/ Saga, 2006.

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Aybəniz Rəhimova

“Battal Qazi” dastanının AMEA Məhəmməd Füzuli adına Əlyazmalar İnstitutunda saxlanan əlyazma və çap nüsxələri

XÜLASƏ

Açar sözlər: Battal Qazi Dastanı, Anadolu, Azərbaycan, İslam, əlyazma, çap kitabı

İslam tarixində bir çox fateh şəxsiyyətlər fiziki gücü, İslami əxlaqı, igidlikləri və yenilməzliklərilə seçilmişlər. Üstün cəhətlərilə fərqlənən məşhurların həyatı və göstərdikləri igidlikər haqqında xalq sevə-sevə dastanlar qoşmuş və bu bu şəxsiyyətlərin adı əsasən XIII- XIV əsrlərdə türk dilində ilk yazılı ədəbi-bədii məhsulların əfsanəvi qəhrəmanlarına çevril- mişlər. Türk dilində, İslam carçılarının adı ilə ortaya çıxan dini qəhrəmanlıq dastanları, Ana- dolu türk ədəbiyyatının köklərinə bağlanır, ilk növbədə qədim dövrlərdə və erkən orta çağ- larda həmin ərazidə yaşamış türk xalqlarının zəngin şifahi yaradıcılığına və epos mədəniy- yətinə söykənir. İslami dastan qəhrəmanları həm məntiq silsiləsi etibarı ilə, həm mifik görnüşləri, həm də ətraflarında cərəyan edən mistik hadisələrin iştirakçıları kimi eyni özəllik- lər daşıyır.

Айбаниз Рагимова

Рукописный и печатные списки «Сказания о Баттал Гази», хранящиеся в Институте Рукописей имени Мухаммеда Физули НАН Азербайджана

РЕЗЮМЕ

Ключевые слова: сказание о Баттал Гази, Анатолия, Азербайджан, ислам, рукопись, печатная книга

Тюркско-огузский героическо-религиозный эпос «Сказание о Баттал Гази» был широко известен не только в Анатолии, но и на территории Азербайджана. Об этом свидетельствуют 1 рукописный и 3 печатные списки произведения, находящиеся в Институте Рукописей НАН Азербайджана. К сожалению, из-за религиозной тематики это произведение в советское время не было издано и изучено в Азербайджане. И в Турции серъезным изучением эпоса начали заниматься в последнее время. Рукописный список произведения, хранящийся в Институте Рукописей Азербайджана назван «Кита- би-Баттал Гази». Эта рукопись была переписана Абдул-Ваххабом валади Мирза Джалил и в 1839 году находилась в коллекции известного текстолога и педагога Абдул- гани Нухави. В некоторых местах можно увидеть различия между бакинской руко- писью и турецкими списками произведения.

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Azizagha Najafzade. Saga ‘Gilgamish’ & Nizami Ganjavi’s Everlasting Khamsa // J. of “Manuscripts Don’t Burn". №1(8), 2019, Special issue, pp. 89-92.

UDC: 821; 82.091

Azizagha Najafzade Ph.D in Philology, Associate Professor Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli, ANAS 26 Istiglaliyat Street, Baku E-mail: [email protected]

SAGA ‘GILGAMISH’ & NIZAMI GANJAVI’S EVERLASTING KHAMSA

Key words: Nizami Ganjavi, ‘Khamsa’, Saga ‘Gilgamish’, ‘Kitabi-Dada-Gorgud’

We can observe the signs of the impressive influence of Saga Gilgamish in the world- famous poems included in Nizami Ganjavi’s ‘Khamsa’. Thus, some stories of the poet’s poems, such as ‘Khosrov and Shirin’, ‘Leyli and Majnun’, ‘Seven Pretties’ and ‘Iskandar- nama’ can be paralleled with the events in this saga. We think that the reason for these consistencies is the preservation of some elements of the ancient Babylon saga on the person ‘Knowing Secrets and Seeing Secret Places’ in the ancient sources and Turkic national sagas, tales, legend and stories that Nizami used. That is, although Nizami did not use the Saga Gilgamish directly, he indirectly benefitted from also Saga Gilgamish as he benefitted from national sources in which its archetype was preserved. Thus, the ancient culture standing on the basis of the ancient Turkic folklore showed itself in this way in the all-Turkic written literature of the early and medieval ages and in Nizami’s heritage. The influence of the first heroic saga known with its first lines as an ancient Babylon text on the person ‘Knowing Secrets and Seeing Secret Places’, which is known to us as an example of the ancient world literature, on the all-Turkic art of word – both on verbal and written examples - cannot be neglected. We can also observe the signs of this saga in the world-known poems included in Khamsa of Nizami Ganjani, a great Azerbaijani poet. Some stories of the poet’s poems, such as ‘Khosrov and Shirin’, ‘Leyli and Majnun’, ‘Seven Pretties’ and ‘Iskandarnama’ can be paralleled with the events in the saga Gilgamish. For example, in Khosrov and Shirin poem of the poet, we can see how protagonist Khosrov changes with the influence of his endless love to Shirin, and improve and develop himself. And in the ancient Gilgamish saga, it is described that Enkidun who was a part of the wild nature gets separated from the wild world after feeling the love of a pretty woman named Shamhar and conceiving the pleasure of the physical contact with her, and gets closer to human beings, that is, develops. Or King Bahram, the protagonist of Nizami’s Seven Pretties work stays around pretty princesses during seven symbolic nights and grows away from the world affairs and in this period, a gap arises in the power. And in the Saga Gilgamish, Enkidu had Shamhar as a guest for seven nights at his cave and when enjoying the love with her, completely grew away from the affairs happening around.

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While in Nizami’s Leyli and Majnun work, Majnun finds the divine rest only among wild animals after failing to come together with Leyli, contrary to this, in the saga Gilgamish, Enkidu lives with wild animals before conceiving the feminine beauty and enjoying it. Alike Nizami’s Majnun, Enkidu is also happy when being in the unity with the wild world. Only the love, woman and passion can separate him from this balanced situation. As in Nizami’s Khosrov and Shirin work, the literary protagonist in the saga Gilgamish also sees the woman who leads to his moral development while taking a shower. In both works, this is somehow a test for the protagonist. Although the situation that Khosrov faces represents gaining of victory over the passion, and Enkidu’s behavior when facing that situation represents his failure to his passion, in both works, it is a motive leading to the moral development of the protagonist. It is known that in the Khosrov and Shirin poem, Khosrov sees the events that he will then face and the award waiting for him in the future in his dream. Gilgamish saga’s protagonist Gilgamish also sees his meeting with Enkidu, the fame he will gain and all the happy moments that he will face in his dream. In both works, the dream acts as a forerunner of the events that may happen, as in our national sagas. As in Nizami’s Iskandarnama work, the protagonist in the saga Gilgamish also searches for the source of immortality and eternal life. The water of life in Iskandarnama and the jiaogulan in Gilgamish symbolizes the victory over the death. In both work, the dark world is shown as the place of this eternal life source. And what is interesting is that in both works, the source of eternal life does not become the destiny of the persons searching for it, but becomes the destiny of others – Hizir in Iskandarnama and the snake in Gilgamish. The number of such parallel aspects may probably be increased. Our aim in listing these similarities between the works of Nizami’s heritage and the stories of the saga Gilgamish is not to assert that Nizami was just aware of this saga and benefitted from it. We think that the reason for this similarities is the preservation of some elements of the ancient Babylon saga on the person ‘Knowing Secrets and Seeing Secret Places’ in the ancient sources and Turkic national sagas, tales, legend and stories that Nizami used. That is, although Nizami did not use the Saga Gilgamish directly, he indirectly benefitted from also Saga Gilgamish as he benefitted from national sources in which its archetype was preserved. Thus, the ancient Mesopotamia culture standing on the basis of the ancient Turkic folklore showed itself in this way in the all-Turkic written literature of the early and medieval ages and in Nizami’s heritage. It is also possible to see the closeness between the ancient Babylon literary texts and the early sources of the Azerbaijani Turkish literature in the similarity showing itself between some parts of the saga Gilgamish and the texts of some parts of the Kitabi-Dada-Gorgud saga, which is considered as the key book of the Azerbaijani nation. Prominent linguist scientist Gazanfar Kazimov expressed that the ancient Sumerian eposes belong to the same ground with the Turkic and Azerbaijani heroic sagas in this way in his research titled History of Azerbaijani Language: From the Most Ancient Times to the 13th Century: ‘Nine heroic sagas created by the ancient Sumerians are known. Most of these sagas is related to the ancient Azerbaijani government Aratta. Some part of the protagonists of the sagas – En-Merkar, Lugalbanda and Bilgamis are historical personalities. The saga Bilgamis is closely related to the Turkish sagas created later. The name of the saga’s protagonist has the same structure with the names of a range of protagonists of the Turkish sagas created later.’ (1, 83) We should mention that these similarities are not only visible in the aspect that the names of the protagonists have the same structure (for example, Gilgamish / Alpamish / Ilalmish), but also in the flow of the stories. For example, when comparing the content of the 12th clay board of Gilgamish, which is provisionally called as the Landing to the Underground

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– The Afterlife to the content of the Dada Gorgud saga’s part titled Pillage of Salur Gazan’s Home, we see almost the same expression style of the thought, which looks like the same literary trick. If one reading the addressing of Gazan Khan to the place of residence, water, wolf and etc. and communication of him with them when returning back to his place of residence and seeing that his place of residence has become destroyed in the part titled Pillage of Salur Gazan’s Home compares it to the addressing of Gilgamish in the 12th board of Gilgamish saga to Enlil, the God of Wind, Air and Battle, the Moon freely moving on the sky and Ea, the God of Water and Wisdom when seeing the lifeless boy of his friend Enkidu to find a solution for his trouble, probably may confirm that the psychological situation of the protagonists and the expression style of the thought are very close to each other in terms of the literary form in both texts. (For comparison, see: 2, 40-43; 3, 88-89) In both texts, the same sentence is addressed to various objects of addressing and only the addressee changes. For example, while the question sentence in the mentioned part of the saga Dada-Gorgud is: ‘If you have any information about my army, tell me May my black head become sacrifice to you, my water (my wolf in the other)’, the repeating text in Gilgamish is this: ‘My God, when the death called me, my best friend went for me and now, he is not alive.’ In both texts, the same sentence is repeated through addressing to various objects. Just in one of the texts, the type of question sentence is used, while the type of exclamatory sentence is used in the other text, and while the object of address is sacred beings and totems, it is Gods with extraordinary powers in Gilgamish. Considering that the signs of the impressive influence of the saga Gilgamish are seen in monuments like Kitabi-Dada-Gorgud which stands over the cradle of the art of word of Azerbaijan, thus, we can daringly assume that the advanced culture of Mesopotamia, Baby- lon’s rich literary and Sumerian sagas might indirectly influence the heritage of Nizami Gan- javi.

References:

1. Kazimov Gazanfar. History of Azerbaijani Language: From the Most Ancient Times to the 13th Century, Baku: TEAS Press, 2017, p. 678 2. Kitabi-Dada-Gorgud. Original and Simplified Texts. Baku: Ondar, 2004, p. 376 3. Gilgamish Saga. Composition: Danny P. Jackson // Translated by Ahmet Antmen, Ankara: Arkadash, 2016, p. 94 4. Nizami Ganjavi. Secret Treasure (Translated by Khalil Riza from Persian, Foreword written by Isa Habibbayli, Edited by Teimur Karimli). Baku: Sharg-Garb, 2017, p. 262 5. Nizami Ganjavi. Khosrov and Shirin (Translator of the work from Persian and Author of the foreword is Khalil Yusifli). Ganja: 2011, p. 232

Əzizağa Nəcəfzadə

“Gilqamış” dastanı və Nizami Gəncəvinin “Xəmsə”si

XÜLASƏ

Açar sözlər: Nizami Gəncəvi, “Xəmsə”, “Gilqamış” dastanı, “Kitabi-Dədə Qorqud”.

Nizami Gəncəvinin “Xəmsə”sinə daxil olan dünya şöhrətli poemalarında “Gilqamış” dastanının nüfuzedici təsirnin izlərini görmək mümkündür. Şairin “Xosrov və Şirin”, “Leyli və Məcnun”, “Yeddi gözəl”, “İskəndərnamə” kimi poemalarının bəzi süjetləri ilə bu dastanda-

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences kı hadisələr arasında müəyyən paralelliklər aparmaq olar. Bu uyğunluqların səbəbi qədim Ba- bil dastanının bəzi elementlərinin Nizaminin istifadə etdiyi qədim mənbələrdə və həmçinin türk xalq dastan, nağıl, əfsanə və rəvayətlərində nəzərəçarpacaq dərəcədə qorunmasıdır. Ni- zami bilavasitə “Gilqamış” dastanından istifadə etməsə də, onun arxetipinin qorunduğu xalq mənbələrindən faydalanmışdır. Qədim türk folklorunun özülündə duran antik İkiçayarası mə- dəniyyəti ilkin və orta əsr ümumtürk yazılı ədəbiyyatında yaşadığı kimi, Nizaminin irsində də özünü biruzə vermişdir. Bu oxşarlıqlar süjet axarında daha aydın hiss olunur. Məqalədə Nizami irsinə daxil olan əsərlərlə “Gilqamış” dastanın süjeti arasındakı mü- əyyən oxşarlıqları verməkdə məqsədimiz Nizaminin məhz bu dastanla tanış olduğunu, ondan xəbərdar olub, ondan bəhrələndiyini iddia etmək deyil, Nizami Gəncəvi irsinə də İkiçayara- sının yüksək mədəniyyətinin, Babilin zəngin bədii ədəbiyyatının, Şumer dastanlarının bilva- sitə təsiri ola biləcəyini nümayiş etdirməkdir.

Азизага Наджафзаде

«Эпос о Гильгаме́ше» и «Хамса» Низами Гянджеви

РЕЗЮМЕ

Ключевые слова: Низами Гянджеви, «Хамса», «Э́пос о Гильгаме́ше», «Китаби Деде Коркут»

Среди прославленных поэм, включённых в «Хамсу» Низами Гянджеви, можно увидеть влиятельные следы эпоса «Гильгамеш». И так, можно провести определённые параллели между некоторыми сюжетами таких поэм поэта как «Хосров и Ширин», «Лейли и Меджнун», «Семь красавиц», «Искендернаме» и событиями, происходящими в этом эпосе. Можно предположить, что причиной этих сходств является сохранение некоторых элементов древнего эпоса Вавилона о человеке «Знающий все секреты, видевший тайные места», которые Низами использовал в древних источниках, в том числе в тюркских народных дастанах, сказках, легендах и притчах. Низами не пользо- вался эпосам «Гильгамеш», но используя народные источники, где хранятся архетипы этого дастана (эпоса) он непосредственно питался им. Античная культура Месопо- тамии, стоящая на основе древнего тюркского фольклора, таким образом, проявилась в первоначальной и средневековой общетюркской письменной литературе, а также в наследие Низами.

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Javid Jafarov. A brief history of Armenian biblioclasm // J. of “Manuscripts Don’t Burn". №1(8), 2019, Special issue, pp. 93-100.

UDC: 930.85 (008); 343.76; 091

Javid Jafarov Ph.D in History, Associate Professor Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli, ANAS 26 Istiglaliyyat Street, Baku E-mail: [email protected]

A BRIEF HISTORY OF ARMENIAN BIBLIOCLASM

Key words: history of Armenian biblioclasm, Armenian vandalism, book burning

Abstract No matter how difficult, we have to remember that book burning or biblioclasm is one of the oldest mental-psychological diseases that the Nazis, radical Islamists, were sick at one time. Oddly enough, too, have long-term biblioclasm disease. Since the 8th century up to now, Armenian vandals have burned at least 10 million valuable manuscripts and books in the territory of Azerbaijan. Only in the March massacre of Azerbaijanis in 1918 in Baku were burned more than 20,000 volumes of books. The article is devoted to the study of the history of this problem.

Introduction The paradox ‘You don't have to burn books to destroy a culture. Just get people to stop reading them’, which we find in Ray Bradbury’s famous work named Fahrenheit 4511 is not actually a ‘philosophy’ kneaded in a passive fantasy to please booklover readers. Probably there are people who conceive this metaphor as a sporadic artistic example removed from its context without reading the mentioned work. However, when analyzing the work in detail it becomes clear that this artistic technique – logical oxymoron, contrast that Bradbury used to create both a stylistic effect and mental self-returning impact talk about serious issues that we have to from generation to generation. Although the work’s protagonist Guy Montag serves as a ‘firefighter’, according to the new rules, the fire that he will put out must be created by him, not others. Montag’s job is to fire the libraries and bookstores in the city and at the last stage dowse ‘satisfactory’ water to the books he fired and burned to ashes. Some day comes and Montag understands that he axed the future of the world and leaves his job, family, friends, the city where he lived, in short, everything that he regarded as valuable; joins those ‘who retired the world’, that is, knowledgeable-informed persons, scientists, librarians and starts to fight against those bur- ning books like him. In this anti-utopist walk, the final conclusion of Bradbury is that the book is only valu- able then when it is read. If books are not read in a society, then these values may be treaded and even easily burned. Surely, this thought said by the writer ‘out of spite of’ supporters of a society without books and libraries is a heart-wrenching conclusion that a thinker made by

1 The ignition temperature of paper is 451 degrees Fahrenheit, or 233 degrees Celsius.

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences feeling the global pain. Who knows maybe the writer is entirely right and books of non-read- ing societies should be burned?!

Armenian biblioclasm from the Middle Ages to modernity When approaching the issue with the logic of Aristotle1, the thought ‘all societies burn- ing books die, a non-reading society is the society burning books, hence, a non-reading soci- ety is dead’ will arise. Although this syllogism consists of the historical development criterion of both the Eastern and Western cultures, there are very few nations (societies, unities, groups or teams united ideologically, and etc.) who destroyed the books, libraries of reading societies. For example, in the ceremony of ‘book burning’ in 1933, Nazis burned to ashes the national re- sources that the German nation collected for years – hundreds of thousands manuscripts, books and art works in a night. Thus, the books and manuscripts of Sigmund Freud, Erich Kastner, Heinrich Mann, Kurt Tucholsky, Erich Maria Remarque, Theodor Wolff, and many other prominent scientists and artists were destroyed. And the ‘genocide of books’ committed in Bessarabia in 1941 by Nazis of Romania, who were members of Hitler’s Coalition, has not been forgotten by history yet. Nazis who destroyed all the books in various cities of and Moldova fully burned the book funds of the Academy of Sciences of Moldova, including the Institutes of History, Economy, Lan- guage and Literature, burned the Central Library of Tiraspol, which had a fund of 250 thou- sand books, and built fires with 15 wagons of books in Belsi and burned them to ashes. [1] It is not strange that although the process of book burning was for example, ‘misunder- standing’ among Chinese, a ‘ritual’ among Nazis, and a ‘mission’ among medieval Catholics in various periods of history, it has become a ‘disease’ (biblioclasm) among Armenians. In addition to the senses of groundless hate and enviousness against other nations, in particular Turks-Azerbaijanis, in the structure of Armenian thinking, the disease of arrogation of other cultures and destroying those cultures that they fail to arrogate has been for centuries. It is such a disease that its first symptoms show themselves in the very mists of history. Although ‘cultural genocide’ were committed by burning books in Alexandria, at vari- ous times (it is supposed that with the aim to stop propagandas for idolatry. Although its defi- nite reason has not been defined with historical facts, rumor has it that in Egypt, 4,000 bath- rooms were heated with those books for 6 months); in Bukhara (To prevent reading of the books in that library by others after . It is alleged that Avicenna was a librarian in that library and burned that place personally after reading all the books in the fund); in (To destroy all the traces of the Islamic culture); in Roma and Ephesus (To strengthen Christian religious dogmas); and in Berlin (To destroy the mass of documents-in- formation that were ideologically ‘harmful’), the fact of destroying of Bagdad libraries several times is specifically underlined in the history. All historians unanimously think that mass destructions happened as a result of the at- tack of Mongols under the leadership of Hulaku Khan to Bagdad in 1258 and 36 libraries, including Baeyt al-Hikma (the main library) were burned and grabbed. [2-10] However, there are different thoughts on how those libraries and books were burned or grabbed. For example, Al-Kalkashandi writes that the books were stolen and taken to an un- known place during the occupation of Bagdad [11], Ibn Khaldun notes that all the books were poured to the Tigris [12], As-Sai Ibnul-Anjab notes that a barn was made of books for the horses of the Mongolian soldiers [13], Ibn Tagribardi writes that they were completely burned [14] and Lestrange writes that a bridge arose from the books poured to the Euphrates and the color of the river became black due to the inks of the books. However, the moment drawing

1 All men are mortal / Socrates is a man / Therefore, Socrates is mortal.

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J.of “Manuscripts don’t burn”: №1(8), 2019, Special issue, ISSN: 2410-5600 attention mostly in the grabbing of the Bagdad libraries is the assiduousness that Armenians demonstrated in that work. A.Mammadli writes that at the time when Mongolian occupations started in the 20-30th years of the 13th century, Armenians, by abiding by their ethnic-psychological characteristics, chose the tactics of stab Saljugs in the back. When the Mongolian commanders started to at- tack towards Asia Minor, they needed for spies who knew that region well. As if feeling that, Atabay Ivan’s son paron Avag ‘was captivated’ by Mongolians before everybody in 1236 and started to serve under the leadership of Chormogu. The Mongolian commanders used the ser- vices of those like Avag to occupy other princedoms of Caucasus. When the Mongolians started the occupation of Anatolia in 1242, the number of Armenian soldiers were too signifi- cant in that army. They aimed at using such favorable conditions to struggle against the Ara- bian Muslim Califate and Saljug Turks, and then get a ‘fatty share’ from the Mongolian Khans. [16, pp. 39-41] One of those who provided the Mongolian troops with soldiers and wanted to get a ‘fatty share’ by directly participating in the occupation of Bagdad was Armenian ruler Hetum (1213-1270). In his work titled The Flower of Eastern History, which he wrote against Mus- lims, he regretted that he could not murder the Khalifa with his own hands, but proudly writes that he destroyed many humans, libraries, books and historical monuments instead of that. One of those who provided the Mongolian troops with soldiers and wanted to get a ‘fatty share’ by directly participating in the occupation of Bagdad was Armenian ruler Hetum (1213-1270). In his work titled The Flower of Histories of the East, which he wrote against Muslims, he regretted that he could not murder the Khalifa with his own hands, but proudly writes that he destroyed many humans, libraries, books and historical monuments instead of that. And Z.Bunyadov’s researches [18, pp. 121-123] give a ground to say that the history of the Armenian disease of ‘burning books’ goes more far from the Bagdad events – to the 8th century. It is known that the point that was common for Armenians and Caucasus Albans at that time was not, as asserted by the formers, the sameness of the national roots, but idoliza- tion of the sect of Monophysitism (Christianity’s sect accepting Issus Christ as God dis- tinctly. A very small part of Christians accept this sect as a correct one) of Christianity by both of them. In the 8th century, Albanians wanted to get united with Byzantine to return to the sect of Dyophysitism (A large or opposite version of Monophysitism. It is a Christian sect accepting that Issus is both the God and a human), to which they belonged previously. Referring to Musa Kalankatli’s ‘Albanian History’ work, Z.Buniatov writes about this: ‘Early 8th century, Armenian Catholicos Ilia snooped for Khalifa Abdu l-Malik (685-705) and informed him that Albanians (Albanian Catholicos Nerses –J.J.) would conclude an agree- ment with Byzantine against the Kalifate. Then, based on the military and political power of Arabians, Abd ul-Malik gave the catholicoses under the control of Ilia. Calling of the lands of , Arran and Iberia as ‘Arminia’ in Syrian and Arabic sources only reflected their administrative unity and the closeness to Armenian priests of the Kalifate that was treating assertions of the Office of Catholicoses of Armenia kindly. Arabians absolutely did not like the searching of the Albanian (dyophysite) Church for the help of Byzantine and re- lying it on Byzantine. Therefore, Arabians were accepting the requests of the Office of Cat- holicoses of Armenia very cheeringly and were shooting ‘two rabbits’ with one arrow by this way, that is, they were shocking the interests of Byzantine in and were suppor- ted by Gregorian priests; and these priests in their turn were pursuing their interests in Arran.’ Getting a consent letter from the Kalifate, Ilia came to Partav, the capital of Albania, and had Nerses taken to him, and arrested him after humiliating him. Then, the rich library of the Alban Church was burned brutally and the valuable historical books were destroyed. [19]

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And according to another source, all books of Nerses, which were full with schism were put to boxes by Armenians and were thrown away to Trtu (Tartar) River. [20, p. 239-241] Armenian vandals also did not relinquish the disease of biblioclasm (burning of books) even in the 20th century and on the contrary, significantly increased the scale of their ill-fa- vored acts. For example, in the letter sent from the Office of Commander of the Armed Forces of Turkey’s Amasya City on July 22, 1915 to the Headquarter of Sivas Brigade with the code ‘absolutely confidential’ (Fig. 1), information about the burning by Armenians of Amasia’s 14 settlements and more than 2,000 houses, and most importantly, the Abdullatif Afandi Li- brary, where very valuable handwritten books were maintained, were given.

Figure 1. Telegram Related to the Genocide Committed by Armenians in Amasya () in 1915

Armenians also committed the same brutality in Azerbaijan after 3 years. Dashnaks fi- red and burned people lively in Baku on March 31, 1918, destroyed schools, libraries, hos- pitals and mosques, and devastated the city. In his work, A.Khalafov describes the state of the libraries and ‘the March tragedy of the libraries’ in Baku on the eve of the March Genocide as follows: ‘Although there were many libraries acting in Baku at that time, 2 of them were par- ticularly important for the history of national culture. One of them was the first public Library

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J.of “Manuscripts don’t burn”: №1(8), 2019, Special issue, ISSN: 2410-5600 organized by , a great educationist and statesman in Baku in 1894 and the other was Nijat Library. Unlike other libraries in the city, Nijat Library was a library where mainly the national literature and books in the Azerbaijani language were maintained. Also, being of the majority of its readers Azerbaijani nationals demonstrated that Nijat Library had a great role in the de- velopment of the national conscience. The increasing role of this library in the society and becoming of it a public library led to increasing of the attention to it. Therefore, the library was moved in 1914-1915 to the center of the city from Saadat School to the building of Is- mailiyya, which was one of the largest buildings of the city (Current building of the Presidium of ANAS). That time there were more than 10,000 books in the fund of the library. It was a huge number for that time. Unfortunately, when the building of Ismailiyya was burned by Armenian dashnaks in Baku in March 1918, Nijat Library, which had a great place in the history of the library work in Azerbaijan and played an important and honorable role in the education and ethics of our nation, awareness raising, development of the culture, promotion of our national literature and history, and thus, renaissance of the national conscience, was also burned and destroyed.’ [21, pp. 86-88] The damage made to our culture of book and material-cultural heritage by Armenian dashnaks during the March events was not ended with only burning of Nijat Library, but also the operation of many libraries of the country became paralyzed and tens of libraries had to be closed. In addition to Baku, Azerbaijanis were also murdered with a special brutality in Shamakhi, Gouba, , Zangazour, Nakhichevan, and other regions. Besides inflicting reprisals to the civil population in these territories in April-May 1918, Armenians also destroyed villages and national cultural monuments and burned libraries and mosques. Referring to grounded facts about the genocide that took place in Gouba in April-May 1918, S.A.Roustamova-Tohidi writes that Armenians brutally murdered the Muslim popu- lation of the city, including women, elder people and infants within several weeks, raped the Muslim women, including minor girls, destroyed buildings, and burned libraries and books (in particular Korans). [22, p.78; 104; 148] Not only public libraries, but also private libraries were burned and valuable manus- cripts maintained in private houses were burned. Armenians removed and burned more than 400 manuscripts and books from the houses of Gouba habitants Mousa Alirza Asgarzade and Dadash Majidoghlu. [22, p. 197; 396] We would like to particularly note that this disease of Armenians, that is, biblioclasm or burning of books did not absolutely arose ungrounded. They have always understood well that in order to trump up their past and falsify facts, for of all, there is a need to destroy the reali- ties, documents, books and libraries, in short, original sources that obstruct enhancement of the Armenian pseudo-history. Thanks to this national-psychological defect that has not abso- lutely decreased, but on the contrary, increased, the Armenians now unintentionally or inten- tionally – no matter – first of all burn the books and libraries as their key function in the places where they come as a guest and live, attack or grab. If not, they would never burn as one of their key duties 9 Centralized Library Systems and 927 libraries when occupying Na- gorno Karabakh and neighbor regions in 1992-1993, including 32 libraries in and the ancient and unique books maintained in those libraries; 119 libraries in , 120 libraries in Kalbajar, 107 libraries in Aghdam, 31 libraries in Jabrail, 90 libraries in Fuzuli, 85 libraries in Gubadli, 70 libraries in Zangilan, 65 libraries in Aghdara, 69 libraries in Khojali, 9 libraries in Kojavand, and tens of libraries in other places. As a result of this relapse of Armenians who burned to ashes books in 5 million copies within 2 years, material damage in the amount of 20 million and 815 thousand USD was made to the library-information sphere of Azerbaijan.

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Conclusion We are well aware of the ingenious phrase of the great German philosopher-Heinrich Heine (1797-1856), which directly fits for the Armenian disease of books burning. Heine, whose books were burned by Nazis in Berlin in 1933, said yet in 1821 in his work named ‘Almansor: A Tragedy’ that: ‘Be sure where books are burned, in the end, people will also be burned’. There are very harrowing examples for becoming of this ‘forecasting’ real in the world: After the burning of the National Library in Jafna City of Sri Lanka in 1981, which was opened with participation of Ranganata, a prominent Indian library researcher, a civil war started in that country; after the destroying of thousand year old monuments, including book monuments, and libraries by terrorists and Islamic radicals in Iraq and then in Syria since the 1990s, millions of human beings were murdered as the continuance of the ‘cultural genocide’, ‘tragedy of library; in the Near East; as a result of the burning of Koran by priest Terry Jones in US in 2011, radical Islamists committed terror acts against many people in Afghanistan, and etc. Armenians always personally chained up the ring of reason-result that we showed in the above examples, and burned firstly cultural monuments and books and then our people and infants across the world, such as Bagdad, Istanbul, Amasia, Baku, Gouba and Shusha. And if today there is not any information about subsequent acts of destruction of libraries and cul- tural monuments on TVs, radios and press, it does not mean the remission of the ‘disease of burning of books’, as all diseases related to the name of the Armenians, including the Arme- nian Disease in the medicine (the other name is periodic disease or ‘ Disease or Ge- netic family amidiosis without neuropathy), the Disease of arrogation (Armenian arrogation syndrome) in the social-cultural terminology and the disease of biblioclasm are very serious, chronical, incurable and rare genetic family diseases.

References:

1. Shtornikov P.M. Opposition to the Prohibition of the During the Fascist Occupation of Moldova (1941-1944) // Russian Community, 2009, No 3 (121). 2. Alizadeh A.A. Scientific-Critical Text of Volume 3 of Jame at-Tavarikh. Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan SSR. 1957. 3. Matthew E. Falagas, Effie A. Zarkadoulia, George Samonis. Arab science in the golden age (750—1258) and today, The FASEB Journal, 2006, No 20, pp. 1581–1586. 4. Grousset R. L’Empire des steppes: Atilla, Gengis-Khan, Tamerlan. Payot, 1952, p. 651 (pp. 331-349) 5. F. Mongols in Anatolia, Magazine of Selchuklu Researches, I, Ankara, 1969, pp. 24-36. 6. Richard J. Une ambassa de Mongole a Paris en1262, Journal de savants, Paris 1979, p. 300. 7. Al-Faruque M. The Mongol Conquest of Baghdad: Medieval Accounts and Their Modern Assessments. IQ, XXXII / 4 (Q 988). pp.194-206; 8. Hassan I.H. Islamic History. Volume 5, Istanbul, Kayihan Publications, 1991, 560 p. (pp. 189-198). 9. Yilmaz M. An Example of Comparative History: Was the Bagdad Library Really Destroyed? // EKEV Academy Magazine, 2004, Number: 18, pp. 319-342. 10. Rashid ad-Din F. Jami at-Tavarikh. Digest of Chronicles. Volumes 1-3. – M. – L.: Publication of the Academy of Sciences of USSR, 1946, 1952, 1960. 7000 p. 11. Ahmad b. Ali al-Kalkashandi, Subhu al-Asha fî Sanaati al-Insha (ed. Dr. Y. A. Tawil) (Dimascus: Dar al-Fikr, 1987, I, 537 p.

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12. Ibn Khaldun. The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History, Kindle Edition, 2015, Purity Publications, 480 p. 13. Es-Sa’i Ibnu’l-Anjab. el-Jami’u’l-Muhtasar. Publisher: Mostafa Javad, Baghdad, 1937. 14. Ibni Tagriberdi. An-Nujumuz-Zahira / Shining Stars. (Translated into Turkish by D.Ahsen Batur), Selenge Publications, 2013, 622 p. 15. Le Strange G. Baghdad during the Abbasid : From Contemporary Arabic and Persian Sources, London, , H. Milford, 1924, 381 p. 16. Mammadli A. Real Armenian History. Baku, Elm, 2005, 436 p. 17. Hayton. La flor des estoires de la terre d'Orient. Date d'édition: 1301-1400. Biblio- thèque nationale de France, Département des manuscrits, NAF 886. 18. Buniatov Z. Azerbaijan in the 7-9th Centuries. Baku, Sharg-Garb, 2007, 424 p. 19. Hasanova S. Why did Armenians burn the library of the Albanian Catholicos in the 8th century?. http://www.moderator.az/ru/news/61546.html 20. History of Agvan Moisei Kagankatvachi, Writer of the 10th Century. Translated from Armenian. K.Patkanova. SPb., 1861. 21. Khalafov A.A. History of Library Work in Azerbaijan: Textbook. 2nd Part. – Baku: ‘Baku University’ Printing House, 2007. – 552 p. 22. Roustamova-Tohidi S.A. Gouba. April-May 1918. Muslim Pogroms in Documents. Baku, Zardabi Printing House, 2010, 552 p. 23. Bradbury R. Fahrenheit 451. Ballantine Books, New York, 1953, 180 p. 24. Mench H. Armenians Burned Amasia in 1915, 2011, http://huseyinmenc.blogcu.com/ermeniler-1915-te-amasya-yi-yaktilar/9553987 25. Armenian Historians about Mongols. Extracts from Manuscripts of the 13-14th Centuries. M., 1962, p. 17. 26. Kirakos Gandzacheki. Armenian History. M., 1976, p. 206.

Cavid Cəfərov

Erməni biblioklazmının qısa tarixi

XÜLASƏ

Açar sözlər: erməni biblioklazmının tarixi, erməni vəhşilikləri, kitabyandırma

Biblioklazm (kitab abidələrinin qəsdən məhv edilməsi və zədələnməsi, əlyazma və ya kitabların yandırılması) – dünya mədəniyyəti leksikonunda ən dəhşətli anlayışlardan biridir. Hələ e.ə. III əsrdə (Sin Şixuandinin hakimiyyəti illərində) Çində, sonralar – VII əsrdə Avropanın bir sıra ölkələrində biblioklazm vandallıqları törədilib. XX əsrdə Almaniyada na- sistlər, bəzi şərq ölkələrində isə radikal-terrorçu qüvvələr tərəfindən bir sıra mədəni qətliam- lar, “kitab terrorları” həyata keçirilib. Təsadüfi deyil ki, bir sıra milli-psixoloji, ideoloji qüsur- lardan əziyyət çəkən ermənilər də ta qədim zamanlardan biblioklazm kimi maddi-mənəvi də- yərlərin məhvinə səbəb olan sağalmaz virusun daşıyıcılarıdır. VIII əsrdən günümüzədək onlar təkcə Azərbaycan ərazisində 10 milyon nüsxə əlyazma- nı, əlyazma kitablarını, nadir və qiymətli nəşrləri oda veriblər. Təkcə 1918-ci ilin mart soy- qırımı günlərində ermənilər tərəfindən ölkəmizdə 20 min nüsxə kitab yandırılıb. 1992-1993-cü illərdə erməni terrorçuları tərəfindən işğal olunmuş Dağlıq Qarabağ və ona bitişik ərazilərdə 5 milyon nüsxə ədəbiyyat fonduna malik 927 kitabxana məhv edilib və s. Məqalə sözügedən problemin qısa tarixini araşdırıb üzə çıxarmaq məqsədi ilə qələmə alınıb.

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Джaвид Джафаров

Краткая история армянского библиоклазма

РЕЗЮМЕ

Ключевые слова: история армянского библиоклазма, армянский вандализм, сожжение книг

Библиоклазм (намеренное уничтожение или повреждение книжного наследия, сожжение рукописей или книг) – одно из самых страшных понятий в лексиконе миро- вой культуры. Еще в III веке д.н.э. библиоклазмом занимались в Китае при императоре Цинь Шихуанди, в Европе в VII столетии; в ХХ веке нацисты, радикальные исламисты тоже торжественно сжигали книги. Как ни странно, и армяне, уже давно и лихорадочно болеют этой необычной болезнью–библиоклазмом. Начиная с VIII века до наших дней, армянские вандалы сожгли не менее 10 млн. единиц ценных рукописей и книг на территории Азербайджана. Только в мартовской резне азербайджанцев в 1918 г. в Баку, было сожжено более чем 20000 томов книг. В течение двух лет (1992-1993) со стороны армянских террористов в оккупиро- ванных землях Азербайджана, в Нагорном Карабахе и прилегающих к нему районах были уничтожены 927 библиотек, в фонде которых хранились 5 миллионов книг. Статья посвящена изучению истории данной проблемы.

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Naila Mustafayeva. 18th Century Azerbaijani Mukhammases Being Maintained at the Institute of Manuscripts // J. of “Manuscripts Don’t Burn". №1(8), 2019, Special issue, pp.101-108.

UDC: 821; 930.272; 930.253 (091)

Naila Mustafayeva, Ph.D in Philology, Associate Professor Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli, ANAS 26 Istiglaliyat Street, Baku E-mail: [email protected]

18th CENTURY AZERBAIJANI MUKHAMMASES BEING MAINTAINED AT THE INSTITUTE OF MANUSCRIPTS

Key words: mukhammas, takhmis, gazal, ashug, Shirvan

When saying unknown mukhammases written in the 18th century, we mean the muk- hammases of unknown poets of this time or the works of the artists mentioned in researches in the literary type that we study, which are not known to us. We would like to note that al- though the sources of the stages until the 18th century of our literary history are maintained in many libraries of the world, most of the materials of our literature of the 18-20th centuries are preserved at the ANAS Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli. The works of a range of our writers and poets of the 18-20th centuries have not been yet researched com- prehensively. One of the key reasons is unavailability of information about most of the au- thors. In his monography titled 18th Century Azerbaijan Lyrics, Araz Dadashzadeh mentioned the names of the following poets acted in that period: ‘Abdullah, Aga Masih, Agjagiz oglu Piri, Alim, Arif Tabrizi, Arif Shirvani, Asif Shirvani, Ashug Valeh, Shirvani, Vagif, Vasmati, Vidadi, Zabit, Zari, Zulali, Kamal, Malali, Mahjur Shirvani, Majruh, Mouji, Nabi, Nishat, Shirvani, Nousrati, Rafeyi, Rizayi, Riza, Saili, Saleh, Seifikhan, Safi, Urfani, Fathi, Khasta Gasim, Hali, Hamidi, Hizari, Shakir Shirvani, Shikasta Shirin… Armenian Ashugs who shaped poems in Azeri, such as Miran and Sayat Nova, and Dagestani national poets should also be added to this list.’ In his monography titled The 17th Century Azerbaijan Lyrics in the Mother Tongue, Doctor of Philology Pasha Karimov wrote that the poets with nick- names Mouji and Safi, included in this list lived in the 17th century, and gave examples from their poems in the ontology ‘17th Century Azerbaijan Lyrics’ he composed. For some reason, the name of Hossein Khan Moushtag, studied in his that research was not included in his list. The study of the manuscripts being maintained at the Institute of Manuscripts shows that the number of our artists who lived and wrote works in the 18th century was more. We would like to note that from the poets included in this list, the works of Arif Tabrizi, Arif Shirvani, Zabit, Zari, Zoulali, Kamal, Nousrati Rafeyi, Rizayi, Riza, Saili, Saleh, Seifikhan, Urfani, Fathi and Hizari cannot be found in ontologies (for example in the fourth volume of the Library of 20- volume Azerbaijan Classical Literature, dedicated to the 17-18th centuries. We should also add that at the fund of the Institute of Manuscripts, we can also find the poems including mukhammases and takhmises of other unknown poets of the 18th century. The digest with code B-1812 and a medallion, covered with black Russian leather, mainly copied out by the Azerbaijani poet named Zari Arashi with the Talig script type, of which headings were copied out with red ink and text was copied out with black ink is particularly noteworthy from this

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences point of view. In the catalogue being maintained at the Institute of Manuscripts, which is about the description of digests, it is mentioned that this digest was copied out in 1111 of the hegira calendar or 1699 of the current calendar. Really, the mentioned date was written on the last, 276b page of that manuscript. However, the script of the manuscript is not mentioned here. As we find the poems of a range of 18th century poets of Azerbaijan, including Zari in the digest, we may conclude that the manuscript consisted of several parts previously and was then bound as a single book. It cannot be make another conclusion about this book, in which the works of the 18th century poets were copied out and at the end, a note belonging to 1699 is provided. In addition to 17th century Azerbaijan poets Kasbi and Rovnagi, we can also find mukhammases or takhmises of our following poets of the 18th century in the digest: Mansabi Agdashi, Mahjur Mursali (Shirvani), Nabi, Molla Joulu Zalami, Zari, Asaf, Safi, Nishat, Ashug Saleh, Movlana (Mullah) Kazim (the names of the poets was listed in the alphabetical order). We think that it may be more purposeful firstly to talk about Zari Arashi who copied out the manuscript. In his book titled the 18th Century Azerbaijan Lyrics, A.Dadashzadeh mentions the names of Zari’s several works. One of them is the gazal in which the factual history of the mosque constructed upon the instruction of Shaki Khan Hossein Khan Moushtag in 1765-1766 was written. In his second poem, the poet complains to Hossein Khan that the rulers of Nematabad and Moursal Villages of Shirvan offends the habitants. Araz Dadashzadeh also gave the translation of Zairi’s factual history about 1734-1735 years in Per- sian, in which the poet criticized Nadir Shah Afshar’s oppression against the Shirvan popula- tion. P.Karimov made a conclusion that 17th century poet Rovnagi, whose poems are provided in the manuscript that we discuss, is the grandfather of Zari: ‘In one part of the manuscript, Zari mentions that Rovnagi who wrote a takhmis to Fuzuli’s gazal is his grandfather. On Page 195a, the poem is presented to readers in this way: ‘Takhmisi-gazali-Fuzuli Rovnagi rast jad- dul-hagir’ (Takhmis written by Hagiri’s (Zari – P.K.) grandfather Rovnagi to Fuzuli’s gazal’). It seems absolutely possible that the grandfather or great-grandfather of Zari Arashi who wrote a factual history in 1738 dedicated a poem to the earthquake in Shamakhi in 1668.’ In the digest with code B-1812, there are Zari’s one poem in the form of gazal spoken to praise Prophet Muhammad, 11 gazals, one gazal with a factual history that Zari wrote on the occa- sion of the death of Movlana Muhammad Afabdi Rafizadeh, one tarjiband, 2 mukhammases, and 2 takhmises. In other digests, in particular in the manuscript with code B-2228, we cannot find any mukhammas or takhmis. About 2 mukhammases of Zari, consisting of five tetra- stiches we can say that these poems have the same tone with the works of the most prominent representatives of the 18th century’s Azerbaijan poetry for the simplicity of their language and for the aspects like praising the worldly love. In the first mukhammas, the author when talk- ing about the beauty of the beloved woman admiringly describes various body parts of her, such as her birthmark, face, waist, mouth, hair, eyes and brow, alike some ashugs (also poets who wrote in classical Eastern poetry types):

Miyanın vəhmi əqlim tar, cismim mu misal eylər, Dəhanın fikrinə kim düşsə varın yox xəyal eylər, Məni sərgəştə başdan kakilin aşuftəhal eylər, Gözün caduləri eşq əhlinə çox məkru al eylər, Salır qovğa könül şəhrinə hər dəm fitnəvü alın.

In the poem, the poet’s lyrical character approaches to a nightingale that is a traditional character of the classical poetry and advises it not to regard the rosary as a place of crapu- lence. He was as naïve as it previously and God broke his wings. In his second mukhammas, the poet also praises his girlfriend’s beauty and thanks to God for such beauty.

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Zari’s first takhmis consisting of 7 tetra-stiches was written to Fuzuli’s 7-distich gazal with the repeated word Yetmazmi (Isn’t It Enough?). The distich in the first tetra-stich, to which a takhmis was written, differs from the first distich of that gazal in the text printed on the basis of the scientific-critical text of Fuzuli’s Divan. While the first distich of this gazal is as follows in the Baku publications of Fuzuli’s works:

Könül, yetdi əcəl, zövqi-rüxi-dildar yetməzmi, Ağardı muyi-sər, sevdayi-zülfi-yar yetməzmi

- in the takhmis, it is given as follows:

Dəmadəm arzuyi-türreyi-tərrar yetməzmi, Ağardı muyi-sər, sevdayi-zülfi-yar yetməzmi

Probably there was such a difference between the copies in the manuscript of Fuzuli’s Divan that Zari had. In general, we would like particularly note that the study of takhmises gives a rich material for the work of textual experts. Sometimes, we can find the gazals or distiches of any poet only in the takhmises written by someone to that gazals. In his takhmis, Zari adhered the key idea of Fuzuli’s gazal: The life is reaching the end the death will soon knock at the door. It’s about time to give up the ardor for the world and the love to beautiful women. Relatives and friends died, so it is about time to prepare for it. We think that it is not accidental that the poem with such content is the last gazal in Fuzuli’s Divan. It is a fact that the poems in any Divan are arrayed in the alphabetical order. However, here, the poet as if completes the part of gazals of the Divan in terms of the content. We would like to mention that in our lyrics after Fuzuli in the national language, poems on this topic were written with the influence of the great poet. In his article titled The Topic of Elderliness in Azerbaijan’s 18th Century Lyrics in Turkish, Pasha Karimov said an interesting though when analyzing the poems that Saib Tabrizi and Vaiz Gazvini wrote on the same topic. He rightfully thinks that although Saib Tabrizi’s verse ‘The life reach the end, so pre- pare the tools for the travel’ dedicated to the topic of elderliness and Vaiz Gazvini’s gazals starting with the verse ‘Her hijacker scowling look is the weapon of eyelash’ were written as replies to Fuzuli’s gazal with the following end distich (the reason for underlining the end distich here is that the other distiches in the gazal were dedicated to another issues. N.M.):

Ey Füzuli, qədimiz qıldı fələk xəm, yəni, Vəqtidir çıxmağa dünya qapısından, əyilin,

these works are closer to Fuzuli’s gazal starting with the verse ‘My heart, the death is reaching, it is enough to fall in love of pretty women’ for their topics: ‘Here, the poet used the bahr and rhyme of Fuzuli. We should note that although only in the end distich of Fuzuli’s gazal discussed the topic of enderliness, Saib’s poem was fully dedicated to the elderliness. (We would like to note that Saib’s this poem is closer to Fuzuli’s gazals starting with the verse ‘My heart, the death is reaching, it is enough to fall in love of pretty women’). In this gazal, the poet says that elder people should prepare for the travel, that is, the afterlife and obey the ruling of the death. Here, Saib says an old man should leave the meadow of the life as dews evaporating after the sunrise before the time removes him/her. In the takhmis that he wrote to Fuzuli’s mentioned gazal, Zari treated the great poet’s distiches very respectively and carefully and interpreted, confirmed and continued the though in these distiches through the verses he added. In the fourth distich, Fuzuli says that he hears the voice of the death and it is about time to forget ecstatic eyes and bloody-minded coquet-

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences ries. With the verses that he adds, Zari as if testifies the great poet. I saw the blossoming in the rosary and garden in the spring and looked at there from the right and left sides. Fuzuli’s distich coming after that sounds unexpected and sudden: In such a pleasant moment, the voice of the death comes, it is about time to go, and it becomes clear that it is not about time to look at flowers. The contrast that Fuzuli’s distich following Zari’s verses creates resulted in influ- encing of the tetra-stich effectively:

Mənəm bir bülbüli-Zari dəmadəm hicr dağından, Bahar əyyamı gördüm kim, açılmış gül budağından, Baxırdım bu gülüstanın həmişə solü sağından, “Yetən oldu qulağə bangi-rehlət dəhr bağından, Nə durmuşsan, tamaşayi-güli-rüxsar yetməzmi?’

The takhmis consisting of 6 tetra-stiches, which Zari wrote to the gazal with the re- peated word ‘Yeg’ of Bagi Afandi, a prominent representative of the Ottoman poetry is also scientifically interesting in terms of the poet proving that he is familiar with the Ottoman lit- erature. We should note that Azerbaijani poets wrote replies to the poems of Ottoman poet Bagi, who wrote the first takhmis to Fuzuli’s gazals, from the 17th century. It is obvious from some digests of manuscripts and digests that Azerbaijani poets, in particular Shirvan poets were seriously paying attention to the Ottoman literature. In the manuscript with Code B- 1812, which we discuss, we can see that Zari copied out many poems of Ottoman authors, such as Bagi and Nabi to here. In his takmis, Bagi proved that he was a good understanding of Bagi’s works, and added verses worthy of Bagi’s distiches to the tetra-stiches. In the 3rd dis- tich, Bagi says that those understanding the pleasure of the love may not complain against the troubles and that the trouble of love is better than its treatment for lovers. With his verses, Zari once again confirmed this opinion and tried to further develop it:

Düşən sevdayi-tari-zülfünə zillətdən incinməz, Gəzər sərgəştə daim dəhr ara, heyrətdən incinməz, Bulan eşqin səfasın atəşi-həsrətdən incinməz, “Məhəbbət ləzzətin idrak edən möhnətdən incinməz, Gəlir dərdi dili-bimari-üşşaqə dəvadən yeg”.

In the manuscript to which the work was copied out, after this takhmis, the takhmis of Azerbaijan’s another poet Mahjur Shirvani, who lived in the 18th century, to Bagi’s that gazal is provided. That poem was published once. However, there is a takhmis of Mahjur Shirvani to Fuzuli’s gazal, which has not been studied yet. It is a takhmis consisting of 6 tetra-stiches, which was written to the great poet’s 9-distich gazal starting with the verse ‘Mercy us, dear wine distributer, don’t deprive us of your courtesy’. In the heading of the peom, there is this note: ‘Təxmisi-qəzəli-Mövlanə Füzuli Molla Məhcur Mürsəli rast’ (The takhmis to Movlana Fuzuli’s gazal was written by Mullah Mahjur Mursali.’ As mentioned by the researchers, the name of Mahjur, who wrote his works in Shirvan’s Mursal Village late 17th century – early 18th century, was written in some sources as Mursali. Here, no takhmis was written to the following distiches of Fuzuli’s gazal:

Girib məscidlərə, gər müqtədalər peyrəvi olman, Budur vəchi ki, hərgiz görmədim üz müqtədalərdən. Təbiba, xaki-kuyi-yardəndir əşk təskini, Bizə artırma zəhmət, göz yaşarar tutiyalərdən. Fələkdir mehri zayil, yar qafil, ömr müstə`cil, Nədir tədbir, bilmən, canə yetdim bivəfalərdən.

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The most attractive aspect in Fuzuli’s lyrical love gazal is the lover’s devoted character. In one of his distiches, Fuzuli says ‘one talking about the love should not complain against its troubles.’ In the verses that he added to this distich, Mahjur supports the great poet and states that he is in solidarity with the great poet and he will stand by his word for life:

Rəhi-eşqində canım vermək üçün tərki-rah etmən, Cəfavü cövrünə bitab olub rəxtim siyah etmən, Ölüncə baş əyib əğyarə hərgiz dadxah etmən, “Vücudum ney kimi surax-surax olsa, ah etmən, Məhəbbətdən dəm urduq, incimək olmaz bəlalərdən” (1, p.199 b).

Although in the publications of Fuzuli’s Divans, the end verse of this distich was writ- ten as ‘Məhəbbətdən dəm urdum’, in the manuscript it was written as ‘Məhəbbətdən dəm ur- duq.’ We can see that there is difference in the manuscript of Fuzuli’s Divan which was avail- able for Mahjur. Safi’s mukhammas with the repeated words ‘Gave a name’, consisting of 5 tetra-stiches was exclusively dedicated to the real love and the description of the beauties of a real beloved. In this poem, individual parts of the beloved are described. The author found an interesting poetical form: It turned out that a bunch of basil was mistakenly regarded as the hair of the beloved, the legendary tree of life was mistakenly regarded as her figure, and the mirror reflecting the world was mistakely regarded as the face of Alexander. By ‘detecting another wrongness’ at the end of each verse, the poet creates a new comparison:

Dağılıb rüxsarinə gülruxlərin kakilləri, Sünbüli-sirab ilə tər etdi bərgi-gülləri, Ol səbəbdəndir pərişan olduğu sünbülləri, Atəşə salmış həzaran daneyi-filfilləri, Al ilə bir fitnə qurmuş, xali-hindu qoymuş ad (1, p.210 a).

In the mentioned digest, there are two mukhammases consisting of 4 to 5 tetra-stiches of the 18th century poet Ashug Saleh, starting with the verses ‘As I have become obedient to the orders of one king of the world’ and ‘My heart, you were ascetic, but the beloved did not value you.’ These mukhammases of Ashug Valeh, in particular its second poem with the re- peated words ‘Did not know’ first of alldraws attention with the simplicity of its language and its closeness to the colloquial language. The Turkish word in the rhymes are particularly no- ticeable:

Sidq ilən canan sevən əz bəs gərək candan keçə, Yaslanıb künci-qinaət su yerinə qan içə, Zərrəcə ah etməyə tiri-bəla dəysə neçə, Tutmayıb pəndim bənim sevdin də bir tərsabeçə, Bağladın Sənan təki zünnar, qədrin bilmədi (1, v.215b).

We can see another mukhammas of Ashug Saleh in the digest of manuscripts with code B-2228. This poem which is a lyrical love work for many aspects and consists of 5 tetra- stiches are close to the poet’s other 2 mukhammases. The sincerity that we can see in national poems, goshmas and garaylis draws attention in this mukhammas, too:

Asılır könlüm həmişə tari-muyindən sənin, Xali olmaz bir zaman kim, cüstü cuyindən sənin, Dönməzəm pərvanə nisbət şəm`i-ruyindən sənin, Kimsə yoxdur dəf edə əğyarı kuyindən sənin, İxtilati-nadürüstandan bular mərdüm xələl (2, p.34 a).

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The process of becoming closer of the folklore types with the classical poetry types in the 18th century Azerbaijan literature is obviously seen in the example of Ashug Saleh. Un- fortunately, we could not find his goshmas in manuscripts, but found 1 musabbas of the poet when reading the manuscripts. Based on the mukhammases of Ashug Saleh, we can say that the poet had brought the simplicity of the folklore to the classical poetry language and the poetical expression style, alike a range of other poets of his time. Although the language of Movlana Kazim Gurannavis’s mukhammas, which we found in the manuscript with Code B-1812, is simple, the words in the rhymes are Arabic words that readers cannot understand:

Padşahi-kamransan, əmrinə aləm müti, Səfbəsəf xublar durubdur asitanında cəmi, Görsələr xublər deyərlər kim, zəhi hüsni-bədi. Can verim, cana, sənə, sən busəni qılgil mübi, Eşq bazarında, cana, xoş olur böylə büyu (1,p.215 a).

Movlana Kazim’s 1st mukhammas consists of 5 tetra-stiches, while his second muk- hammas consists of 6 tetra-stiches. We can see the mukhammas of the 18th century poet Asaf Shirvani in the digest of manuscripts with Code B-2228. In this poem consisting of 5 tetra- stiches, the general spirit of the lyric poetry of that time is reflected to some extent:

Mən kimi məzlum bulunmaz möhnət ilə şadman, Ruzü şəb odlarə yansam kim, çağırmam əlaman, Qailəm gər çərxi-dun hər dəm mənə yuddursa qan, Neçə müddət bağrımın qan dolduğun tutdum nihan, Aləmə faş oldu bu dəm dideyi-xunbardən (2, 29b).

The poems of the 18th century poet Mansabi Agdashi, being maintained in the manu- script with code B-1812 include one takhmis consisting of 7 tetra-stiches, written in Persian to Hafiz’s gazal (1, p. 186a-186b); 1 gazal in Azeri (1, p. 12a-12b); and 2 takhmises to Fuzuli’s gazals (1, 200b-202b). Mansabi wrote a takhmis consisting of 7 tetra-stiches to Fuzuli’s gazal with the repeated words ‘Your Lap’. The row of the distiches differs from those in the Baku publications of Fuzuli’s works. The verses and rhymes that the author added to the distiches of Fuzuli’s gazal are successful:

Xəmi-əbrusi kəşakəşdə məni çatmaq üçün, Növki-müjganı mühəyya mənə tir atmaq üçün, Düşdüm, əlqissə, qübari-dərinə yatmaq üçün, “Bildi kim, xaki-rəh oldum ətəgin tutmaq üçün, Götürər, düşməgə qoymaz yerə əmda ətəgin” (1, p. 201a).

As seen, the poet arrayed his verses in the tetra-stich through the sequential narration technique in such order that it seems that the poem was written by one author. Mansabi wrote a takhmis consisting of 7 7 tetra-stiches to Fuzuli’s 7-distich gazal with the repeated word ‘Did it.’ We can see that the array of some distiches also duffers from the sequence in the Baku publications of Fuzuli’s works. In the digest that we discuss, there is a mukhammas consisting of 10 tetra-stiches that poet Nabi from Shirvan wrote to Fuzuli’s 10-distich gazal starting with the verse ‘Qıldı ol sərv səhər naz ilə həmmamə xüram’. We can observe that the poet felt Fuzuli’s poems deeply

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Çəkərəm hər dəm anın dərdi-qəmi-hicranın, Yad qılmazmı əcəb bisərü bisamanın, Dad edib tutmaya ta əhli-sitəm damanın, “Nilgun futəyə sardı bədəni-üryanın, San bənövşə içinə düşdü müqəşşər badam” (1, p. 203 b).

Fuzuli compares the wrapping of the naked body of the pretty woman with a blue bath towel in the bathroom to putting of a cleaned almond into a violet and creates a nice poetical character with an original comparison. Nabi accomplished to create an interesting passing with the end verse he added to this distich. He as if explains the reason for the wrapping of the beloved with the bath towel with the passing verse he added. It turned out that the pretty woman wrapped with the bath towel as she did not want lovers to catch her lap. It is obvious that a bath towel does not have a lap. Mullah Gulu Zalami’s takhmis consisting of 7 tetra-stiches, which he wrote to Fuzuli’s 7-distich gazal with the repeated word ‘Isn’t it enough?’ draws attention with the sensitive attention of the author to the work of this great poet, the simplicity of its language, and the originality of the passages. These Azerbaijani mukhammases of the 18th century, which we took from the digests of manuscripts, about which information are given for the first time, draw attention with their variety of aspects. Firstly, probably all of the poets whose works are discussed here, such as Mansabi Agdashi, Mahjur Shirvani, Nabi, Mullah Gulu Zalami, Zari, Asaf, Shafi, Ashig Saleh, and Movlana Kazim are from the Shirvan region. Although composer and scribe Zari also included several works of poets from Tabriz and Ottoman poets to this digest, it mainly includes the works of poets from Shirvan. Thus, we gain more detailed information about the extension of the literary process taking place in Shirvan in the 18th century. We knew that such artists as Nishat, Shakir, Mahjur and Aga Masih acted in this region early 18th century. And now, we can see the signification extension in the list of the poets from Shirvan, who enriched the Azerbaijani poetry of that century. We think that the second and probably the most remarkable issue is that, as seen from the digests, although some localism is observed in the literary process taking place in Shirvan in the 18th century, there is no doubt that the regional literature is a part of the general Azer- baijani literature. A range of novelties that appeared in the literature of Azerbaijan at that time, the realistic reflection of realities of the life and the material love, the increased trend to the simplicity of the language visibly also shows itself in the works of this region’s poets. These new information allow to review more comprehensively and more objectively the literature of not only Shirvan region locally, but also total Azerbaijani literature of the 18th century. Although these poets could not become as innovator artists as Vagif in the history of literature, however, they created examples of real art thanks to their talents, literary pleasures and deep understanding of literature. Their names and works should get their decent place in the history of our literary of the 18th century.

References:

1. Digest. Institute of Manuscripts. B-1812. 2. Digest. Institute of Manuscripts. B-2228. 3. Dadashzadeh Araz. Azerbaijani Lyrics of 18th Century. Baku: ‘Elm’, 1980. 4. Catalogue of Manuscripts (Digests). Baku: printing House ‘Elm’, 1977.

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5. Fuzuli Muhammad. Works. In six volumes. 1st Volume. Baku: ‘Sharg-Garb’, 2005. 6. Karimov Pasha. Azerbaijani Lyrics of 18th Century in the Mother Tongue. Baku: ‘Elm va Tahsil’, 2012. 7. Karimov Pasha. The Topic of Elderliness in Azerbaijan’s 18th Century Lyrics in Turkish. Magazine ‘Philological Issues’. Baku: ‘Nurlan’, 2008. No 3. 8. Azerbaijani Lyrics of 17th Century (Ontology). Composers and Authors of the Foreword. Pasha Karimov, Muhammadali Husseini. Baku: ‘Nurlan’, 2007. 9. Yusifli Khalil, Badalova Tahmina. Mahjur Shirvani in the light of New Thinking. Baku: The Foundation for Development of Science under the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan, 2012.

Nailə Mustafayeva

Əlyazmalar İnstitutunda saxlanan XVIII əsr Azərbaycan müxəmməsləri

XÜLASƏ

Açar sözlər: müxəmməs, təxmis, qəzəl, aşıq, Şirvan

XVIII- XIX əsr Azərbaycan ədəbiyyatına dair materialların əksəriyyəti AMEA Məhəm- məd Füzuli adına Əlyazmalar İnstitutunda mühafizə edilməkdir. Əlyazmalar İnstitutunda saxlanan XVIII əsr müəllifi Zari Ərəşi tərəfindən köçürülmüş B-1812 şifrli şeirlər toplusu- cüngdə aşağıdakı XVIII əsr şairlərimizi qeyri-mətbu müxəmməs və ya təxmislərinə rast gəlirik: Mənsəbi Ağdaşi, Məhcur Mürsəli (Şirvani), Nəbi, Molla Gülü Zəlami, Zari, Asəf, Safi, Nişat, Aşıq Saleh, Mövlana (Molla) Kazım. Bunların içində cüngü köçürən Zari Ərəşi xüsusilə diqqəti cəlb edir. Haqqında danışılan topluda onun digər janrlarda yazdığı əsərlərlə bərabər iki müxəmməsi və iki təxmisi vardır. Zarinin hər biri beş bənddən ibarət iki mü- xəmməsi barədə onu deyə bilərik ki, bu şairlər dilinin sadəliyi, dünyəvi eşqi tərənnüm etməsi kimi cəhətləri ilə XVIII əsr Azərbaycan poeziyasının ən görkəmli nümayəndələrinin əsərləri ilə səsləşməkdədir.

Наиля Мустафаева

Азербайджанские мухаммасы XVIII века хранящиеся в Институте Рукописей

РЕЗЮМЕ

Ключевые слова: мухаммас, тахмис, газель, ашыг, Ширван

Исследователям известны мухаммасы таких известных поэтов ХVIII века, как Вагиф, Видади, Ага Масих, Нишат, Шакир Ширвани. В рукописных сборниках-джун- гах, храняшихся в Институте Рукописей имени Мухаммеда Физули НАН Азербайджана можно найти мухаммасы неизвестных до сих пор азербайджанских поэтов, как Мансаби Агдаши, Наби, Молла Гюлю Залами, Зари Арaши, Асаф, Сафи, Ашыг Салех, Мовлана Казым и др. Всестороннее изучение этих произведений показывает, что стихи этих поэтов во многом созвучны со стихами других поэтов ХVIII века. Они ярко отражают дух своего времени. В этих произведениях мы видим стремление поэтов той эпохи к реалисти ческому отображению жизни, простoте языка.

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Nigar Babakhanova. International Relations of the Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli with UNESCO // J. of “Manuscripts Don’t Burn". №1(8), 2019, Special issue, pp. 109-113.

UDC: 327; 061 (061.1); 93

Nigar Babakhanova Ph.D in History Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli, ANAS 26 Istiglaliyat Street, Baku E-mail: [email protected]

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS OF THE INSTITUTE OF MANUSCRIPTS NAMED AFTER MUHAMMAD FUZULI WITH UNESCO

Key words: manuscripts, UNESCO, international relations, cultural heritage

Scientific-cultural cooperation, including exchange of knowledge, books and informa- tion in intergovernmental international relations is an integral part of international relations, and the successful foreign politics of any government and its position in the international arena have a direct impact on the scientific cooperation that this government’s scientific-cul- tural institutions implement. The role of international organizations at all stages of society’s development is undeniable. The development of cooperation relations between governments historically has led to appearance of international organizations. And at the present time, their role continuously increases. The key goal of these organizations is to develop cooperation bet- ween countries; draft relevant projects for mutually interesting issues; enhance the coopera- tion of nations in education, science and culture, irrespective of race, sex, language and relig- ion; and ensure strengthening of peace and security between these relations. The activity of UNESCO is focused on providing assistance to projects for practical im- provement of education standards globally; knowledge exchange; and international coopera- tion in science, education and culture. The organization tries to enhance scales and improve the quality of Mass Media, as well as ensure better living conditions through scientific re- searches and cooperation all over the world. UNESCO, which is a specialized UN institute, is the largest global intergovernmental forum of cooperation in the spheres of education, science, culture, information and communi- cation in the world. The organization was established on November 16, 1945 and the head- quarter of the organization was situated in France’s capital city Paris. At the present time, UNESCO consists of 195 countries and 10 Associative Members. After restoring its independence, the Republic of Azerbaijan was taken as a member to UNESCO on June 3, 1992. In December 1993, Azerbaijan met with UNESCO’s General Di- rector Federico Mayor within the framework of the official visit of President to the Republic of France. The relations between Azerbaijan and UNESCO, which is the UN organization for science, education and culture, to maintain and promote its rich cultural heritage were very efficient in the previous period. According to Article 7 of the Charter of

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UNESCO, which is the UN Organization for Education, Science and Culture, Member-States shall take relevant measures to coordinate the activity of institutions engaging in education, science and culture with the work of UNESO by establishing firstly a National Commission. Consequently, necessary steps were taken for the establishment of the National Commission for UNESCO of the Republic of Azerbaijan, and according to the Executive Order dated Feb- ruary 21, 1994 of Azerbaijani President Heydar Aliyev, the National Commission for UNESCO of the Republic of Azerbaijan under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Azerbaijan was established. And in 1996, a cooperation memorandum was signed between UNESCO and Azerbaijan. Since that time, our relations with UN are enhanced. On August 13, 2004, Mrs. Mehriban Aliyeva, the President of the Foundation of Heydar Aliyev was rewarded with the title of UNESCO’s Goodwill Ambassador for her tireless efforts to preserve and develop the verbal folklore and musical heritage of Azerbaijan. And after that, the relations between this organization and Azerbaijan started to further develop. Until now, important documents were signed and actions were taken to develop the co- operation with UNESCO in the spheres of science, education and culture. UNESCO conducts scientific researches, training of personnel, and flow, transfer and exchange of knowledge through trainings in compliance with relevant normative acts. In 1998-1999, this UN organi- zation for education, science and cultural issues (UNESCO) offered a new initiative and de- veloped a specific new program titled the World Memory to preserve rare examples of the documented heritage. The Global Heritage List of UNESCO includes a Magazine, summary of documents, manuscripts, verbal heritages, audio-visual materials, librarian property and invaluable archives. This list consists of the heritage of documents, which is recognized by UN as the property of global importance. There are also samples for presentation of the Member-States themselves and for recording and preserving their national and local heritages within it. The organization invites all the Member-States to create the register of their docu- mented heritages. These registers develop progressively in parallel to the Global List thanks to the continuous work of the National Committee for the World Memory. The official cooperation of the Institute of Manuscripts of Azerbaijan National Acad- emy of Sciences, named after Muhammad Fuzuli with UNESCO has started since 2002. That year Ramiz Aboutalibov, the General Secretary of the Azerbaijan-France Friendship Society sent a letter to Mahmud Karimov, who was the President of ANAS that time, and informed him of the UNESCO Program titled Global Memory, which was available in various places of the world since 1992 and informed him that at that time, the World Memory Register included 68 collections from 33 countries. The General Secretary, by referring to the letter sent to him by Mr. Abdoul Vahid Khan, UNESCO Deputy General Director for Communication and In- formation, recommended him to establish a National Committee for the World Memory and invited him to present the documented heritage examples of global importance. Afterward, a close cooperation was established between the Institute and the UNESCO Committee and three medieval Azerbaijani manuscripts about the and , be- ing maintained at the Institute, were presented. At the session dated June 13-17, 2005 of the International Commission for UNESCO Program of World Memory, three medieval Azer- baijani manuscripts about the history of medicine and pharmacology, offered from the collec- tion of the Institute of Manuscripts of Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences, named after Muhammad Fuzuli, were included in the Word Memory Register. One of the manuscripts included in 2005 is Volume 13 of 30-Volume work about medi- cine and of great Arabian scientist Aboulgasim Zahravi who lived in in Cor- dova Kalifate in the 10-11th centuries, titled Al-Magalatus-Salasin (About Surgery and Surgi- cal Tools), which is the most valuable and interesting part of this encyclopedic work. In the book, the pictures of about 200 surgical tools were provided and the use of them was ex- plained. The Manuscript consisting of 156 pages was copied out through the Naskh script

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J.of “Manuscripts don’t burn”: №1(8), 2019, Special issue, ISSN: 2410-5600 style with the black mascara in the 12th century. The surgical tools given in the book were drawn clearly. Another manuscript of the Institute – the manuscript of Volume 2 of the work titled Al- Ganun fit-Tibb (Medicine Rules) of great Eastern scientist Abu Ali Ibn Sina (Avicenna) draws attention with its antiquity and perfectness. The work was copied out 106 years after the death of the author in 537 of the hegira calendar (or 1143 of the current calendar. In this sense, this copy of the manuscript is one of the most reliable copies. The Medical Rules was regarded as the most perfect and unique encyclopedic work written about the medicine in the medieval period both in the West and East. After the translation of this work from Arabic into Latin in the 12th century by Jerard of Cremona (1140-1187), it had been regarded as the best textbook on the medicine at European Universities for centuries. The book had gained such a fame that genius painter and sculptor Michelangelo said the followings about it: ‘It is better to go wrong by following Avicenna than achieving success by following others.’ The work titled Zahireyi-Nizamshahi of Roustam Jurjani, a scientist of the 12th century is about the medicine and pharmacology. It is supposed that it was copied out in the 13th cen- tury. The manuscript consists of 487 pages. It was copied out with the blank ink through the fine and elegant Nastalig script style. The 1st page of the manuscript was decorated with the gilt and ornaments. The full text of the manuscript was bordered with gilded frames. The manuscript version of Roustam Jurjani’s work titled Zahireyi-Nizamshahi was not found in another place of the world, except the ANAS Institute of Manuscripts named Muhammad Fuzuli. At the present time, these manuscripts are preserved at the fund of ANAS Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli. Furthermore, at that time, two UNESCO representatives - Ms. Ann Brisse, a professor of Ottawa University and Herr Gerhard Budin, a terminology expert from Vienne visited the Institute of Manuscripts and after getting familiar with the situation at the Institute, talked about some projects within the framework of the future cooperation. The copy of the manuscript of the Divan of great Azerbaijani poet Muhammad Fuzuli in Turkish (Azeri) was included in the World Memory Register. Although before that three me- dieval manuscripts about the history of medicine, being maintained at the Institute of Manu- scripts were included in the UNESCO World Memory Register, the authors of those works, that is, Avicenna, Zahravi and Zeynaddin Jurjani were not Azerbaijani and those manuscripts were not Azerbaijani manuscripts as well. These works were very important to demonstrate the high level of culture, science and education in the medieval period in our country. For the first time, a work of an Azerbaijani author, an Azerbaijani manuscript is included in the UNESCO World Memory Register. It is said in the letter sent to the Institute of Manuscripts of Azerbaijan National Acad- emy of Sciences (ANAS), named after Muhammad Fuzuli by Boyan Radoykov, UNESCO Chief of Section Universal Access and Preservation: ‘I am pleased to inform that inclusion of the copy of the manuscript of the Divan of Muhammad Fuzuli in the World Memory Pro- gram’s Register has been approved by the General Director at the 13th session of the Com- mitte, held from the 24th to 27th October of 2017 in compliance with the recommendation of the International Advisory Committee of the World Memory Program at Paris, where UNESCO’s Headquarter is situated. We are sending the certificate signed by the General Director. The inclusion of this documented heritage into the Register of the Wordl Memory Program reflects its exceptional value and underlines the importance of preservation of it for the world. It also creates a per- fect opportunity in terms of attaching attention to preservation of it to enable the importance of the collective memory and making of it accessible to as much as possible people.’

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The discussed work is the Baku manuscript copied out 16 years after the death of Fuzuli in 1572, which is regarded as the most reliable copy of Fuzuli’s Divan in Turkish (Azeri). This manuscript consisting of 76 pages was copied out by Mahmoud Ibn Davud Ulanyavi, who was familiar with the nickname of Saidi, in 1569-1572. One of the key duties of the ANAS Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli is to promote and represent Azerbaijan’s science and history in the world. Therefore, its relations with the United Nations are further enhanced.

References:

1. Babakhanova N.K. International Information Environment and Scientific-Cultural Integration. – Baku: Zardabi LTD, 2017. 2. Archive Materials of ANAS Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli. 3. Website of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Azerbaijan http://www.mfa.gov.az/content/556 4. http://www.unesco.az/

Nigar Babaxanova

Əlyazmalar İnstitutunun UNESCO ilə beynəlxalq əlaqələri

XÜLASƏ

Açar sözlər: Əlyazma, UNESCO, beynəlxalq əlaqələr, mədəni irs

Cəmiyyətin inkişafının bütün dövrlərində beynəlxalq təşkilatların rolu inkar olunmazdır. BMT-nin ixtisaslaşmış təşkilatı olan YUNESKO dünyanın təhsil, elm, mədəniyyət, informa- siya və kommunikasiya sahəsindəki əməkdaşlığın ən böyük hökumətlərarası forumudur. Azərbaycan Milli Elmlər Akademiyası Məhəmməd Füzuli adına Əlyazmalar İnstitutunun YUNESKO ilə rəsmi əməkdaşlığı 2002-ci ildən başlayır. 2007-ci ildə Böyük Azərbaycan şairi Məhəmməd Füzulinin türkcə (azərbaycanca) “Divan”ının əlyazmasının surəti “Dünya Yad- daşı” Proqramı Reyestrinə daxil edilib.

Нигяр Бабаханова

Международное сотрудничество Института Рукописей с ЮНЕСКО

РЕЗЮМЕ

Ключевые слова: Pукописи, ЮНЕСКО, международные отношения, культурное наследие Роль международных организаций во всех периодах развития общества неоспори- ма. ЮНЕСКО, специализированное агентство ООН, является крупнейшим межпра-

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вительственным форумом в области образования, науки, культуры, информации и ком- муникации в мире. Официальное сотрудничество Института рукописей имени Мухам- меда Физули Национальной академии наук Азербайджана с ЮНЕСКО началось с 2002 года. В 2005 году в список «Память мира» вошли три средневековых азербайджанских рукописей по истории медицины и фармакологии из коллекции Института рукописей имени Мухаммеда Физули Национальной Академии Наук Азербайджана. Копия рукописи «Дивана», написанная великим азербайджанским поэтом Мухаммедом Фи- зули на турецком языке (азербайджанский), включена в Реестр программ «Память мира» в 2017 году.

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Rana Mammadova. Nadir Shah’s policy with regard to religious minorities // J. of “Manuscripts Don’t Burn". №1(8), 2019, Special issue, pp. 114-120.

UDC: 93; 297.1; 23/28; 35; 295; 296

Rana Mammadova Ph.D in history, Associate Professor Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli, ANAS 26 Istiglaliyat Street, Baku E-mail: [email protected]

NADIR SHAH’S POLICY WITH REGARD TO RELIGIOUS MINORITIES

Key words: Shiism, Conversion, Nadir Shah, Christians, , Zoroastrians

In order to govern the government and the army successfully, Nadir Shah tried to avoid conflicts on religious grounds. For this purpose, he weakened the role of the Shiite clergy in the society, united the Shiism with the Sunnism, and, seeking for recognition of the Jafarid madhhab as the fifth Sunni school by Ottoman Turkey, pursued a tolerant policy towards rep- resentatives of various religious denominations. Having established their political power, the Safavids proclaimed the Imami Shiism (Isna ‘Ashari) the state religion of the country, which became the central component of their identity and ideology. The introduction and rapid spread of the Shiite Imamite dogma and traditions ensured the overwhelming predominance of the Shiite population of the multina- tional Safavid Empire. During the reign of the Safavids (1501-1722), representatives of religious minorities experienced both periods of forced conversion to Shiism and periods of tolerance. After the adoption of the Shiism by the major part of the Sunni population, the followers of the conver- sion turned their attention to the religious minorities inhabiting in Iran. The words of the American historian M.Amanat, describing the position of the Jewish community in the Safavid period, can also be attributed to representatives of other religious denominations: ‘during the reign of the Safavids, the position of the Jews depended on the attitude of the ruling Shah, who became more orthodox in the last phase of the Safavid era.’ (3, p.39) The change in attitudes towards members of religious minorities is observed during the ruling of I Shah Abbas (1587-1629), whose policy was aimed at weakening the role of the clergy in the society, and, in particular, Shiism as a force uniting the national consciousness of people (26, p. 26). At that time, Jews and Christians enjoyed the Shah’s exceptional favor. Shah Abbas, trying to expand trade with various countries, by all means supported merchants having relationships in Europe: Jews - silk sellers, Georgian and Armenian merchants. Favor- able conditions were created for the representatives of these communities during his reign: everyone knew that they lived and worked in Iran under the protection of the Shah. Shah Abbas used to attend their churches, take part in their religious festivals and interfaith reli- gious debates (14, p. 116). There is also a case when, in order to attract the attention of Chris- tian religious figures and ambassadors of European countries, Shah Abbas in the middle of Ramadan month of 1017/1608, which coincided with Christmas, went to the Catholic Church

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J.of “Manuscripts don’t burn”: №1(8), 2019, Special issue, ISSN: 2410-5600 of Isfahan, where he drank wine right in front of the Shiite spiritual figures accompanying him (24, p. 947). In addition, as a gesture of friendship, Shah Abbas, along with a large group of Jewish religious leaders, made a foot pilgrimage to a Jewish tomb. But at the same time, there are many reports of persecution of Jews and violent conversion of them into Shiism during the reign of 1st Shah Abbas (14, p. 116). A sharp deterioration in the position of religious minorities was observed during the rule of Shah Sultan Hussein (1694-1722), characterized by a repeated increase in the authority and power of the Shiite clergy in the society (20, p. 214). The turn of the religious policy course towards Orthodox Shiism was already demonstrated at the coronation of Shah Sultan Hussein: the honor of attaching the sword to the belt of the new Shah: the honor of attaching the sword to the belt of the new Shah at the ceremony of initiation into the shahs was awarded not to a Sufi, as was customary according to the Safavid tradition, indicating the Sufi origin of the , but Head of Mullahs Mohammed Bagir Majlisi. The period of the ruling of Shah Sultan Hussein can be called the apogee of cruel treatment of members of religious mi- norities, not only in the period of Majlisi, but also after his death (when the grandson of the latter Mir Mir Mohammed Hussein occupied the post of Head of Mullahs). The increasing role and prestige of the Shiite clergy at this time is evidenced by a decree issued by Shah Sultan Hussein that all Viziers, governors and other secular officials throughout the empire must obey Majlisi as Sheikh-ul Islam (13, p. 91-92). The result of the irreconcilable position of Majlisi to the Sunnis and Sufis was a huge number of people forcibly transferred to the Shiism, whose number reached 70 thousand (26, p. 81-82). These changes led to the restoration of the atmosphere of intolerance and repression against religious minorities, which immediately had a negative impact on the situation in the border provinces where Sunnis constituted the majority in large territories such as Balochis- tan, Herat, and Shirvan (26, p. 127-28, 146). Persons practicing were also suffering from the cruel pressure during the ruling of Shah Sultan Hussein. Shortly after the ascension to the throne under the pressure of the Head of Mullahs, the Shah issued a decree on the mandatory transition of Zoroastrians to the Shiism. In 1699, Patriarch Angure witnessed how, in Isfahan, in the Hassanabad Square, where Zoroastrians lived, a mosque was built on the site of a destroyed temple of fire wor- shipers (26, p. 84). However, later, perhaps as a result of the weakening of the central power, the fire worshipers managed to obtain a permit to build the Atashgah temple in Absheron in Surakhani town, most of which was built in 1713-1720, where believers had the opportunity to perform their religious practices (1 p. 201). The position of the Jews at this time was not much better than the position of the fire worshipers. According to a decree issued at that time, Jews and Christians were given the right to demand the property of their relatives in return for adopting Islam (26, p. 86). One of the communities that was persecuted during the rule of Shah Sultan Hussein was Indian mer- chants from Gujarat - banyans, who played an important role in the development of trade re- lations between Iran and India. According to representatives of the Dutch East India Com- pany, many trading companies and private individuals hired Indians as brokers to represent their commercial interests. Their services were used not only by English and Dutch East India Companies, but also by members of other trading communities. Moreover, the same banyan could be a broker for both East India Companies (7, p. 229). But despite this, since the ban- yans from India secretly brought their gods, M. Majlisi considered their stay in Iran threaten- ing the rule of the Shiism (18, p. 183), which potentially could adversely affect the trade in general. However, all the above measures taken to protect and revive the Shiism in a weakened state did not strengthen the national solidarity and unity, but, on the contrary, acted as a factor that led to disunity, destruction and endless conflicts on religious grounds. Moreover, the fre-

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences quent persecution of Jews who traded with European countries ‘led to the vulnerability of local business circles, which undoubtedly prevented the accumulation of capital in the Iranian economy, by directing its flow outside the country” (3, p. 44). The uprising of Afghans who practiced Sunnism ended with an attack on Iran in 1722, led by Mahmud-Gilzai (1722-1725) and the fall of the Safavid dynasty. Ascended to the throne of Iran in 1725, Ashraf-Ghilzai (1725-1730), with the aim of suppressing and restrict- ing the predominance of the country's Shia population, began to raise and promote Sunnis and non-Shiite population of Iran. According to a decree, issued by him, in the hierarchical ladder of the country's society, the Shiite majority was given the very last, seventh place: they were rated below not only Sunnis, but also banyans (Gujarat Indians), Zoroastrians and Jews. Moreover, as emphasized in the document, the Shiites were to be considered ‘slaves of six other groups’ (9, p. 196-98). But the intentions of the Afghan conquerors to reassign the social statuses of the coun- try's population on a religious basis could not be realized: in 1726, they were completely de- feated by Nadir and expelled from the country. And the latter, having come to power in 1736, also made an attempt to revise and change the structure of the foundation of the state and so- ciety in order to change the predominant Shiite character of the state and its institutions (2, p. 706-7). The religious policy implemented by Nadir Shah was very different from the regime and principles of his Safavid predecessors. In particular, Nadir put a lot of effort into repress- ing and suppressing Shiite practices associated with the Safavid’s Shiite state (4, p. 169). Na- dir Shah proposed a new sect of Islam, which had to become common with the Sunni neighbors in Afghanistan, and the Ottoman Empire (19, p. 43). Hoping to achieve the restoration of friendly relations with the Sunni Ottoman Empire and prepare the ground for becoming the head of the united , Nadir, by uniting the Shiism and Sun- niism, sought for recognition by the Turks of the Jafarid madhhab as the fifth Sunni school (23, p. 56). To control the vast territories of his empire, which grew as a result of wars of conquest, the policy of Nadir Shah in relation to various religious groups, in particular Christians and Jews, was extremely tolerant (6, p. 30-31; 11, p. 278-81). The policy of Nadir Shah aimed at ensuring that among the peoples residing in the country there were as little as possible hostile, disgruntled people against whom he would have to use the army and perform fights (21, p. 119), and we should not forget that Nadir’s army also consisted of people belonging to vari- ous religious denominations. Nadir Shah’s tolerance towards representatives of religious communities that inhabited the empire is testified to by a multitude of facts, which undoubtedly is a clear indicator of his political foresight. In particular among the Jews, his rule is even now considered liberation from persecution, although the latter, like the entire population of the country, also suffered from heavy tax oppression and extortion, especially in the last years of Nadir's rule (10, p. 360-63; 4, p. 169). It is known that when Sheikh-ul Islam Mirza Abul Gasim informed Nadir Shah about the heavy living conditions of the Jewish community in Kashan and the closing of the synagogues, the latter immediately issued a decree about the opening of 13 synagogues that had not worked for 7 months. Although there is no information about the number of Jews living at that time, based on the available facts, it can be assumed that the Jewish communities in Hamadan, Isfahan, Shiraz, Mashhad and Gazvin were quite numerous. In the History of Jews of Iran it is noted that during the reign of Nadir Shah, the status of Jews in Kashan im- proved to such an extent that Kashan turned into small Jerusalem, and at the beginning of the 18th century became the center of learning of Judaism, where Jewish worshipers were trained for all of Iran. This revival process continued in Kashan for 60 years, which led to such an upswing that the Kashan Jews who were engaging in trade could lay the foundation for capi-

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J.of “Manuscripts don’t burn”: №1(8), 2019, Special issue, ISSN: 2410-5600 tal, which works and multiplies even now in various countries of Europe, America and Asia. As H.Levi believes, ‘all this was achieved thanks to the conditions that were created for the spiritual development of the Jews in Kashan during the reign of Nadir Shah” (28, p. 469-70). In addition, as an indicator of the latter’s good relations with the Jewish community, it is pos- sible to cite reports that during financial difficulties Nadir often resorted to the help of the Jews of Mashhad and Gazvin (21, p. 120). Nadir Shah, who was interested in the development of trade relations of his empire with other countries, patronized banyans, merchants from Gujarat. According to representatives of the Dutch East India Company, the number of their community in Isfahan during the reign of the 2nd Shah Tahmasib numbered 800 people, but in 1734, during the reign of Nadir, it fell to 300 people, which caused the latter’s great concern. Having learned that the ruler of the city demands a tax of 250 Tumans from the Hindus, Nadir immediately issued a decree restricting the tax for banyans - no more than 50 Mahmudi per person per year, and in addition, ex- empted them from all extraordinary taxes (7, p. 40). It is known that the Zoroastrians, subjected to pressure during the rule of Sultan Hus- sein, during the attack of the Afghans on Iran provided all possible assistance to the invaders. In particular, during the siege of Yazd, the fire worshipers were preparing to open the city gates to the Afghans, but were exposed in time and could not carry out their plan (17, p. 59), and when the Afghan troops invaded Kerman they met with the invaders as their liberators (25, p. 84) . Therefore, the attitude of Nadir to the Zoroastrians, whom he considered to be unreliable, was negative: the fact that we find in the reports of representatives of the Dutch East India Company in Kerman, eloquently testifies to this. In 1736, Nadir Shah, who was on his way to Kandahar, made a stop in Kerman, where fire worshipers could not pay the re- quired amount. And then Nadir, whom it is difficult to reproach with the fact that he was a supporter of conversion to Islam, put a condition before the fire-worshipers: in case of non- payment, everyone should adopt Islam. And the Zoroastrians trying to keep their faith were forced to sell everything they owned, even their wives and children, in order to pay the tax (7, p. 188). Unlike his Safavid predecessors, Nadir Shah in relation to representatives of various re- ligious faiths developed the idea of universal unity of Islam, Christianity and Judaism, by finding common features and differences in them. According to the author of Bayan-i Vage, Nadir was interested in that topic during a campaign in Turkestan at a meeting of Muslim scholars, where he witnessed discussions about Islam, Judaism and Christianity (25, p. 111). In Malcolm’s work, there is also information that shortly after the conquest of India in 1740, Koran’s Al-Fath Sura attracted Nadir’s attention, indications of which are found in the Torah and the Bible (12, p. 104). Nadir Shah invited scholars and figures of different religions to him, instructing them to translate Jewish books of Pentateuch (Torah) and the Psalms (Zabut), the Christian Gospel (Bible) and the Holy Koran into Persian (12, p 104; 5, p. 637 8; 11, pp. 280-1; 21, p. 122-23; 15, p. 76-77). The group of scientists was led by court historian Mirza Mehdi khan Astrabadi. They included two famous religious scholars from the famous Khatunabadi family - Mir Mohammed Masum Husseini Khatunabadi (1076-1155) and Mir Abdulgani Khatunabadi (1100-1164), as well as four Jewish, eight Christian and four Muslim scientists (30). Work on the translation continued from May 1740 to June 1741 in Isfahan (6, p.31; 29). As a result, translations of all four Gospels were made: from Matthew, Mark, Luke and Yohan, lists of which are currently kept in Kitabhan-i Kakh-i (Iran), the Paris National Library and the Vatican Library (29). The list of the translation of the Koran, carried out upon the order of Nadir Shah, unfortunately, has not reached our days (21, p. 123). According to Abdulkarim Kashmiri, translations of the Holy Books were presented to Nadir Shah after returning from Turkestan. However, at that time he was preparing for a pu- nitive campaign in Dagestan to avenge the murder of his brother Ibrahim Khan. During his

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences stop in Gazvin, the Catholic bishops, two Armenian priests, Jewish and Muslim scholars came to bow to him. Nadir met with them, paid for the journey, but complained that at the moment he did not have time to read, formulating his point of view as follows: ‘If Allah is only, then the Prophet must also be only.’ (25, p. 111-112) However, Lockhart, relying on the reports of British sales representatives in Bender Abbas, refers this event to the time when Nadir was in India (27, p. 351). The author of Bayan-i Vage indicated that Nadir Shah was able to get familiarized with the translations of the Holy Books in -i Ashraf, where religious figures and scholars gathered, apparently referring to the meeting arranged by Nadir to discuss the sect of Jafari in 1742 in Najaf (25, p. 112). However, this information is erroneous, as there are no references to the presence of scholars from other religious denominations and discussions on the transla- tion of the Holy Books in Najaf either in documentary or narrative sources. However, Kash- miri writes about this from someone else’s words, relying on rumors and unverified informa- tion because he could not witness that meeting, which was held in Najaf in 1743: he left the service at Nadir Shah to make a pilgrimage to Mecca in July 1741 (25, p. v). There are also reports by J. Hanway that Nadir Shah, having read the translations of the Holy Books, ridiculed both Christians and Jews, as well as Muhammad and Ali, saying that the translations show that the Christian faith, like other beliefs, has absurd inner contradic- tions (8, p. 218-19). Addressing the Jewish, Christian and Muslim followers of the cult, he said with a sneer: ‘If God gives me life, I will create such a religion that will be better than the religions known to mankind!’ (8, p. 216-9). However, it should be noted here that J. Han- way’s information on religious matters seems to be extremely unreliable, since, according to a fair comment by Iranian historian R. Shabani, ‘a careful study of Jonas Hanvey’s information about the religion allow us to conclude that the latter was had extremely limited knowledge of religious matters’ (22, p. 1155). In one Persian-Judean manuscript of 1760, a record made by Rabbi, a participant in the translation of the Jewish Sacred Books, was preserved that ‘“At night at the royal meeting, the Head Mullah of the country (Mullahbashi) read and interpreted to the king (Nadir Shah - R. M) from Torah, then from the Psalms, and the king enjoyed (from reading - R. M.). He (Nadir Shah - RM) vowed, saying: ‘I will conquer Russia, restore Jerusalem, and gather all the chil- dren of Israel together.’ However, death overtook him and did not allow him to do it’ (16, p. Xxxvi-xxxvii). As we can see, the undoubted service of Nadir Shah lies in the constant search for ways to unite different religions. However, it should not forgotten that both in the attempts to unite the Sunnism and Shiism, and in the idea of uniting all religions, about which there are many reports in modern sources, he pursued his political goals. By combining the Shiism and Sun- nism, Nadir Shah sought for Ottoman Turkey to recognize Jafarid madhhab as the fifth school of Sunnism. These steps, no doubt, were taken by him to renew friendly relations with the Sunni Ottoman Empire and prepare the ground to become the head of the united Muslim world. His policy was aimed at weakening the Shiite clergy and restoring harmony in the mat- ter of religion. For the successful management and preservation of peace in his empire, Nadir Shah pursued a tolerant policy with regard to various religious groups, especially Christians and Jews.

References:

1. Rasim Afandi, Azerbaijani Art, Sharg-Garb, Baku, 2007. 160 [56] p. 2. Algar H., Religious Forces in 18-19th Century Iran, in ”The Cambridge History of Iran from Nadir Shah to the Islamic Republic”, vol. VII, ed. P.Avery, G. Hambly, Ch. Mel- ville, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2003, 1072 p.

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3. Amanat M., Jewish Identities in Iran: Resistance and Conversion to Islam and the Baha’i, London-New York, I.B.Tauris, 2011. 256 p. 4. Axworthy M., The Sword of Persia Nader Shah, from Tribal Warrior to Conquering Tyrant, I.B. Tauris, London-New York, 2006. 348 p. 5. A Chronicle of the Carmelites in Persia and the Papal Mission of the XVII-XVIII centuries. Vol. I. Eyre & Spottiwoode, London, 1939. 720 p. 6. Fischel W.J., The Bible in Persian Translation, Harvard Theological Review 45 (January 1952), 3-45 7. Floor Willem, The Rise and Fall of Nader Shah: Dutch East India Company Re- ports, 1730-1747, Mage Publishers, 2009. 272 p. 8. Hanway Jonas. An Historical Account of the British Trade over the ; with the Revolutions of Persia, vol. IV, London, 1753. 306 p. 9. Krusinski J.Th. The History of the Late Revolutions of Persia, vol. II, Golden Buck, London, 1740. 199 p. 10. Lavi Habib, Hooshang Ebrami, Comprehensive History of Jews of Iran: Outset of the Diaspora. Costa Mesa, Calif., Mazda Publishers, 1999. 597 p. 11. Lockhart L., Nadir Shah. A Critical Study Based Mainly upon Contemporary Sources. Luzac & Co, London, 1938. 344 p. 12. Malcolm J. The History of Persia from the Most Early period to the Present Time, vol. II, John Murray, London, 1815. 589 p. 13. Matthee R., The Pursuit of pleasure: Drugs and Stimulants in Iranian History 1500- 1900, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 2005. 347 p. 14. Moreen V.B., Iranian Jewry’s Hour of Peril and Heroism: A Study of Babai ibn Lutf’s Chronicle, 1617-1662, Columbia University Press, New York, 1987. 239 p. 15. Tucker E., Nadir Shah’s Quest for Legitimacy in Post-. University Press of Florida, 2006. 150 p. 16. Yeroushalmi D.,The Jews of Iran in the Nineteenth Century: Aspects of History, Community and Culture, Brill, 2009. 437 p. آروﻧﻮا، اﺷﺮﻓﯿﺎن. دوﻧﺖ ﻧﺎدر ﺷﺎه، ﻧﺮﭼﻤﮫ ﺣﻤﯿﺪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ. ﺗﮭﺮان، ١٣٥٢ .17 اﺻﻔﮭﺎﻧﯽ، ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﮭﺪی. ﻧﺼﻒ ﺟﮭﺎن ﻓﯽ ﺗﻌﺮﯾﻒ اﻻﺻﻔﮭﺎن، ﺗﮭﺮان، ١٩٦١ .18 اﻗﺒﺎل آﺷﺘﯿﺎﻧﯽ، ﻋﺒﺎس. وﺛﯿﻘﮫ اﺗﺤﺎد اﺳﻼم ﻧﺎدری. ﯾﺎدﮔﺎر ٤ ،١٣٢٦. ص. ٤٣-٥٥ .19 ﺳﯿﻮری، راﺟﺮ. اﯾﺮان ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮی، ﺗﺮﺟﻤﮫ ﮐﺎﻣﺒﯿﺰ ﻋﺰﯾﺰی. ﺗﮭﺮان، ١٣٦٦ .20 ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻧﯽ، رﺿﺎ. ﻧﺎرﯾﺦ اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ اﯾﺮان در ﻋﺼﺮ اﻓﺸﺎرﯾﮫ، ﺟﻠﺪ اول. ﺗﮭﺮان، ١٣٧٧ .21 ﺷﻌﻨﺎﻧﯽ رﺿﺎ . ﺳﯿﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺬھﺒﯽ ﻧﺎدر ﺷﺎه اﻓﺸﺎر . وﺣﯿﺪ ٧ ،١٣٤٩. ص. ١١٣٢- ١١٥٦ .22 ﻓﺘﺢ اﷲ ﭘﻮر، ﺗﺸﯿﻊ در دوره ﻧﺎدر ﺷﺎه اﻓﺸﺎر. ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﮫ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﯽ ﺷﯿﻌﮫ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﯽ/ ﺳﺎل ﭼﮭﺎرم/ﺷﻤﺎره .23 ١٦/١٣٨٥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﯽ، ﻧﺼﺮا ﷲ. زﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﯽ ﺷﺎه ﻋﺒﺎس اول، ج. ٤. ﺗﮭﺮان، ١٣٦٩ .24 ﮐﺸﻤﯿﺮی، ﻋﺒﺪاﻟﮑﺮﯾﻢ، ﺑﯿﺎن واﻗﻊ، ﺑﮫ ﺗﺼﺤﯿﺢ و ﺗﺤﻘﯿﻖ ﮐﯽ.ﺑﯽ.ﻧﺴﯿﻢ، ﻻھﻮر، ١٩٧٠ .25 ﻟﮑﮭﺎرت، ﻻرﻧﺲ. اﻧﻘﺮاض ﺳﻠﺴﻠﮫ ﺻﻔﻮﯾﮫ و اﺳﺘﯿﻼی اﻓﺎﻏﻨﮫ در اﯾﺮان، ﺗﺮﺟﻤﮫ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ ﻗﻠﯽ ﻋﻤﺎد. ﺗﮭﺮان، .26 ١٣٦٨ ﻟﮑﮭﺎرت، ﻻرﻧﺲ. ﻧﺎدر ﺷﺎه، ﺗﺮﺟﻤﮫ و اﻗﺘﺒﺎس ﻣﺸﻐﻖ ھﻤﺪاﻧﯽ. ﺗﮭﺮان، ١٣٣١ .27 ﻟﻮی، ﺣﺒﯿﺐ. ﺗﺎرﯾﺦ ﯾﺤﻮد اﯾﺮان، ﺟﻠﺪ ﺳﻮم، ﺗﮭﺮان، ١٣٣٩ .28 29. http:/www.bashgah.net/

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences

Rəna Məmmədova

Nadir şahın dini azlıqlarla bağlı siyasəti

XÜLASƏ

Açar sözlər: şiəlik, konversiya, Nadir şah, xristianlar, yahudilər, atəşpərəstlər

Hazırkı məqalə XVIII əsrdə İranda yaşamış dini azlıqlara münasibətdə Nadir şahın apardığı siyasətdən bəhs edir. Nadir şah dövləti və ordunu müvəffəqiyyətlə idarə etmək məqsədi ilə ölkədə dini vəhdət yaratmağa çalışırdı. Bunun üçün o, şiə ruhanilərinin cəmiyyət- dəki rolunu azaltmağa və şiəliklə sünniliyi birləşdirməyə cəhd etmiş, Osmanlı Türkiyəsi tərə- findən Cəfəri məzhəbini beşinci sünni fiqh məktəbi kimi tanınmasına səy göstərmiş və müxtə- lif dini icmaların nümayəndələrinə münasibətdə xeyli dərəcədə dözümlü siyasət yürütmüşdür.

Рена Мамедова

Политика Надир шаха в отношении религиозных меньшинств

РЕЗЮМЕ

Ключевые слова: шиизм, конверсия, Haдир Шах, христиане, евреи, зороастрийцы

В этой статье освещается политика Надир-шаха, проводимая в отношении религи- озных меньшинств, живших в Иране в ХУШ веке. В целях успешного управления госу- дарством и армией, Надир-шах старался создать в стране религиозную целостность. Для этого он пытался понизить роль шиитского духовенства в обществе и объединить шиитов и суннитов, он прикладывал усилие для признания Османской Турцией секты Джафари как пятую суннитскую школу юриспруденции, проводил политику терпе- ливости к представителям различных религиозных общин.

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Tahira Nuraliyeva. Endowed Manuscripts // J. of “Manuscripts Don’t Burn". №1(8), 2019, Special issue, pp. 121-130.

UDC: 091; 930.253

Tahira Nuraliyeva Ph.D in Philology, Associate Professor Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli, ANAS 26 Istiglaliyat Street, Baku E-mail: [email protected]

ENDOWED MANUSCRIPTS

Key words: endowments, manuscripts, Koran, paleographic features

Azerbaijan has a very ancient and rich history. These traces of history are reflected in the manuscripts that came from the oldest times and reached us in different ways. These written monuments created by our people for centuries are a strong source for studying of the literary-artistics heritage and the history of the cultures of Azerbaijan and the Near East and Middle East. Among the great civilizations existing in the world, the civilization created by the Mus- lim peoples distinguishes with its richness and grandiosity. The first inscriptions with old history are connected with Sumerians. The lithographic pictograms of Sumerian inscriptions available in the world and ancient Egyptian papyruses can be seen as the predecessors of modern books. We see that books have nearly 7000 years of history. The scripts of , written with the Naskh script style on the leather, are the main, more realistic form of the book. The pictures drawn on rocks on Boyukdash Mountain in Gobustan, belonging to the 1st century, Albanian writings in Mingachevir, medieval lithographical inscriptions, epigraphical monuments and others may be summarized as early inscriptions of Azerbaijan. At the ANAS Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli, lots of rare manuscript copies in Azeri, Turkish, Persian and Arabic are maintained. These are ornamen- ted magnificent manuscript copies of classics of the history of the world literature, adorned by medieval painters and calligraphists. Studying of the manuscript collections are among very topical issues in terms of learning of the previous history of Eastern nations and the Azerbai- jani nation. Some part of these manuscripts are endowed monuments. Movable and immov- able properties given and endowed willingly by a government or individuals for religious and beneficiary purposes are called endowments. ‘Vagf’ (endowment) is an Arabian word and means ‘staying somewhere’, ‘being silent’, or ‘belonging to anything’. In the Islamic Law, the term of Vagf means ‘arresting any property or agricultural land for the sake of God’ (endow- ing for the sake of God, to one’s children, from generation to generation, to any mosque or palace). Although the history of appearance of the Vagf came across the 7-8th centuries, its roots are older. Historical scientists show based on many sources that the social root of the endow- ment came to societies from the age of primitive societies as the form of property-common household for help. The term of oracle property belongs to Christianity until Islam. Endow- ment of properties was documented through a special document titled Vagfnama. Endowed

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences properties could not be sold, endowed, or mortgaged. Persons endowing anything were called ‘Mutavalli’ or ‘Nazir’, whose responsibility was supervising the collection and strengthening of incomes. In addition to the endowed manuscripts being maintained at the Institute of Manu- scripts, there are also works written with the titles of Vagfiyya or Vagfnama, which are very interesting, too. In these works, the rules for endowment, giving with the aim of endowment, constructing premises as a beneficent, informing of Koran readers of the endowment and etc. issues are discussed. Vagf in reading of Koran means breaks, pauses and clamming up with the breath, Among written monuments, the endowed copies of the most valuable manuscript Sa- cred Koran and its interpretations are interesting. In the 1st and 2nd volumes of the Catalogue of Endowed Manuscripts, detailed information are given about those copies of Koran. And one of them, the manuscript being maintained with Code B-6965/8590 includes two works. The text was written with the black ink through the Naskh script style on white, one- color papers. The headings and subheadings, the titles of the chapters and babs, some words and the lines drawn under them were written with the red ink (The sizes are 14.5x22cm, the volume is 211 pages). Its cover was made of cardboard. On pages 2b-99b, the interpretation of Al-Fath Sura in Imam Fakhr-Razi’s work titled At-Tafsir Al-Kabir is given, where it is said that this book is an interpretation of Fatiha Sura granted by God to us. In the introduction part of the work, the words of ‘Ali Mehdi’s endowment to other sci- entists’ and on the stamp put, the words of ‘Abduhu Aslan Tavakkul-tu-Alallah’ (Trust in God, his (God’s) slave Aslan) were written. The second work is called Abdulla Muhammad bin Omar bin Al-Hussein Ar-Razi’s ‘Kitabul-Fazailush-Shafeyi’ (100b-211a). In this work composed and regulated in compliance with the figh (Islamic Law), the martyrdom the early imams of Islam is mentioned. The note on endowment, written on Page 100b of the manuscript is in the form of Endowed by Ali Mehdi with the aim of charity for the sake of God, unlike the first work. On the last 209a-210b pages of the manuscript, a story is given. This religious story is about the travel of Alexander the Great to Magrib and the dissemination of Islam. On that page and on the cover, there is a script about the rules for ablution. The manuscript was cop- ied out by student Hidayat Muhammadjan Dagestani in Dagestan in 1065 of the hegira calen- dar (=1654). One of the very valuable and rich monuments at the Institute of Manuscripts is main- tained with Code B-6099/7724. Although the manuscript was not endowed, it contains Ko- ran’s reading rules and suras. On Pages 1b-7a, there are the Interpretation of Al-Rahman Sura, Abu Nasr Muhammad ibn Abdurrahman Hamadani’s work titled Az-Sabiyyat fi Mavaizul- Bariyyat (Sabiyyat in brief), several suras of Koran, and forms of Gabala (ownership docu- ment). The text was written with the black ink through the Naskh script style on white, one- color papers. (The sizes are 18x21 cm, and the volume is 81 pages). It does not have a cover. In this religious book in Arabic, information about the endowment is given to Koran readers. Although the manuscript was not endowed, it has been added to the article as it con- tains interesting poems and comments about the endowment. The words in the introduction part of the poem are these: ‘Koran reader, I give you advises about endowment through poem. The person memorizing Koran, listen to this poem to allow it to be a guide for you interms of stopping.’ Mim hərfi vəqfdir, ondan vaz keçmə, Keçsən, qorxu onda küfrə çerilər.

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Ta hərfi də sırf vəqfdir Sənə rast gəlsə ondan da vaz keçmə. Cim hərfinə rast gəlsən ondan vaz keçmək olar, Lakin oxusan daha da yaxşı olar. Sad hərfini də vəqf adlandırıblar, Çətinlik çəksən ondan da vaz keçmək olar. Zad da vəqf olunmuş həriflərdəndir, Lakin ondan da vaz keçsən daha yaxşı olar. Qaf hərfini də Qurana görə vəqf etmişlər, Bu da sənin istəyindən asılıdır. Əgər Quranda la əlaməti olazsa, Dayanmaq caiz (vacib) qeyil, ötüb keç.

It is clear from this that vagf between words when reading Koran with a proper pronun- ciation and learning it means stopping (pausing). There is detailed and satisfactory information about this in the book titled Tavjid of Naila Souleymanova, a scientist of the Institute of Manuscripts. The manuscript was copied out in 1175 of the hegira calendar (=1761). There is no in- formation about the scribe. The manuscript with Code S-429/9382 are Juzves from Koran. The Juzves from Koran, being maintained under this code consist of 15 books and every Juzv was covered as an indi- vidual copy. The Juzves are not successive. The manuscript includes Koran’s Juzves No 1, 4, 5, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 17, 26, 29 and 30. There are two copies of each of the 1st and 17th Juz- ves. These Juzves are separate manuscripts are were included into one folder. And the dates of writing, the scribes and the endowers of the manuscripts are different. Therefore, these manu- scripts were grouped not successively, but in accordance with the general description order, As the characteristics of the description of the books of the manuscript with Cde S-429, which we mentioned and numbered provisionally (i-v) – its script style, paper, writing and other paleographical characteristics are very similar to each other and maybe the same with each other, their description is not given separately and only their differing parts are shown.

I

It is the first Juzv. This Juzv contains 7 verses of the 1st Sura Al-Fatiha and 140 verses of the 2nd sura Al-Bagara. Al-Bagara sura contains 286 verses.

II

It is the tenth Juzv. On Pages 1b-6b of the manuscript, 41-75th verses of the 8th sura Al- Anfal and on pages 6b-20b, 93 verses of the 9th At-Tovba sura are given. At-Tovba consists of 129 verses.

III

It is the eleventh Juzv. On Pages 1b-7a of the manuscript, the 94-129th verses of the 9th At-Tovba sura and on Pages 7a-21a, the full 109 verses of the 10th Yunis sura are given. From that page, the 11th Hud sura starts and consists of 5 verses. Hud sura consists of total 123 verses. The heading of the first sura was not written.

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IV

It is the thirteenth Juzv. It starts with the 53th verse of the 12th Yusif sura on Pages 1a- 8a and ends with its 11th verse. And on Pages 8a-14b, it consists of 43 verses of the 13th Ar- Rad sura. In this manuscript version of the Juzv, 52 verses of the 14th Ibrahim sura and the 1st verse of the 15th Al-Hijr sura are not available.

V

It is the fourteenth Juzv. On Pages 1a-7a, the full 99 verses of the 15th Al-Hijr sura and on Pages 7a-21a, 128 verses of the 16th An-Nahl sura were included.

The manuscript was written with the black ink in Arabic through the Naskh script style on white, on-color pages. It has a color title manufactured very pleasantly, with a very nice design. The text was bordered with bright colors and decorated with Nabati ornaments. The bordered text was then lacquered. As the quality of the ink was not good, the writings on most of the pages were stained, which deteriorated the paleographical characteristics of the manu- script. The sizes of these five manuscripts are the same (The sizes are 19x28 cm, and the vol- ume is 23+20+21+21+21 pages). It does not have a cover. It has paygirs. The titles of the su- ras and the sequence numbers of the verses were not shown. Here, the titles of the suras and the sequence numbers of the verses were determined as a result of comparison with a printed version of a fine Koran and the printed version of the Juzv. On Page 2a of the manuscript, there is a note with the heading ‘Endowed to people’ in Arabic. The translation of the note is as follows: ‘I, Karbalayi Kheyrannisa Karbalayi Nazar Kizi Surakhani endowed this Juzv of Koran to all Muslims and believers together with other 29 Juzves in accordance with relevant Sharia Law. May the merits of the readers of this Ko- ran got to my deceased spouse Mashadi Shikar and his sons Eshgali and Shirali. As long as I live, the owner of this Koran is the endower. After her, it must be given from generation to generation, her children and then scientists of Baku and its villages. Endowment date: The 25th day of Maharram month (21th March) of 1324 of the hegira calendar (=1906). This note of endowment is the same in those five manuscripts that we described. As it can be seen from the note, this endowed valuable manuscript was endowed by Karbalayi Kheyrannisa Karbalayi Nazar Kizi, a resident from Surakhani village of Baku to her children and grandchildren. This valuable monument transferred from generation to generation was preserved and reached our time.

VI

It is the thirtieth Juzv. This Juzv (1a-22a) starts with the 8th verse of the 78th An-Naba sura and was written successively including the last 114th sura of Koran. It also includes the contents and the end parts. The Juzv includes faults from the start. It was written with the black ink through the Naskh script style on white, one-color papers. It was decorated with a color title. The text was bordered with color and decorative wavy lines and was lacquered. Red signs were put between the verses. All the titles except the first title are short and were decorated with various colors (The sizes are 19x28 cm, and the volume is 22 pages). It does not have a cover. It has paygirs. There are thin papers put into the pages to preserve the writ- ings well. After the last An-Nas sura, there is a note on Page 22a, stating that the manuscript belongs to Haji Lutfali. The manuscript was copied out in 1314 of the hegira calendar (=1896) by scribe Ali Muhammad Taligani. There is not a note about the endowment in this manuscript.

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VII

It is the twelfth Juzv. The manuscript was given on Pages 2a-9b of the Juzv from the 6th verse of the 11th Hud sura to the last 123th verse of it. And on Pages 9b-15a, 52 verses from Yusif sura (consists of 111 verses) were written. The text was written with the black ink through the Naskh script style on white, on- color papers and was bordered. It has a decorative title (Its sizes are 15x21 cm, and its volume is 15 pages). Its cover was made of black leather with a medallion. One page of the cover was lost. One page from the start part and one page from the end part do not exist. In the title on Page 2b, the name of the sura was not written. The Yusif sura on Page 9b has a little decora- tive title. On Page 2a of the manuscript, there is a note stating that the book was endowed. The mentioned title was bordered in the wavy form (in the form of ellipse) with pictures and the black and red inks, and the note about the endowment was written through the Suls script style. The note states: ‘Haji Najafgoulu is a Baku habitant. He endows it to send the good merits of it to deceased Aga Kazim. As long as she lives this book is her property, but will then be transferred to her children, 1267 of the hegira calendar.’ (=1850) There are two stamps put near the note. The writings on the stamps disarrayed.

VIII

It is the first Juzv. In the introduction part of the manuscript, Al-Fatiha sura was lost. It consists of 141 verses from the 2nd Al-Bagara sura. It has a decorative title. Page 1a was bor- dered with ornaments and the text was written with the black ink through the Naskh script style (Its sizes are 16x24 cm, and its volume is 18 pages). Except Page 1a, all the remaining pages were bordered with ordinary red, black and yellow lines. It does not have a cover. There is no information on the endowment in this book, too.

IX

It is the twenty sixth Juzv. On Pages 1b-2a of the manuscript, the 33-37th verses of the 45th Al-Jasiya sura, on Pages 2b-6a, the 46th Al-Ahgaf sura, on Pages 6b-10b, the 47th Mu- hammad sura, on Pages 10b-12b, 16 verses of the 48th Al-Fath sura were given. In the manu- script, 14 verses of Al-Fath sura, and 30 verses from suras of Al-Hujarat, Gaf and Az-Zariyat were lost. It was written with the black ink on white, one-color pages. The text was bordered. Its title was decorated with simple ornaments. The remaining titles are short (Its sizes are 13.5x21 cm, and the volume is 13 pages). It was covered with brown leather, and geometrical drawings were drawn on it. In the note with the heading ‘The note by the Endower about the endowment of the manuscript to all people on Page 1a states: ‘As God granted happiness to me, I, Haji Abutalib Haji Loutfali Oglu (Baku habitant) endowed this half Juzv in addition to other 59 Juzvs to all Shia people reading the Koran to send their merits to all prophets, saints and martyrs from this time and then to the parents of the endower. As long as I live, it belongs to me. After me, it will be transferred to my child, and I endow it to the population of Baku when his generation will end. 1303 of the hegira calendar (=1885).’ These notes in the Juzv increases the value of the monument and the historical way it passed becomes clear.

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X

It is the sixth Juzv. This Juzv includes the suras of An-Nisa (148-176th verses) and Al- Maida (1-120th verses). In this manuscript version available to us, only the 28-82th verses from Al-Maida sura were given (1b-9a). It was written with the black in through the Naskh script style on white, one-color pa- pers. On Page 1b, there is a title decorated with artistic ornaments. The title of the sura was not given in the title. The text was bordered. On each page, a sign looking like a stamp was put and on it, the words of Juzv and Nisf were written through the Arabic alphabet. One of the advantages of the manuscript is the translations of the verses into Persina, given under the lines and the writing of this text with the red ink (Its sizes are 16.5x25 cm, and its volume is 10 pages). Its cover was made of light brown leather. In the middle part of the cover, there is the orange color. It was bordered with geometrical drawings. On Page 2a, there is a note stat- ing that the manuscript was endowed, which declares: ‘It is a half Juzv. It was endowed by Mullah Gafur Sardar Tofig Aga to all people living in Shusha Tower of Karabakh, who are popular as Muhammad Agadadash and can read the Koran in the order which is consistent with the halal rules of the religion. It is endowed to his father Muhammad and mother Mouh- lis, his brothers Najafgoulu and Abbasgoulu, the males of all future generations to be born and in general, all the Muslim population of Shusha. If the population of the Tower end, then this book after having read to their souls may be removed from the Tower (in 60 Juzves) and be transferred to another place. 1292 of the hegira calendar ((=1875).’ As it can be seen from the note, the words of the endower should be obeyed as a bequest by his children, relatives and future generation. At the same time, the endower of the sacred manuscript as if felt the current tragic fortune of Karabakh and Shusha beforehand by endowing it to the Muslim population of Karabakh.

XI

It is the eighteenth Juzv. It includes the full 118 verses of the 23th Al-Muminun sura (1b-8a) and 64 verses of the 24th An-Nur sura. After 20 verses, Page 10a was left empty. On Pages 10b-20a, the 21th verse and its continuation are complete and sequential till the end. In the title, the name of the sura was not written. And 20 verses of the 25th Al-Furgan sura were included into Pages 17a-18b. It includes total 77 verses. The text was written with the black ink through the Naskh script style on white, on- color papers (Its sizes are 17x25 cm, and its volume is 22 pages). Its cover was made of brown leather. Lines with geometrical drawings were drawn on it. The note about the en- dowment, written in Arabic on Page 2a is as follows: ‘It is a full Juzv. It was endowed by Karbalayi Shahbibi from Baku (Digah Village), a daughter of deceased Jabbar to the all na- tion and Shia readers. May the merits of the reading of the Koran go to 14 sacred persons (Prophet, his daughter Fatima and 12 imams) and the parents of the endowers. May God have scientists in Baku and their children to accept this endowment. 1316 of the hegira calendar ((=1898).’ This note is the same as that in the manuscript which is the 8th Juzv. On Page 1b of the Juzv, a distich in Persian was given with the Arabian alphabet with a black pencil through another script style:

‘Ruzigar namünasib, mərdum nasazqar, Gah bedəsti-çərx naləm, gah bedəsti-ruzigar.’

(Translation: ‘The wind is not suitable and the people do not compromise with me, I sometimes complain against the fortune and sometimes against the wind.)

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As is seen from all of these notes, this monument was used by many persons and many people benefitted from it, it disseminated among the nation and came from generation to gen- eration and reached our time.

XII

It is the eighth Juzv. On Pages 2b-9a, there are the 111-165th verses of the 6th Al-Anam sura. This sura consists of 165 verses. The introduction part of the sura belongs to the 7th Juzv. On Pages 10b-18b, the 11-87th verses of the 7th Al-Araf sura were written. It includes totally 206 verses. Page 10a was left empty. It was written with the black ink through the Naskh script style on white, one-color pa- pers. The name of the sura was not written in the title. The text was bordered with the black and red inks. (Its sizes are 17x25.5 cm, and its volume is 19 pages). On Page 1a, there is a note stating that this manuscript was endowed, which is the same with that of the 18th Juzv. (See: The note about the endowment of the 11th manuscript).

XIII

It is the eighteenth Juzv. The number of the Juzv was mistakenly written as 17 in the manuscript. On Pages 1b-5b, the 1-118th verses of the 23th Al-Muminun sura, on Pages 5b- 10b, the 1-64th verses of An-Nur sura, and on Pages 10b-12b, the 1-20th verses of Al-Fourgan sura (consists of total 77 verses) were written. It was written with the black ink through the Naskh script style on white, one-color pages. Its color title decorated with gilt was composed very finely. In the title, the name of the sura was written with the red ink, and the writing of Juzv 17 in Arabic around it is on a star- like ornament looking like a stamp. The bordered text was then lacquered and gilded signs were drawn between the verses (Its sizes are 14.5x23 cm, and its volume is 12 pages). It was made of dark brown Galamdani leather and an orange bordered with flowers was drawn in- side it, and the borders were also decorated with flowers. On Page 2a, there is a note stating the endowment within a border, of which heading was written with the red ink and the text was written with the black ink. The translation of the text written in Arabic in the note is as follows: ‘This Juzv was endowed together with other 29 Juzves by the mother of Muhammad Jafar, a daughter of deceased Haji Akbar (from Baku). The merits of saints and prophets will be transfer red from generation to generation after my death. Zilgadda month (April-May) of 1245 of the hegira calendar ((=1829).’ The content of these notes is the same with that of the 29th Juzv (14th nook). And in a side of the endowment note, these words were added with a different script style: ‘The owner of these 30 Juzves is Haji Zeinalabdin’s grandson Mashadi Abdoulkhalig Karbalayi Muhammad Hussein Oglu.’ On Page 1a of the manuscript, this note was written in Persian through a black pencil: ‘Deceased Mullah Hainfa’s death happened in 1340 of the hegira calendar ((=1921), 40 min- utes after the afternoon in one of the days of Novruz Hilday.’ And then, a four-stich poem in Persian was given.

XIV

It is the twenty nineth Juzv. On Pages 2b-13b of the manuscript, full versions of the 67-77th Al Mulk-Al Moursalat suras were written. The text written through the Naskh script style with the black ink on white, one-color pages was bordered and lacquered. Its title decorated with various colors and gilt was com- posed very finely. In the title, the name of the sura was written with the red ink, and the titles

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences of all the remaining suras are small. On a side of some of the titles, a gilded stamp-like dia- mond shaped border was drawn and the words of Juzv and Nisf in Arabic were written inside it. (Its sizes are 14.5x23 cm, and its volume is 14 pages). No Page 2a, a note about the en- dowment of the manuscript was written. This is the same with that of the note in the 13th manuscript. (See: S-429/XIII)

XV

It is the fifth Juzv. Several pages are lost from the introduction part of the manuscript. It starts from the half of the 25th verse of An-Nisa sura and ends with the 147th verse of that sura. The sura consists of 176 verses. The text was written with the black ink through the Naskh script style on white, one- color pages and was bordered with gilt. The bordered text was then lacquered. On a side of several pages, decorative ornaments were drawn with the gilt and the word of Juzv was writ- ten through the Arabic alphabet. (Its sizes are 14.5x23 cm, and its volume is 12 pages). It does not have a cover. The last two pages are empty. The sequence numbers of the verses were not shown. ‘Suras from Korani-Karim’ were included into the copy with Code D-445/10422. Among them, there are Fatiha sura (1b) and Kahf sura (2a-11b), and then prayers and verses from Yasin sura were given. On Page 12a, Ikhlas and Falag suras were given. On page 12a, also one line from Falag sura was given. On Page 12b, Nas sura, prayers and Koran’s Khatm prayer were given. It was written with the black ink through the Naskh script style on white, one-color pages. The text was bordered with a blue framework. The first two pages was made with Taz- hib. The signs within the text consist of golden rounds. The pages were numbered in accor- dance with the Eastern style. (Its sizes are 21.5x35 cm, and its volume is 14 pages). Its cover was made of light brown leather. There are several orange parts on both the sides. It has geo- metrical drawings. The translation of the note on endowment, written on Page 13b with the Arabian alpha- bet is as follows: ‘This sacred and honorable Juzv was endowed to Jame mosque by Mullah Shaban bin Muhammad Yaljugi in 1315 of the hegira calendar ((=1897-98 of the current cal- endar) in an accurate and correct way. It cannot be sold or removed (removal from the mosque is forbidden by religion).’ Although this copy was called as a Juzv from Koran in the endowment note, it consists of various suras from Koran and various prayers. On page 1a, it is shown that the monument is from the library of collector Ali Mujrum. At the end, it was noted that the manuscript was copied out by Shamkhali Gazali. Its date of copy was not written. It may be attributed to the 19th century for its paleographical characteristics. And the manuscript titled Juzves from Koran is maintained with Code D-435/10412. In this copy of the sacred Koran, the 4, 7, 10, 12 and 14th Juzves and their translations were given. The 16th and 19th Juzves are not complete and are mixed. The Juzves included in the manuscript are as follows: 4th Juzv – starts with the 3rd Ali-Imran sura of Koran (Family of Imran, dropped out of the sky in Medina, consists of 200 verses) and includes the 92-200th verses. It ends with the 1- 23th verses of the fourth An-Nisa sura (Women, dropped out of the sky in Medina, consists of 176 verses). 7th Juzv – includes the 83-120th verses from the fifth Al-Maida sura (Dining table, dropped out of the sky ni Medina, consists of 120 verses) and the 1-110th verses from the 6th Al-Anam sura (Cattles, dropped out of the sky in Mecca, consists of 165 verses).

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10th Juzv includes the 41-75th verses of the eighth Al-Anfal sura (Booty, dropped out of the sky in Medina, consists of 75 verses, only the 30-36th verses were dropped out of the sky in Mecca) and the 1-93th verses of At-Tovba sura (dropped out of the sky in Medina, consists of 129 verses). 12th Juzv – starts with the 11th Hud sura (dropped out of the sky in Mecca, consists of 123 verses). It was given through only half-pages. The sequence of the text was broken in other pages. 14th Juzv – starts with the fifteenth Al-Hijr sura (A Rocky Area, dropped out of the sky in Mecca, consists of 99 verses) and ends with the 2-99th verses of the sixteenth An-Nahl sura (Honeybee, dropped out of the sky in Mecca, consists of 128 verses). The Koran’s text was written on white, on*color papers through the Naskh and Nastalig script styles. The writings in Arabic were written with the black ink and the translations in Persian were written with the red ink. The titles in the first pages of all of the juzves were made Tazhib. (Its sizes are 21x35.5 cm, and its volume is 193 pages). It does not have a cover. It needs restoration. The small written paper parts put inside the pages were numbered. The notes are related to the text. The translation of the endowment note written on Page 1a is as follows: ‘This Juzv was endowed together with other 29 Juzves by Haji Gourban ibn Ashur to all believers, provided that it cannot be sold and its merit reach to 14 saints (Prophet Muhammad (pbuh), 12 imams (pbuh), Fatimayi-Zahra (pbuh) and the parents of the endower. Readers are asked not to keep it for more than three days. Endowment date: The 14th day of Safar month (February 7) of 1295 of the hegira calendar ((=1878 of the current calendar). The endowment note was given before all Juzves. Their writing dates are the same, too. On some pages, the endowment notes were bordered with ornaments (for example, 77a), while they were bordered ordinarily on some pages. The majority part of the footnotes are writings related to the text. On the fourth sides of Pages 109a-b and 110a, the words ‘’endowment to child’ were written. As the end of the manuscript is not complete, its scribe and copy date are not known. It can be attributes to the 19th century for its paleographical characteristics. Finally, we would like to note that it is one of the noteworthy issues to discover and study the endowment notes and the stamps put on the endowed copies of Koran, which is the most valuable among all written monuments, and other religious books, as well as inform the nation of them.

References:

1. Juzves from Koran, Institute of Manuscripts, D-429/9382. 2. ______Institute of Manuscripts, D-435/10412. 3. Suras from Korani-Karim. Institute of Manuscripts, D-44510422. 4. Arasli H. The History of Azerbaijani Literature in the 17-18th Centuries. Baku, 1956, pp. 83-84. 5. Jafarzadeh I.M. Gobustan Drawings on Rocks. See: Magazine ‘Gobustan’, Baku, 1973, p. 7-8. 6. Nuraliyeva T. Catalogue of Endowed Manuscripts. Volume 1, Baku, Nurlan, 2009. 7. Nuraliyeva T. Catalogues of Endowed Manuscripts. Volume 2, Baku, Elm va Tahsil, 2012. 8. Makavelskiy A.O. Avesta, Baku, 1960, p. 25.

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Tahirə Nurəliyeva

Vəqf olunmuş əlyazmalar

XÜLASƏ

Açar sözlər: vəqf, əlyazmalar, Quran, paleoqrafik xüsusiyyətləri

Azərbaycanın qədim və zəngin tarixi zamanın sınağından çıxan əlyazmalarda qorunur. Bu yazılı abidələr təkcə Azərbaycanın deyil, Yaxın və Orta Şərq xalqlarının ədəbi-bədii irsini, mədəniyyət tarixini öyrənmək üçün də tutarlı mənbədir. AMEA-nın Məhəmməd Füzuli adına Əlyazmalar İnstitutunda elmin müxtəlif sahələrinə aid külli miqdarda Azərbaycan, türk, fars və ərəb dillərində nadir əlyazma nüsxələri saxlanılır. Onların mühüm hissəsini vəqf olunmuş (Allah yolunda bağışlanmış) abidələr təşkil edir. İnstitutun fondunda “Vəqfiyyə” və yaxud “Vəqfnamə” adı ilə yazılmış əsərlər də var. Burada vəqfin qanun-qaydaları izah olunur. Mə- lum olur ki, belə əlyazmalar nə satıla, nə bağışlana, nə də girov qoyula bilər. Ən dəyərli vəqf olunan yazılı abidələr Quran və başqa dini kitablardır ki, onların üzərindəki vəqf qeydlərinin və möhürlərin aşkar edilib öyrənilməsi də xüsusi elmi əhəmiyyət kəsb edir.

Тахира Нуралиева

Pукописи дарованные в вакф

РЕЗЮМЕ

Ключевые слова: вакф, рукописи, Коран, палеографические особенности

В Институте рукописей НАН Азербайджанской Республики хранится более 500 рукописей, дарованных в вакф. Они представляют большой научный интерес с точки зрения своих палеографических особенностей: записей о передаче в вакф, удостоверя- ющих печатей и т.д. Автором статьи исследуются рукописи, дарованные в вакф, а также о самый ценный письменный памятник – Коран и правила таджвида, орфоэпи- ческого чтения сур Корана. Изучение этих важных вопросов делает их доступными для более широкой аудитории.

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Aynura Hasanova. Movlana Jalaladdin Rumi’s Masnavi and its Baku copies // J. of “Manuscripts Don’t Burn”. №1(8), 2019, Special issue, pp. 131-136.

UDC: 821 (091)

Aynura Hasanova Researcher Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli, ANAS 26 Istiglaliyat Street, Baku E-mail: [email protected]

MOVLANA JALALADDIN RUMI’S MASNAVI AND ITS BAKU COPIES

Key words: Rumi, “Masnavi”, manuscript copies, scribe mark

Movlana Jalaladdin Rumi’s poetical works and philosophical-religious thoughts has left a deep mark in the system of literary views of the Near East and Middle East. This personality who had become a legend even at his time and was announced sacred has been both praised too much and reproved and denied. Rumi created his specific system of philosophical views and the original mystic ‘way’, and afterward the sect of Movlaviya was created with his name. His followers then further widened the ways he passed. Rumi had a complex erudition, intellect and poetical talent. He learned in depth the works and mystical views of and Attar, Al-Gazali and Mansour Hallaj, famous personalities of the muslim East, and further enriched them with his own thoughts. Rumi’s work titled Masnavi is the peak of his works. Abdurrahman Jami assessed the Masnavi as a Koran written in Persian. Masnavi is not also the masterwork of Rumi, but is also the greatest achievement of total medieval Sufi poetry written in the Irfani didactical type. Many quality works in terms of artistics-mental content were written in the Sufi literature. However, we can bravely say that none of them gained the fame that Movlana’s Masnagi got. In this work, Movlana amazes readers with his thinking style and the comprehensiveness of the scope of his thinking. In Masnavi, there are three structures connected to each other and continuing each other show themselves: widely disseminated fable that bears the load of the meaning of Movlana’s sense of the world, funny stories, or artistic-illustrative text related to historical events. There is not a united subject line in the work. As the stories and fables taking their places when one though is replaced with another orderly replace each other, no connection between them is followed. However, its general thought and spiritual-emotional mood are in such a connection and this point is so visible that readers accept this book consisting of 6 large volumes as a united work when reading it. Masnavi consists of distiches with the same rhymes written in the of failatun- failatun-failun. Masnavi is Movlana’s last work. After the completion of Volume 6, Rumi lived fduring additional 6 years. He wrote the first 18 distiches of Masnavi with his hands and read the remaining part to his dear follower Chalabi Husamaddin and had it written by him. There is also an allegation that Masnavi consisting of 26 thousand distiches was not completed. Masnavi’s more than 500 manuscript copies reached our time [See: 2, p. 60]. This

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences work was translated into the languages of majority of the world nations in full or as selected works. Movlana starts each volume of his Masnavi with a foreword which is as if their key substance. The topics start with a story and then he shifts to another story, and then returns to the former story again. Sometimes, one story is used several times. Movlana though that his poem explains the internal meaning of Koran. He frequently refers to Koran and Prophet Muhammad’s (pbuh) hadiths. There are 760 quotations from Kuran and 745 quotations from the hadiths in the work [See: 2, p. 61]. When writing this poem, Movlana widely used the national folklore. He referred to national stories and proverbs to explain his thoughts and goals. We can find the traces of many proverbs in Masnavi. Therefore, Masnavi is also important in terms of folklore. Masnavi serves to original emotional aspects, human dreams, and their search for God and truth. Masnavi’s first part contains the 1st and 2nd Books and its second part contains the 3rd and 4th Books. The key topics of these parts include replacement of Devil acted in the first part with an angel, proportion of the absolute intellect and human intellect and knowledge, and etc. The third part ( 5th and 6th Books) was dedicated to issues of validation of a being with the sole substance and denial of the human being. Here, a mystical concept of the absolute soul, eternal light, and truth is explained. The huge number of the manuscripts of Rumi’s Masnavi and other works that reached our time, their ancient dates and rich artistic composition allow us to say that Rumi is the peak of the Sufi poetry. We can say by referring to the catalogues of Eastern manuscripts that there are many antique manuscripts of Rumi’s Masnavi, being maintained in prestigious libraries of the world. We can say by referring to the well-known catalogue composed by Ahmad Munzavi that Masnavi’s oldest copy was copied out by scribe bin al-Hossein through the Naskh script style in 608 0f the hegira calendar (or 1211 of the current calendar). This copy is maintained in Turkey’s Asafiyya library [See: 3, p. 3144]. At the ANAS Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli, about twenty manuscript versions of this work of Movlana Jalaladdin Rumi, which is called Masnaviye Manavi are maintained. The oldest version of Masnavi at ANAS Institute of Manuscripts is maintained with Code C-133. The text was written with the black ink and the headings and subheadings were written with the red ink. On Pages 2b-3a, there are a foreword about the work. The work’s prosy part was written in four rows. The rows are divided from each other with two thin red lines. Pages 2b-5a of the manuscript were bordered with golden frameworks and the part from Page 6b to the end was bordered with red frameworks. In this copy, each Book was fully given. The text was written on yellowish color papers made in East. The book was covered with a dark brown color leather. There is a medallion looking like a bud in the middle part of the cover. Horizontally to the bud, several small medallions were graved. The manuscript was copied out by Yagub bin Bahaddin Haji Hassan through the Nastalig script style in 897 of the hegira calendar (or 1492 of the current calendar). The manuscript covering the 3rd and 4th Books of Jalaladdin Rumi’s Masnavi was registered under Code M-462. The 3rd Book of the copy was written on Pages 1b-53b, and the 4th Book was written on Pages 54b-99a. In the manuscript, the title part of the both Books were decorated separately with golden and blue ornaments. The writings written through the Nastalig script style and bordered with blue and red lines were placed in four rows. The rows are divided from each other with two thin lines. The pages of the manuscript covered with a modern cover of light green color were made of pea color papers made in East. The sides of the cover were bordered with pink color papers. The capital of the manuscript was covered with black enameled leather. The sizes of the manuscript paged in the modern and Eastern

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J.of “Manuscripts don’t burn”: №1(8), 2019, Special issue, ISSN: 2410-5600 styles are 11.4x19.5 cm, and its volume is 99 pages. The date of the 3rd Book is 1036 of the hegira calendar (or 1627 of the current calendar), and the date of the 4th Book is 1040 of the hegira calendar (or 1630 of the current calendar). Masnavi’s another copy, of which several pages were lost, is maintained with Code M- 334. The main text in the manuscript was copied out with the black ink and the subheadings were copied out with the red ink. The work’s text written in four rows were bordered with three black, one red and one gray lines. The rows are divided from each other with a thin red line. In the sides of the frameworks, there are traditional scribe notes. This manuscript covers all of the books of the work. The 1st Book was written on Pages 1b-55a, the 2nd Book was written on Pages 59a-105b, the 3rd Book was written on Pages 107b-169a, the 4th Book was written on Pages 171b-221a, the 5th Book was written on Pages 222b-226a, and the 6th Book was written on Pages 268b-331a. The title part of each Book was decorated with ornaments in the form of flowers. The manuscript copied out through the Nastalig script style was paged in the modern and Eastern styles. The cardboard was covered with brown leather. On the last page (331a) of this manuscript made of pea color papers made in East, the date of copying out of the manuscript shown (1067 of the hegira or 1657 of the current calendars). Another copy of Masnavi is maintained under Code B-3160. The frontispiece of the manuscript was decorated with golden, orange and blue ornaments, and the title part was decorated with golden, dark blue and orange ornaments. The prosy part was bordered with a thin red line. The writings in the sides of the border were again bordered with two thin and one thick lines. In the prosy part, golden ornaments were drawn between the lines, and only on Pages 2b-3a, the prosy part was written within pink and golden borders. On the upper part of the border, headings were written with blue, pink and golden colors. In the sides of the border, there are scribe notes. The manuscript was copied out through the calligraphic Nastalig script style and was paged in the Oriental style. In the preparation of the copy, pea color papers made in East were used. On the last page of the manuscript, the date of copying out of the work was shown as 1069 of the hegira and 1659 of the current calendar. The manuscript was covered with brown leather. Another copy of Rumi’s Masnavi is maintained with Code B-602. In the introduction part covering Pages 1b-9b of the manuscript, the names of the 5 Books and the stories written on these books were given and the names of the stories were numbered with the red ink. The last story is shown with No 490. The introduction part of the manuscript was bordered with golden frameworks. On Page 10a of the manuscript, information about the work was given in Arabic. On the upper left side of that page, there is an unreadable rectangle stamp. On the upper side of Page 10a, there are ornaments decorated with golden and blue decors sized 3x9 cm. The title part of the manuscript was written on Page 10b and was decorated with ornaments decorated with golden and blue colors. The prosy part of the work was given in four rows. The rows are divided from each other with two thin golden lines. On some pages, there are traditional scribe notes on the sides of the frameworks. The manuscript was pages in the modern and Oriental styles. The manuscript written on yellowish color Oriental style papers was covered with dark brown color leather. There are a leaf style medallion stamped on both covers in the middle parts. And horizontally to it, there are relatively small medallions stamped. Its volume is 266 pages and sizes are 18.2x9.3 cm. the manuscript was copied out in 1087 of the hegira and 1676 of the current calendars. In Rumi’s Masnavi with Code M-457, the text was written with the black ink, and the headings and subheadings were written with the white and red inks within golden borders. The manuscript was fully covered with black and golden frameworks sized 10.2x18.5cm. The title part of the manuscript was decorated with golden, blue and green color leaves. The lines

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences given as rows were divided from each other with black lines. The 1st Book of the work was written on Pages 1b-58a, the 2nd Book was written on Pages 60b-112a, the 3rd Book was written on Pages 113b-182a, the 4rd Book was written on Pages 184b-239a, the 5th Book was written on Pages 241b-307b, and the 6th Book was written on Pages 309b-368a. The first double pages of each Book were decorated with golden ornaments and the lines in the writings were decorated with golden ornaments. In the frontispiece part of the Books there are blue and black leaves drawn in the rows between the lines. On the capital of the cover made of cornelian color leather, green color enameled leather was applied. On both parts of the cover, there are a rectangle framework sized 6.5x16 cm in the center, of which inside sides were decorated with ornaments. The volume of Masnavi copied out through the Nastalig script style is 368 pages, and its date is 1103 of the hegira calendar or 1692 of the current calendar. Another copy of the work is maintained under Code D-30. The text was written in four rows with the black ink, and the headings were written with the red ink. The rows are divided from each other with two red lines. The title part of the manuscript was decorated with dark blue, orange and blue ornaments. The work was numbered in the modern and Oriental styles. In the sides of the frameworks, there are traditional scribe notes. The manuscript was made of pea color papers made in East. Its cover was made of cornelian enameled leather. The text was copied out in 1246 of the hegira or 1830 of the current calendars. It was written through the Nastalig script style with the Shikasta elements. Another manuscript covering only 2 Books of Masnavi is maintained under Code B- 195. On Paages 1b-2a, there are information about the work with prosy. On pages 2b-, the 1st Book of the work was written. The 2nd Book was written on Pages 16b-98a. The manuscript was generally composed as a muntakhabat. The pages of the manuscript was made of various color (yellow, dark blue, violet, brown, yellow green, pink) papers made in East. It was copied out through the Nastalig script style with the Shikasta element. The cover of the manuscript consisting of 98 pages was covered with dark brown leather. And one of the valuable copies of Rumi’s Masnavi is a manuscript with Code M-463, which is supposed to be copied out in the 17th century for its paleographic characteristics. The text of the manuscript was written with the black ink and the subheadings were written with the red ink. The title part was decorated with golden and dark blue ornaments. The text was written in two rows and the rows were divided from each other with two thin golden lines. On the sides of the frameworks, there are traditional scribe notes. All the pages were bordered with dark blue, golden and black frameworks. The title pat of each Book was decorated separately with golden and dark blue ornaments. The manuscript was numbered in the modern and Oriental styles. The manuscript made of papers made in East was covered with a folder cover. On the both sides of the cover on which cornelian leather was applied, there are pressed ornaments bordered with 17mm frameworks. In the central part, there is a bud form medallion, and horizontally to it, there is a small medallion stamped. The inside part of the small medallions were decorated with pressed ornaments. In the central part, there is a bud form medallion, and vertically to it, there is a small medallion stamped. Inside the small medallions, the name of Mullah Mohammad Yusif Sahhaf was written. In all probability, this name belongs to the head of the facility that covered the book. On Page 307a of the manuscript, a hexagonal personal stamp. Inside the stamp, the words ‘Rahmatullah Khaja Higa bin Sufi’ were noted. The sizes of the text written through the Nastalig script style are 7.2x14.2 cm, and its volume is 456 pages. Another copy of the work is the manuscript with Code M-272. The title part of the manuscript written with the black ink was decorated with golden, orange and dark blue Oriental ornaments. The text was placed in four rows and the rows were divided from each other with two red lines. The 1st Book was written on Pages 1b-51a, the 2nd Book was written

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J.of “Manuscripts don’t burn”: №1(8), 2019, Special issue, ISSN: 2410-5600 on Pages 53b-94a, the 3rd Book as written on Pages 96a-151a, the 4th Book was written on Pages 153b-193b, the 5th Book was written on Pages 194b-239a, and the 6th Book was written on Pages 240b-303a. On Pages 52 a and b,95a and b, 152a and b, and 239a of the manuscript, there are miniatures drawn in the Mongolian style. In the entry of each Book, there are titles and introduction decorated with Oriental ornaments. The manuscript was covered with dark brown leather. The work consisting of 303 pages was copied out through the Nastalig script style. In the Jung with Code M-414, the 1st Book of Rumi’s Masnavi was given in brief, and examples from the poet’s gazals and rubais were given. After the introduction part, the text was written in four rows and was placed on Pages 69a-106a of the manuscript. The manuscript may be attributed to the 18th century for its paleographical characteristics. Rumi, a genius thinker of the 12th century was loved with his rich works not only at his time, but also at the times after him, and gained an eternal name as one of the world famous poets. The manuscript copies of the work ‘Masnaviye-Manavi’, which is regarded a valuable source is a clear example to it.

References:

1. Azada R. Movlana Jalaladdin Rumi. Baku: Elm, 2005. 2. Yusif R. Movlana Jalaladdin Rumi’s Sufism Problem. Baku: Elm, 2006. ﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻨﺰوى. ﻓﮭﺮﺳﺖ ﻧﺴﺨﮫ ھﺎى ﺧﻄﻰ ﻓﺎرﺳﻰ. ﺟﻠﺪ ﭴھﺎرم، ﺗﮭﺮان، ١٣٥١. .3

Aynurə Həsənova

Mövlana Cəlaləddin Rumi “Məsnəvi”sinin Bakı nüsxələri

XÜLASƏ

Açar sözlər: Rumi, “Məsnəvi”, əlyazma nüsxələri, katib qeydləri

Şərq dünyasının görkəmli klassiki olan Cəlaləddin Ruminin təxminən 26 min beytdən ibarət olan “Məsnəviye-mənəvi” əsərinin əlyazması 6 dəftərdən ibarətdir. Rumi öz əsərində maarifləndirici, dini bilikləri, yaşadığı illərə qədər cəmiyyət üçün keçərli olan anlayış və davranışları, mənəvi-əxlaqi dəyərləri, iman sahibi, mömin bir bəndə olaraq inandırıcı bir üslubla, həm də bədii və axıcı dillə oxucuya çatdırmışdır. Dünya ədəbiyyatının incisi sayılan bu əsərdə sufiliklə bağlı elmi və əxlaqi fikirlər kiçik, lakin yaddaqalan ibrətamiz əhvalatlar şəklində təqdim olunur. Rumi “Məsnəviye-mənəvi” əsərində 1.221 beytdə “Quran” ayələrindən, 745 beytdə isə hədislərdən istifadə etmişdir. Əsərdə İnsanın Allahı dərk etməsi, onun hökmlərini yerinə yetirdiyi zaman mənəvi cəhətdən paklaşması, ruhən kamilləşməsi diqqəti cəlb etmiş, əsrlər boyu çox geniş bir sahədə üzərində şərh, tərcümə, seçmə, mövzulara görə təsnif və lüğət çalışmaları aparılmışdır.

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences

Айнура Гасанова

“Mаснави” Mовлана Джалаладдина Руми и его Бакинские рукописные списки

РЕЗЮМЕ

Ключевые слова: Руми, «Маснави», рукописные списки, отметки переписчика

Поэтическое творчество и философско-религиозные мысли Мовлана Джалалад- дина Руми оста- вили глубокий след в системе литературных взглядов Ближнего и Среднего Востока. “Маснави” Румипик его творчества. В “Маснави” представлены три взаимосвязанные и взаимопродолжающиеся структуры: широко распространенная и несущая бремя смысла мироощущения басня, анекдот, или художественно-иллюстративный текст, связанный с историческими событиями. Гениальный мыслитель XII века Ру ми, как один из излюбленных поэтов с мировой славой, своим богатым творчеством завоевал вечное имя не только в свою эпоху, но и на будущие времена. То что Руми является вершиной суфийской поэзии исходит из нескольких факторов, во первых Маснави и другие рукописи произведения Руми дошедшие до наших дней в достаточном количестве во вторыхдревние и наконец высокого художественного качества.

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Sevar Jabbarli. Rare Manuscript Digest Composed in Shirvan // J. of “Manuscripts Don’t Burn”. №1(8), 2019, Special issue, pp. 137-142.

UDC: 821 (930.253)

Sevar Jabbarli Researcher Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli, ANAS 26 Istiglaliyat Street, Baku E-mail: [email protected]

RARE MANUSCRIPT DIGEST COMPOSED IN SHIRVAN

Key words: poetry, bayaz, jung, majmu, collection, rubai

Digests of manuscripts, which has an ancient tradition in the history of Azerbaijani literature have been highly valued by our nation and their artists of word at all stages of the historical development. Moreover, as the 18th century and in particular the 19th centuryis a special period in the history of manuscript digests in Azerbaijan, the initiative of composing jungs, bayazes and majmuas enhanced and such written monuments were very common. As digests of manuscripts require hard work unlike printed magazines, composition of them also take some time. Surely, if there was a need to copy out only one jung or bayaz (it was very rarely required, for example, Saib Tabrizi’s bayaz), it will not take significant time. But it is completely different to compose an original majmua. And even the completion dates of such majmuas are different from the start dates of their composition to some extent, that is, their different parts differ from each other, or may their different parts may belong to various dates. For example, some part of the majmua being maintained at the Institute of Manuscripts of Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences with Code B-3987 was copied out in 1835 and the other part was copied out in 1859. However, observations of digests of manuscripts show that the composition of jungs, bayazes and majmuas had already formed as a tradition in Azerbaijan. Among them, the most distinguishing ones were Shirvan and Karabakh regions. In this paper, we will discuss manuscript digests composed in Shirvan. Shirvan was a province having the largest and richest natural resources among the provinces in Caucasus. Shirvan province included Shamakhi, Salian, Shaki, Baki, Darband and a range of other gazas. Covering the region from Kura River to Alpan River (Gouba), from Mingachevir to Absheron, Shirvan province also included the territories of Dagestan’s Maharramkand and Gasimkand in addition to Salian, Gouba, Khachmaz, Sabirabad, Ali-Bairamli, Hajugabul, Shamakhi, Maraza, Ismayilli, Kourdamir, Gousar, Davachi, and Baku Cities. In his work titled Goulistani Ram, Abbasgoulu Aga Bakhikanov shows that theall territory of Azerbaijan from Kura to the North, Terek was regarded the territory of old Shirvan. In the Russian version of the work, it is said: ‘Shirvan with Salian, Shaki, Baki, Darband, Tabasaran and Kura territories, Samur province and the bottom part of Yesila. Shirvan is large and the best in Caucasus land.’ (54, IX) As is seen, in the information given by Bakhikanov, Shirvan is also shown as one of the large provinces of Caucasus.

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences

It is already well known that Shirvan province with a beautiful nature, rich cultural resources, valuable and attractive historical monuments has rewarded great artists to the history of our literature and culture. As each nation’s morals, knowledge and thinking are reflected in their literature and other monuments, Shirvan’s artists of word also demonstrated the life conditions, traditions of the nation and all rich resources of their country through their works to the nation, and accomplished great successes in formation and development of the history of literature and culture. Shirvan province rewarded great personalities to the history of literature, from Khagani, Falaki, Badir Shirvani to Bakhikanov, and Alibay Husseinzadeh. Each new artist benefitted from the rich heritages of their predecessors, built their knowledge and arts on the basis of the rich foundation formed before them, and accomplished to develop the traditions under new conditions. Artists of word followed this way in formation of all types of literature. That aspect also showed it in formation and development of the manuscripts of poem digests in Shirvan. The generation of the school of manuscript poem digests is related first of all with the name of Shamakhi, Shirvan province’s center, where artists have a special place in develop- ment of Azerbaijani culture and literature. When talking about Bahar Shirvani, Firudin bay Kocharli wrote: ‘Necə ki, sabiqdə zikr olundu, Şamaxı şəhəri qəribə dahilərə qəhvareyi-tər- biyə (tərbiyə beşiyi – S.C.) olduğundan naşi bədiül-misal alimlər və şairləri və ədəbi fazilləri öz ağuşi-nazbəxşində bəsləyib ərseyi-dünyayə gətirmişdir.’ (48, II, 5) We can show the poem that Sayyid Azim Shirvani wrote to Haji Abbas Agah as a reply:

Sənə, ey agəhi-şirinsüxən, bizdən səlam olsun, Müninün aləmi-fanidə həyyi-layənam olsun.

Xəlila, sən xəlili-əsrü xilqətpişəsən, yarəb, Sənə dünyavü üqba atəşi bərdü səlam olsun.

Həmişə məclisində saqi olsun müşkgeysular, Bu ahugözlülər daim sənə təb ilə ram olsun.

Büsati-işrəti-canpərvərində ta səhər hər şəb, Düzülsün mahruxlər, badeyi-xurşidfam olsun.

İtaət eyləsin fərmanına aləmdə Seyyidlər, Həmişə astanın məlcə`i aligiram olsun.

Rəqəm qılmalı söz çox, halınızdan ittilaım yox, Təbiət babətindən qorxuram söz biməqam olsun.

Really, in this land, which was a cradle of education of genius poets from Khagani Shirvani, Aga Masih Shirvani, Nishat Shirvani to Sayyid Azim and Sabir, besides generation of necessary foundations and conditions for education of these personalities and formation of their artistic and esthetic views, existence of strong schools where calligraphy was paid a special attention and teachers and scientists who inspired an interest to literature and poem was inevitable. As book studies, creation of manuscript versions of poem digests and writing of memoirs covered the same period with the creation and formation of literature and poetry, it is somehow difficult to say which of these areas appeared earlier. In the 18-19th centuries, poem and art developed in Shamakhi wider than other cities of Azerbaijan. Viewing only the period of Sayyid Azim Shirvani and the activity of the society

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J.of “Manuscripts don’t burn”: №1(8), 2019, Special issue, ISSN: 2410-5600 of poets Beytus-Safa ruled by him is enough to determine the development level of the poetry and art. Beytus-Safa literary society was organized in 1867 in Shamakhi with the initiative of Sayyid Azim’s friend Alakbar Bay in Ahmad Aga’s caravansary. According to writings of Mullah Mahmud Zui, it was titled Beytus-Safa (Home of Pleasure) according to the sugges- tion of Mirza Nasrullah. Mirza Nasrullah Bahar, who left Shamakhi and lived in Tehran and Tabriz, used to visit the society every time when he came to the mother land. Beytus-Safa’s poets were keeping regular relations with poets from Baki, Darband and Lankaran. The society was directed firstly by S.Azim and then by Bikhud. S.Azim wrote works almost in all types of the classic poetry. His works were published many times. He is also the author of a memoirs where information is given about many Azerbaijan poets. Beytus-Safa was active until 1892. From the poem written by Sayyid Azim Shirvani to Mirza Mahmud Zui:

Ey olan hübbi-girdigari-vədud Bədəni kimiya, adı Mahmud.

Səni hifa edə xaliqi-mütəal, Yetməsin qəlbüvə qübari-məlal.

Hər zaman nitqüvə edə qərran, Qəlbüvü eyləyə pür əz iman.

Gəl, gedək əyləşək o Şirvandə, Seyr edək bustani-rizvandə.

Doğru sözdür deyiblə əhli-lisan: “Gənc məxrubədə olur pünhan”.

Çün əlim təngdir, bağışla məni, Eylərəm razı tez zamanda səni.

Sənsən ustad rəsmi-əş`arə, Tutma irad Seyyidi-zarə.

Gər ola sözlərimdə qəsrü diraz, Əfv qıl, ey kərimi-bəndənə vaz.

This progress and development of poem in its turn stimulated the development of the tradition of composition of digests of poems. When viewing just the treasury of the Institute of Manuscripts of Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences, we can see that many majmuas (magazines) of jungs, bayazes and poems were created in the 18-19th centuries in Shamakhi, in general, the Shirvan province. Of course, although, unlike memoirs, these manuscript digests, as said, do not give any information about the content of poems and about poets, they are important for studying which poets and in which territory, in which province were liked by the nation and the persons composing the jungs, bayazes and majmuas. One jung manuscript (Code: B-132, Sizes: 13x19.5 cm, volume: 238 pages), which is one of the rare examples of the manuscript digests composed in Shamakhi distinguishes with its originality. This originality, first of all, is that the main part of the poems included in the manuscript are gazals, and then mukhammases, musaddases, mustazades and tarjibands.

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Small poems such as rubais, fards, or fragments from lyric poems, tuyuges and bayatis were not included in the monument. In short, it covers all types of the poems existing in the poem divans of classical poets. However, the jung consists of examples collected from the poems of not only one author, but various poets. Composition of the manuscript in this way gives grounds to assess it as a continuation of the tradition of composition of medieval manuscript digests. The study of the manuscript looks like a copy of manuscript digest coming from the library of the Safavids, which is currently maintained at the Public library named after Saltikov-Shedrin (52, 65-67). In this manuscript digest composed in Shirvan, rarely rubais (b- 132, 169A) can be found. Although in some part there are medical copies, a fragment from the poem titled Simavar by Gasir, notes about Dagestan’s history, or notes about Shamakhi and its population under the heading of Tavarikhi-Gadim, material histories on empty pages, and etc, these are related to subsequent periods and are different from the script style of the main part of the jung. The majority of the poems included in the manuscript are poets from Shirvan and Karabakh. Of course, there are also examples from poems of Algadari Mirza Hasan from Dagestan, Mirza Ismail Gasir from Lankaran, or Hafiz Shirazi, and Turkey poet Nabi in the manuscript. However, their number is small. On the other side, majority of the poets whose works were included in the manuscript are authors of the 18-19th centuries. So, except a few authors, all of the remaining authors included in this manuscript written in the 19th century lived and wrote works in the mentioned period. Two examples of poems by Hafiz Shirazi were also written afterward on empty pages under the heading ‘min kalami-Hafiz’ (from Hafiz’s words) through a different script style. On Pages 16-52b in the first part of the manuscript, Sayid Azim’s gazals in Persian were given. This part was also copied out by another scribe. If the key part of the bayaz were copied out in Sayid Azim’s period (1835-1888), no doubt the monument would be regarded as an autograph of the poet. Because the script style of this manuscript looks like the script style of the memoirs, which are maintained in Sayyid Azim’s personal fund and is regarded the autograph of the poet. And the copying out of the manuscript would also allow it. However, the manuscript was copied out 4-5 years after the death of Sayyid Azim, in 1892. Thus, it is also doubtful that Sayyid Azim’s memoirs are an autograph. Surely, future researches will also discover new things in this area. The discussed poem digest consists of relatively large poems:

Ənisim guşeyi-izlətdə bir şirinkəlam oldu, Dili-nakam üçün, səd şükr kimi, axırda kam oldu.

Mənə ol hur ilə oldu həlal içmək meyi-nabi, Həsəddən düşməni-xudkam üçün sağər həram oldu.

Mənəm ol mah vəslindən edən kami-dilim hasil, Bu rövşən əmrdir kim, badeyi-xurşidfam oldu.

Xudaya, olmasın səyyadi-bipərvalər agəh kim, Mənə ol ahuyi-vəhşi gəlib Şirvanda ram oldu.

Edib Seyyid nişimən ol qəzalın xaki-kuyində, Behişti-ədnə yetdi, gör necə ali məqam oldu.

Moreover, many of the mukhammases included here are satires, which distinghishes from the poem digests written in another places.

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In general, praises written to various persons and also their opposites – satires, as well as mubarakabadlig letters and etc. poem forms were included in the manuscript. The majority is satires among them. Among them, there are a satire written by Baba bay to Amiraslan Bay (page 1336), the satire titled Shamakhi’s New Misters (page 1496), Asi’s satire (page 155a) and Mirza Mehdi Naji Gnajavi’s reply to him (page 1576), Mirza Ismayil Gari’s satire to Sayyid Azim (page 161a), Mashadi Akbar Gafil’s satire written about Gara Muhammad Safa (page 1656), Fani’s satire to Kamina, Sayyid Azim’s reply satire to Fana (page 1656) and others. Sayyid Azim’s works, including his satires constitutes the majority. And all of these are not accidental. In Sayyid Azim’s period, satire through poetry was very common. Sayyid Azim Shirvani not restricted his activity by only writing his poems in simple Turkish, but also encouraged the personalities who thought and acted with national thoughts. On the way paved by Sayyid Azim, M.A.Sabir, a great poet and cultural criticist appeared then. But at that time, when everyone in Safavizadeh sneered Hasan Bay Zardabi’s journalism activity, Safavizadeh, who was called illiterate by Sayyid Azim opposed against bad behaviors of the crowd and supported Hsan Bay Zardabi. Let’s view a fragment from his poem in which he encourages Hasan Bay Zardabi’s moral activities:

Dün sual etdi bir nəfər cahil, Ki qəzetdən nədir bizə hasil? Bu Həsən bəy nə istəyir bizdən? Doldurub aləmi quru sözdən.

Sayyid Azim Shirvani wrote his philosophical and religious views not through the syllabic meter, but mostly the aruz prosody and in particular in his gazals. He satirized the mullah job which was a heritage from the Safavids and wrote many poems. Many jungs were created in Shirvan province, which had an ancient and rich culture, and in different cities of this province. It is impossible talk about all of them individually. Even individual jungs need for a special research. We think that research of some available jungs about Shirvan would be enough to form a general imagination. Thus, the jungs, majmuas and bayazes created in Shirvan show that poetry and art was greatly valued in this land, and the tradition of composition of manuscript digests were common and diversified there and passed through a great development way in the 19th century. Unlike other territories of Azerbaijan, satires are relatively more in the manuscript digests composed in the 19th century in Shirvan. Researches show that majmuas which were composed both as textbooks for religious school studens and upon orders have been also found.

References:

1. Poetical Societies. Sayyid Azim Shirvani. Collected and composed by Nasraddin Garayev. B. Yazichi, 1987. Page 114 2. Manuscript in Azeri, Persian and Turkish, Code B-132

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Cabbarlı Sevər

Şirvanda tərtib olunmuş nadir əlyazma toplusu

XÜLASƏ

Açar sözlər: şeir, bəyaz, cüng, məcmuə, toplu, rübai

Şamaxıda tərib olunmuş əlyazma toplularının nadir nümunələrindən olan bir əlyazma cüng (Şifr: B-132) öz orijinallığı ilə fərqlənir. Bu orijinallıq ilk növbədə ondan ibarətdir ki, əl- yazmaya daxil edilmiş şeirlərin çox hissəsini qəzəllər, sonra müxəmməs, müsəddəs, müstəzad və tərcibbəndlər təşkil edir. Bir sözlə, klassik şairlərin lirik şeir divanlarında olan şeirin bütün növlərini əhatə edir. Lakin cüng bir müəllifin deyil, müxtəlif müəlliflərin şeirlərindən toplan- mış nümunələrdən ibarətdir. Əlyazmanın bu şəkildə tərtibi onu orta əsr əlyazma toplusu tər- tibi ənənəsinin davamı kimi dəyərləndirməyə əsas verir. Əlyazmanın əvvəlində 16-52b vərəq- lərində Seyid Əzimin farsca qəzəlləri verilmişdir. Bu hissə də başqa bir katib tərəfindən köçü- rülmüşdür. Bəyazın əsas hissəsi Seyid Əzim (1835-1888) dövründə köçürülsəydi, şübhəsiz ki, abidəni şairin avtoqrafı hesab etmək olardı. Çünki bu əlyazmanın xətti Seyid Əzimin şəxsi fondunda saxlanılan və şairin avtoqrafı hesab olunan təzkirənin xəttinə oxşardır. Haqqında danışılan şeir toplusu nisbətən iri həcmli şeirlərdən ibarətdir. Bundan əlavə buraya daxil edilmiş müxəmməslərin bir çoxu həcvdən ibarətdir ki, bu da başqa ərazilərdə yazılan şeir toplularından fərqlənir.

Джаббарлы Севар

Подготовленный в Ширване сборник редких рукописей

РЕЗЮМЕ

Ключевые слова: стихи, байаз, джунг, маджмуе, рубаи

Сборник рукописей – джунг (Шифр: В-132) – составлен в Шамахе из редких рукописей и отличается своей оригинальностью. В начале рукописи на листах 16-52b представлены газели Сейид Азима Ширвани на персидском языке. Эта часть переписана другим писарем. Упомянутый сборник составлен из относительно крупных по объему стихов. Кроме того, большинство включенных сюда мухаммасов представ- ляет собой памфлеты. В этом состоит его отличие от сборников, составленных в других областях.

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Zemfira Mammadova. The treasury of ancient scientific knowledge // J. of “Manuscripts Don’t Burn”. №1(8), 2019, Special issue, pp. 143-147.

UDC: 001; 091 (61) Zemfira Mammadova Researcher Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli, ANAS 26 Istiglaliyat Street, Baku E-mail: [email protected]

THE TREASURY OF ANCIENT SCIENTIFIC KNOWLEDGE

Key words: medicine, manuscripts, pharmacology

“... If pens did not leave eternal memories, how would we know the wisdom of peoples?” Abu Rayhan Biruni

The generation, formation and development of artistic - aesthetic and philosophical thinking of every nation requires first of all determining the original sources and creating on their basis the true history of their culture, studying the rich heritage of the past, studying the social and political history of the people, identifying new sources for the study of spiritual culture and the relationships of cultures of adjacent regions. Today we live in the century of technics and high technologies. Science has accomplished incredible discoveries and achievements. At the same time, there are still many hidden pages of the history. Science proves that there are at the core of all discoveries and innovations a combination of truths proven for centuries and approved. And the basis of this combination is made up of ancient manuscripts that have reached our time by passing from century to century and from genera- tion to generation. Each of these manuscripts is the fruit of individual eras, and our common history and culture. At the Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammad Fuzuli of Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences, which is rightly considered one of the largest repositories of manu- scripts in the world, there is the richest written heritage of our ancestors, testifying to the rich and ancient culture of the Azerbaijani people. Azerbaijani manuscript books are invaluable gifts of our people to the treasury of world culture. There is not any large museum of oriental culture in the world, or a collection of oriental manuscripts, where Azerbaijani manuscripts do not take their rightful place. The culture of manufacturing of them had already reached the highest level in the medieval period. Some books of that time distinguished by the brightness and freshness of colors, the magnificence of the artistic decoration, and were rich with illus- trations. Manuscript books were products of collective labor. In manufacturing of them, partici- pated masters of paper works, copyists of texts - calligraphers, designers of the manuscripts, artists - bookbinders. There were special requirements for papers used for books. One class was made of silk towing without a cotton mass and was very elegant. That paper distin- guished by its density, purity and smoothness of the surface, it was excellently lined, and

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Institute of Manuscripts, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences touching it created a sense of touching new paper banknotes. By its color, this paper was mainly creamy. Another class - semi-silk – was made of half and half silk and hemp fibers. As a result, a thick paper, perfectly suitable for glassing was made up. Turning over their pages gave a feeling of warmth and solidity of everything written on it. To apply gloss, the paper was covered with liquid starch and lined with a special sink or agate tooth. To achieve the best result, the process was repeated several times. After that, it was possible to write on a glossy paper like polished ivory. In case of errors, the text was gently washed with warm wa- ter using a soft sponge. The dried place was again covered with liquid starch, dried, thor- oughly polished, and then corrected. The finished paper of the desired format and class, was sent to the calligrapher. Good and durable ink - the first condition for achieving high quality in calligraphy. Even nowadays, experts are amazed at the exclusively black and non-fading color of the an- cient inks. The well-known orientalist A. Semenov recalled: ‘In 1913, I held in my hands a volume of the Book of Healing by Avicenna, rewritten by order of Sultan-Hussein-Mirza. The book was written on a shiny paper which was completely exceptional in its density and almost looked like a mirror. The Arabic text on it was written in ink so black and glossy that all the letters seemed freshly written and not yet dried.’ It is not only the ink quality that is surpris- ing: even after many centuries they have not lost their delicate flavor. Gorgeous manuscripts were created by order of the rulers and nobles - connoisseurs of the beautiful and elegant. There were not many such formats. Much more were just excellently executed copies of various works. If in our time readers sometimes do not pay attention on the font of the book, evaluating it from the point of view of clarity and beauty, but the taste of the Eastern reader, brought up for centuries on the harmony of lines, was always sophisticated and exacting not so much, perhaps, to the overall design of the manuscript, as to its most essential part - to the hand- writing with which it was written. Hence the fascination of the East with famous calligra- phers, the pride of the owners of manuscripts written by various luminaries of calligraphy and often the same love for collecting samples of their handwritings and entire manuscripts, just like in Europe they search for and collect works of famous artists of the brush and chisel. Calligraphers - artists enjoyed no less fame than famous singers, musicians, poets. In order to achieve excellence in this profession, not only talent, but also exceptional diligence was necessary. From the manuscripts about calligraphic art one can find out how the training was conducted under the supervision of a trainer. Recopying of manuscripts performed with artistic mastery was a time consuming process. It often took the same amount of time spent on drawing a picture or writing a large literary work. All work was done in one artistic style. It is not surprising that such books were loved and admired as much as the paintings of famous masters. The work of bookbinders was also highly valued. They also preferred to do everything themselves and in the most careful manner. Cardboard covers were made to glue over leather. This was the first-class production of morocco leather. On the book, not letting it dry, patterns were applied with cold embossing. Thanks to the cult of the book that reigned over the centuries in the ancient East, our people became the owner of unique treasures that were discussed. Thus, the Institute of Manuscripts named after M. Fuzuli of ANAS at the same time became an invaluable treasury - a museum of the history of book art. Unique manuscripts, printed old books, collections and personal archives of scientists of the 19th-20th centuries, old periodicals constitute the golden fund of the vault of our institute. Here are stored unique manuscripts, rewritten in the 9-11th centuries, as well as the works of many classics of Azerbaijani literature, works of medieval scholars and poets. Among them, there are many works in Arabic. As is known, the works of Azerbaijani schol-

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J.of “Manuscripts don’t burn”: №1(8), 2019, Special issue, ISSN: 2410-5600 ars, poets and writers who wrote in Arabic constitute one of the brilliant pages of the golden fund of Muslim science and culture. It also stores in great numbers beautiful Persian-language written monuments belonging to the spiritual heritage of many peoples of the medieval East, who, due to historical circum- stances and traditions, created their works in Persian. Invaluable written literature for studyibg the history of the Azerbaijani language, lit- erature, science and culture are Turkic manuscripts, which cover all branches of knowledge. 453 manuscripts relate to the field of medicine. Among them are manuscripts written in Arabic, Persian and Turkish, which were compiled both in the territory of modern Azerbaijan and brought there from other areas in different historical periods. 320 manuscripts were writ- ten in Persian, 60 in Turkish and 73 in Arabic. The Baku Institute of Manuscripts also con- tains a number of copies of various manuscripts in medicine. It contains 30 complete and in- complete copies of such famous works as ‘Tukhfat al-Muminin’, 10 copies of the work of Persian scientist Muhammad Mehdi bin Ali Nagi Sharif ‘Zad almusafirin’, 9 copies of the pharmacology work of Muzaffar bin Mohammed Shafai ‘Garabadin’, 2 copies of the manu- script of Mohammed Shirvani ‘Tibbnemah’, 5 copies of the manuscript of Mansour ibn Mohammad ibn Yusid ibn Ilias ‘Kifayeyi-Mansuriya’, copies of the translation into Persian of the works of the famous Austrian scholar Schlimer, 3 copies of the manuscript by Yusif bin Mohammed Haravi ‘Jamul Favayid’, 3 copies of ‘Ihtiyarati Badi’, as well as such famous works as ‘Zahirei – Harezmshahi’ by Zeinaddin ibn Abu Ibrahim Jurjani, ‘Mualijati-Mun- faride” by Abulhasan Maragi, ‘Arvahul-asjad’ by Shamsaddin Kashani, ‘Zahirei-Nizamshahi’ by Rustam Jurjani, ‘Kitab al-Mudawat’ by Abdullah Majid Hakim, ‘Siraj at-Tibb’ by Hasan bin Riza Shirvani, ‘Favayid al-Hikmat” by Hadji Suleiman Gajar Irevani, ‘Hirga’ by Murtuz Gulu Khan Shamlu and many others. It should be noted that in the fall of 2005, the collection of medieval medical manu- scripts stored at the Institute of Manuscripts was included in the UNESCO World Memory Program, which contains the most unique written monuments of humanity. These works are of great value not only for individual nations, but also for all of humanity as a whole. Among these works there are ‘’ by Abu Ali ibn Sina (Avicenna), ‘Zahirei – Nizamshahi’ by Rustam Jurjani, and ‘On Surgery and Instruments’ by Abulkasim Zahravi. A copy of the ‘Canon of Medicine’ by Avicenna was rewritten in 1143. This book is one of the most reliable copies of this encyclopedic work, which gained fame both in the East and West. Scientists of various epochs explained by the fact that the author summarized the entire experience of the ancient and early Middle Ages and, using his numerous observations, gave an exhaustive presentation of medical theory and practice that was original for his time, which made it the most studied work in the history of mankind. ‘Zahirei-Nizamshahi’by Rustam Dzhurdzhani, written in the 13th century is unique in that it is the only manuscript of this work in the world. Here are given tips aimed at preserv- ing human health, it tells about the treatment of various diseases, gives prescriptions for medicines, describes all kinds of treatments. The pages of the manuscript are richly decorated with colorful ornaments. The book of the famous Arabib doctor of the 12th century Abulkasim Zahravi ‘On sur- gery and instruments’ for many centuries was considered the most authoritative textbook on surgery both in the East and West. This is the only work in which descriptions and drawings of about 200 surgical instruments are given, methods of their use during specific operations are shown. Zahravi is considered the founder of dental surgery. We hope that the inclusion of these three manuscripts in the list of World Memory is the first step aimed at the recognition of Azerbaijani manuscripts in the world, and in the future our other valuable manuscripts will also take a place in this list.

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Regarding the content of manuscripts stored in the Institute of Manuscripts, it should be noted that there are works on and healing, the magical properties of stones, astrology and the impact on human health, character and other qualities of people born under different signs of the zodiac, their predisposition to one or another disease. There are manuscripts dedicated to pharmacology, where recipes are given for simple and complex drugs. The term complex (murakkabat) drugs by medieval authors meant multi- component mixtures, which included dozens of different components. Some drugs are char- acterized according to their composition, consistency (Majuns, Juvarishi, powders, pills), oth- ers according to their therapeutic effect (Tyrac, tonic, iyaraji, vomiting and antiemetic, etc.) We should specifically note the manuscripts consisting of Hadith (legends about the life, deeds and statements of the Prophet) - “Tibbi-Nebevi”. Here are collected many different statements of the Prophet Mohammed and his associates regarding medicine, treatment, hu- man health, healing properties of various products and dishes. Speaking about the numerous manuscripts devoted to the treatment of various diseases, the most informative of them primarily give advice related to the correct, healthy lifestyle, aimed at preserving human health. To be healthy you need to live in a healthy environment, breathe healthy air, drink healthy water and eat healthy food. In addition, you need to build a house in the right place and with the right layout. It is necessary to observe the mode of work and rest. Physical and mental exhaustion, lack of sleep, or, conversely, a passive lifestyle and too long sleep is one of the main causes of health problems. One of the necessary conditions for preserving health was control of emotions, a balanced diet, timely procedures for clean- sing the intestines, stomach and gall bladder, preventive bleeding, steam bath. Then they talked about the methods and techniques of treating various diseases: drink- ing medications from medicinal plants, baths from decoctions of medicinal herbs, preventive and therapeutic massage using healing aromatic oils, rubbing ointments, using powders and compresses, healing bloodletting, treating smells, music, color , diet, inhalation and surgery. Ancient scholars were supporters of complex treatment. In the treatment of various diseases, of the medieval East paid great attention to communicating with nature, walking in the garden, inhaling the fragrance of flowers, enjoying the singing of birds, and the murmur of brooks and fountains. Currently, about 12,000 manuscripts are kept at the Institute of Manuscripts named after Mohammed Fizuli of the National Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan. These manuscripts, which we consider to be the national treasure of our people, are an integral part of the world history. The study of this centuries-old heritage of antiquity and its return to the use of mod- ern science is one of the important tasks of our scientists.

References:

1. Farid Alakbarli, About Study of Medicine History in Azerbaijan. Historical Problems of . Materials of the 1st Republic Scientific Conference, Baku, February 1-2, 2005. 2. Farid Alakbarli. One Thousand and One Secrets of East. Baku, Tural, 1999. 3. Fon Grunebaum N. The Main Features of the Arab-Muslim Culture. Moscow, Nauk, 1986. 4. Stanislav Balashkin. Manuscript Memory. Sights of Tashkent, Scientific Institute of Oriental Studies named after Beruni, 2010.

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Zemfira Məmmədova

Qədim biliklər xəzinəsi

XÜLASƏ

Açar sözlər: tibb, əlyazmalar, farmakologiya

Məqalə AMEA Məhəmməd Füzuli adına Əlyazmalar İnstitutunda qorunub saxlanılan elmin müxtəlif sahələrinə həsr olunan əlyazmalar haqqındadır. Qeyd olunur ki, İnstitut dünya- nın ən zəngin kolleksiyalarından birinə malikdir. Onların arasında tibbə aid əlyazmalar xüsusi bir yer tutur. Bu abidələr ərəb, fars və türk dillərində yazılmışdı və IX - XX əsrləri əhatə edir.

Земфира Мамедова

Сокровищница древних научных знаний

РЕЗЮМЕ

Ключевые слова: медицина, рукописи, фармакология

В статье даются сведения о том, что Институт Рукописей НАН Азербайджана является сокровищницей, где бережно хранится многовековое культурное наследие на- шего народа. Институт обладает одной из богатейших в мире коллекций средневековых рукописей, среди которых медицинские рукописи занимают особое место. Эти трак- таты написаны на арабском, персидском, турецком языках и охватывают период с IX по XX век.

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INFORMATION FOR AUTHORS

The Journal "Manuscripts don’t burn" is published quarterly by the Institute of Manuscripts of Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences (ANAS) since 2015. The Journal publishes the articles on textual study, manuscripttology, source study, history of science, folklore, theory of literature, Azerbaijani literature, preservation of manuscripts. By the decision of the Presidium of the Higher Attestation Commission under the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan as of March 31, 2017 (Protocol No. 06-R), the scientific journal "Manus- cripts don’t burn" has been included on Philology, in the list of the scientific issues publishing the main scientific results of the dissertations. The papers could be sent via “Online submission form” (www.manuscript.az/mdb).

Instruction for Authors:

 The text of article must be printed in 1 interval with Times New Roman 12 font (for example Azerbaijan language with Latin alphabet, Russian language with Cyrillic alphabet, English language with English alphabet).  Each article must be provided on the new page and must contain the heading year, volume, number and the title of the periodical scientific publication at the top of the page.  It must be indicated the author’s organization and the address of organization, author’s e- mail address (es).  At the end of scientific article must be clearly stated the author’s condussion, the scientific novelty of the work. And economic benefits of the author, must be clearly defined in accordance with the character of science field and article.  It must be refer to scientific sources related to the subject matter. The list of literature given at the end of article (for example, [1] or [1, p.119]) must be alphabetically sequenced. If the same literature is mentioned elsewhere in the text, it must be indicated by the previous number.  The information about each reference given in the list of literature must be complete and accurate. The bibliographic description of the reference source must be given depending on its type (monograph, textbook, scientific article). The report be cited when referring to scientific articles and theses of symposium, conference and other authoritative scientific events. In the bibliographic imply- cation of the reference source, students of literature department must use instructions of the Higher Attestation Commission under the President of the rules for 10.2 – 10.4.6 drafting dissertations.  The list of literature in the end of the article must be preferred to monographs and other reli- able sources for the last 5 – 10 years.  In addition to the language in which it is published, the summary of the article in different languages should be identical and must conform to the content of the article. The scientific result of the author and authors in the article must be summarized in the summary of the scientific novelty, the importance of application. The summary must be major change scientific and grammatical point of view. In each summary the title of the article must be the full name of the author or authors.  Each article must contain UOT indices or PACS type codes and keywords. Keywords should be given in 3 languages (in the languages of the article and summary).

 Download paper template here: www.manuscript.az/mdb/shablonmdb.docx  Download Author agreement here: www.manuscript.az/mdb/anketmdb.docx

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J.of “Manuscripts don’t burn”: №1(8), 2019, Special issue, ISSN: 2410-5600

MÜƏLLİFLƏR ÜÇÜN MƏLUMAT

"Əlyazmalar yanmır" jurnalı AMEA Məhəmməd Füzuli adına Əlyazmalar İnstitutunun nəşr etdiyi beynəlxalq elmi jurnaldır. Jurnal 2014-cü ildə İnstitutun Elmi Şurasının qərarı ilə təsis olunmuş, 13.01.2015-ci ildə Azərbay- can Respublikası Ədliyyə Nazirliyinin "Mətbu nəşrlərin reyestri"nə daxil edilmişdir (Reyestr № 3940). Azərbaycan Respublikası Prezidenti yanında Ali Attestasiya Komissiyasının Rəyasət heyətinin 31.03.2017-ci il tarixli (Protokol № 06-R) qərarı ilə "Azərbaycan Respublikasında dissertasiyaların əsas nəticələrinin dərc olunması tövsiyə edilən dövri elmi nəşrlərin siyahısı”nın filologiya elmləri bölməsinə daxil edilmişdir. "Əlyazmalar yanmır" jurnalı ildə 4 dəfə nəşr olunur. Jurnalda kodikologiya, paleoqrafiya, mətnşü- naslıq, mənbəşünaslıq, tarixşünaslıq, dilçilik, elm tarixi, folklor, ədəbiyyat nəzəriyyəsi, Azərbaycan ədəbiyyatı, əlyazmaların mühafizəsi və s. ilə bağlı məqalələr dərc olunur. Jurnalda məqalələrin dərci ödənişsizdir. Məqalələr müvafiq şöbənin iclas protokolundan çıxarış və ixtisaslı mütəxəssisdən alınmış rəylə birlikdə təqdim olunmalıdır. Müəlliflər məqalələrini şəxsən redaksiyaya gələrək və ya "Onlayn məqalə göndərişi" sistemi vasitəsilə (www.manuscript.az/mdb ün- vanlı veb səhifədən) təqdim edə bilərlər.

Məqalələrin tərtibolunma qaydaları:

 Məqalələrin mətni A4 formatında, 12 ölçülü "Times New Roman" şrifti ilə, 1 intervalla yığıl- malı, 5-8 səhifə həcmində olmalıdır. Hər tərəfdən 2,5 sm. boş məsafə buraxılmalıdır.  Məqalədə müəllif(lər)in işlədiyi müəssisə(lər) və həmin müəssisənin (müəssisələrin) ünvan(la- r)ı, müəllif(lər)in elektron poçt ünvan(lar)ı göstərilməlidir.  Elmi məqalənin sonunda elm sahəsinin və məqalənin xarakterinə uyğun olaraq, müəllif(lər)in gəldiyi elmi nəticə, işin elmi yeniliyi, tətbiqi əhəmiyyəti, iqtisadi səmərəsi və s. aydın şəkildə verilmə- lidir.  Məqalənin mövzusu ilə bağlı elmi mənbələrə istinadlar olmalıdır. Məqalənin sonunda verilən ədəbiyyat siyahısı ya istinad olunan ədəbiyyatların mətndə rast gəlindiyi ardıcıllıqla (məsələn, [1] və ya [1, s.119] kimi işarə olunmalı) ya da əlifba ardıcıllığı ilə nömrələnməlidir. Eyni ədəbiyyata mətndə başqa bir yerdə təkrar istinad olunarsa, onda istinad olunan həmin ədəbiyyat əvvəlki nömrə ilə gös- tərilməlidir.  Ədəbiyyat siyahısında verilən hər bir istinad haqqında məlumat tam və dəqiq olmalıdır. İstinad olunan mənbənin biblioqrafik təsviri onun növündən (monoqrafiya, dərslik, elmi məqalə və.s) asılı olaraq verilməlidir. Elmi məqalələrə, simpozium, konfrans və digər nüfuzlu elmi tədbirlərin material- larına və ya tezislərinə istinad edərkən məqalənin, məruzənin və ya tezisin adı göstərilməlidir. İstinad olunan mənbənin biblioqrafik təsviri verilərkən Azərbaycan Respublikasının Prezidenti yanında Ali Attestasiya Kommisiyasının “Dissertasiyaların tərtibi qaydaları” barədə qüvvədə olan təlimatının “İstifadə edilmiş ədəbiyyat” bölməsinin 10.2-10.4.6 tələbləri əsas götürülməlidir.  Məqalənin sonundakı ədəbiyyat siyahısında son 5-10 ilin elmi məqalələrinə, monoqrafiya- larına və digər etibarlı mənbələrinə üstünlük verilməlidir.  Dərc olunduğu dildən əlavə başqa iki dildə məqalənin xülasəsi verilməlidir. Məqalələrin müx- təlif dillərdə olan xülasələri bir-birinin eyni olmalı və məqalənin məzmununa uyğun olmalıdır. Məqa- lədə müəllifin və ya müəlliflərin gəldiyi elmi nəticə, işin elmi yeniliyi, tətbiqi əhəmiyyəti və s. xüla- sədə yığcam şəkildə öz əksini tapmalıdır. Xülasələr elmi və qrammatik baxımdan ciddi redaktə olun- malıdır. Hər bir xülasədə məqalənin adı, müəllifin və ya müəlliflərin tam adı göstərilməlidir.  Hər bir məqalədə UOT indekslər və ya PACS tipli kodlar və açar sözlər göstərilməlidir. Açar sözlər üç dildə (məqalənin və xülasələrin yazıldığı dillərdə) verilməlidir.

 Məqalə şablonunu yükləmək üçün: www.manuscript.az/mdb/shablonmdb.docx  Müəllif anketini yükləmək üçün: www.manuscript.az/mdb/anketmdb.docx

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