Europe and the Middle East Perspectives on Major Policy Issues
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EU Democracy Promotion in the Eastern Neighbourhood: a Turn to Civil Society?
Nº115 december 2012 working paper EU democracy promotion in the Eastern neighbourhood: a turn to civil society? Natalia Shapovalova Richard Youngs About FRIDE FRIDE is a European think tank for global action, which provides innovative thinking and rigorous analysis of key debates in international relations. Our mission is to inform policy and practice in order to ensure that the EU plays a more effective role in supporting multilateralism, democratic values, security and sustainable development. Working Papers FRIDE’s working papers seek to stimulate wider debate on these issues and present policy-relevant considerations. EU democracy promotion in the Eastern neighbourhood: a turn to civil society? Natalia Shapovalova is an associate researcher at FRIDE. Richard Youngs is director (on leave) of FRIDE. © Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior (FRIDE) 2012. Felipe IV, 9, 1º Dcha. 28014 Madrid – SPAIN Tel.: +34 91 244 47 40 Email: [email protected] All FRIDE publications are available at the FRIDE website: www.fride.org This document is the property of FRIDE. If you would like to copy, reprint or in any way reproduce all or any part, you must request permission. The views expressed by the author do not necessarily reflect the opinion of FRIDE. If you have any comments on this document or any other suggestions, please email us at [email protected] ISSN: 2172-5829 (Print) ISSN: 2172-5837 (Online) Legal Deposit: M-45320-2010 Contents The EU’s record in the Eastern neighbourhood 2 New developments 6 Challenges 13 Conclusion 16 EU DEMOCRACY PROMOTION IN THE EASTERN NEIGHBOURHOOD: 1 A TURN TO CIVIL SOCIETY? NATALIA SHAPOVALOVA & RICHARD YOUNGS While afflicted with economic and political crisis at home, the EU has recently taken steps to shore up its support for democracy abroad. -
EU-Korea Convergence and Partnerships 10 Years After the EU-ROK FTA, in the Post Covid Era and Within the US-China Trade War
EU-Korea convergence and partnerships 10 years after the EU-ROK FTA, in the post Covid era and within the US-China trade war Asia Centre is delighted to host a distinguished panel to discuss the current status of EU and Republic of Korea partnerships, relations and cooperation on multilateral issues and focused sectors of mutual interest. Please find some of the papers of the authors-speakers on the following pages. CHAIRS: • Lukas MANDL (chairman of the European Parliament’s Delegation for Relations with the Korean Peninsula) • Jean-François DI MEGLIO (President of Asia Centre) SPEAKERS : Panel 1 : The points of convergence within the analysis of post Covid international relations • Maximilian MAYER (University of Bonn) : introduction • Antoine BONDAZ (FRS, SciencesPo): “The Covid-19 pandemic as a great opportunity for greater EU-Korea coordinAtion And cooperAtion” • Nicola CASARINI (Istituto Affari InternAzionAli): « EU-Korea strAtegic pArtnership ten years after. Opportunities, and challenges, in the age of Covid and mounting US-China tensions » • Paul ANDRE (SciencesPo): « Is KoreA on the threshold of the G7? StrAtegic opportunities and challenges ahead in the perspective of an enlarged G7 » • René CONSOLO (French diplomAt who worked in PyongyAng): « The European Union’s Restrictive Measures against North Korea: a medium term view, beyond the current difficulties. Looking at solutions beyond the deadlock ». Transition: Elisabeth Suh (SWP): « Certain uncertainty – the cyber challeng posed by Pyongyang » Panel 2 : Future opportunities of EU-ROK cooperation in specific areas of competence and excellence • Ramon PACHECO-PARDO (King’s College): « Reassessment of the goals intended and achieved through the EU-ROK FTA » • Tereza NOVOTNA (MArie SklodowskA-Curie Fellow): « WhAt EU-ROK Partnership within the US-China Conflict? » • Brigitte DEKKER (ClingendAel Institute): « EU-ROK digital connectivity: United, we must stand. -
The Challenges and Aspirations of the Digital Transformation of the State Council of Egypt
American University in Cairo AUC Knowledge Fountain Theses and Dissertations Student Research Summer 6-15-2021 The Challenges and Aspirations of the Digital Transformation of the State Council of Egypt Moustafa Ahmad Kamal Mahmoud Ahmad [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds Part of the Courts Commons, and the Litigation Commons Recommended Citation APA Citation Ahmad Kamal Mahmoud Ahmad, M. (2021).The Challenges and Aspirations of the Digital Transformation of the State Council of Egypt [Master's Thesis, the American University in Cairo]. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/1637 MLA Citation Ahmad Kamal Mahmoud Ahmad, Moustafa. The Challenges and Aspirations of the Digital Transformation of the State Council of Egypt. 2021. American University in Cairo, Master's Thesis. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/1637 This Master's Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Research at AUC Knowledge Fountain. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of AUC Knowledge Fountain. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The American University in Cairo School of Global Affairs and Public Policy THE CHALLENGES AND ASPIRATIONS OF THE DIGITAL TRANSFORMATION OF THE STATE COUNCIL OF EGYPT A Thesis Submitted to The Department of Law In partial fulfillment of the requirement for LL.M. Degree in International and Comparative Law By Moustafa Ahmad Kamal Mahmoud Ahmad Spring 2021 The American University in Cairo School of Global Affairs and Public Policy Department of Law THE CHALLENGES AND ASPIRATIONS OF THE DIGITAL TRANSFORMATION OF THE STATE COUNCIL OF EGYPT A Thesis Submitted by Moustafa Ahmad Kamal Mahmoud Ahmad to the Department of Law Spring 2021 in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the LL.M. -
The Future of European Education: a Political Strategy & Four Action Areas
Eur J Futures Res (2014) 2:49 DOI 10.1007/s40309-014-0049-2 ORIGINAL ARTICLE The future of European education: A political strategy & four action areas Alfonso Diestro Fernández Received: 15 October 2014 /Accepted: 17 November 2014 /Published online: 16 December 2014 # The Author(s) 2014. This article is published with open access at Springerlink.com Abstract The European integration project is confronting Introduction one of the greatest challenges in its recent history. The pro- found current financial crisis is jeopardising both trust in the Nobody can now ignore that Europe is currently facing a huge process of integration and the support of European Union predicament; this obliges Europe to reinvent itself once again citizens. This paper aims to show the need to find transversal if the region wishes to realise the original aspirations that solutions to the immediate and future challenges that the motivated the current project of building and integrating Eu- European integration project faces. These solutions could rope, establishing a closer union between its peoples and its emerge from the retrieval of the idea of including a European regions. In the present context, characterised by the econom- Dimension in Education, as a joint political strategy of the ical crisis, the political programmes of only one way and the European Union and the Council of Europe, given that two political disaffection of the citizens with the European project, separate, but convergent, trends have been identified. Special it is a matter of urgency to find new proposals, also for importance will be placed on the four action points that the educational politics, across a new process of deliberation European dimension could adopt (curricular and teaching between institutions and Members States. -
The End of Democratic Conditionality: Good Riddance?
The end of democratic conditionality: good riddance? Richard Youngs Working Paper / Documento de trabajo 102102 September 2010 Working Paper / Documento de trabajo About FRIDE FRIDE is an independent think-tank based in Madrid, focused on issues related to democracy and human rights; peace and security; and humanitarian action and development. FRIDE attempts to influence policy-making and inform pub- lic opinion, through its research in these areas. Working Papers FRIDE’s working papers seek to stimulate wider debate on these issues and present policy-relevant considerations. 1 The end of democratic conditionality: good riddance?1 Richard Youngs September 2010 Richard Youngs, Director General of FRIDE, and Associate Professor at the University of Warwick, United Kingdom. Working Paper / Documento de trabajo 102102 September 2010 Working Paper / Documento de trabajo Cover photo: AFP/Getty Images © Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior (FRIDE) 2010. Goya, 5-7, Pasaje 2º. 28001 Madrid – SPAIN Tel.: +34 912 44 47 40 – Fax: +34 912 44 47 41 Email: [email protected] All FRIDE publications are available at the FRIDE website: www.fride.org This document is the property of FRIDE. If you would like to copy, reprint or in any way reproduce all or any part, you must request permission. The views expressed by the author do not necessarily reflect the opinion of FRIDE. If you have any comments on this document or any other suggestions, please email us at [email protected] Contents Analytical doubts 1 Democratic sanctions in practice 3 Incentives conditionality 7 From conditionality to leverage 9 1 hen the democracy promotion agenda began to Criticisms have grown over the ineffectiveness of Wtake shape in a more systematic fashion after sanctions as a tool for incentivising political reform. -
European Strategic Partnerships Observatory
ESPEUROPEAN STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIPS OBSERVATORY WORKING PAPER 1 | JUNE 2012 Why EU strategic partnerships matter Giovanni Grevi 2 ESPO working paper n.1 June 2012 About ESPO. The purpose of the European Strategic Partnerships Observatory (ESPO) is to monitor the evolution and output of EU strategic partnerships – an increasingly important dimension of EU external action. It provides a unique source of data, analysis and debate on the EU’s relations with a selected range of key glo- bal and regional players across different policy domains. ESPO’s approach builds on two pillars, namely a focus on the state of bila- teral partnerships and on the connection between partnerships and global issues. Through targeted work packages, ESPO aims to engage a wide network of experts and practitioners in Europe and beyond. ESPO is a joint initiative of FRIDE and the Egmont Institute and is kindly supported by the Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland. About FRIDE. FRIDE is an independent think-tank based in Ma- drid, focused on issues related to democracy and human rights; peace and security; and humanitarian action and development. FRIDE attempts to influence policy-making and inform public opi- nion, through its research in these areas. About EGMONT. Egmont – Royal Institute for International Rela- tions is an independent think tank, based in Brussels. Its research is organised along three main pillars: European affairs, Europe in the world, and African studies. The Egmont Institute was esta- blished in 1947 by eminent Belgian personalities. GIOVANNI GREVI is a senior researcher and research coordina- tor at FRIDE. Why EU strategic partnerships matter Giovanni Grevi 4 ESPO working paper n.1 June 2012 © Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior (FRIDE) 2010. -
The Biden Administration and the Middle East: Policy Recommendations for a Sustainable Way Forward
THE BIDEN ADMINISTRATION AND THE MIDDLE EAST: POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS FOR A SUSTAINABLE WAY FORWARD THE MIDDLE EAST INSTITUTE MARCH 2021 WWW.MEI.EDU 2 The Biden Administration and the Middle East: Policy Recommendations for a Sustainable Way Forward The Middle East Institute March 2021 3 CONTENTS FOREWORD Iraq 21 Strategic Considerations for Middle East Policy 6 Randa Slim, Senior Fellow and Director of Conflict Paul Salem, President Resolution and Track II Dialogues Program Gerald Feierstein, Senior Vice President Ross Harrison, Senior Fellow and Director of Research Israel 23 Eran Etzion, Non-Resident Scholar POLICY BRIEFS Jordan 26 Dima Toukan, Non-Resident Scholar Countries/Regions Paul Salem, President US General Middle East Interests & Policy Priorities 12 Paul Salem, President Lebanon 28 Christophe Abi-Nassif, Director of Lebanon Program Afghanistan 14 Marvin G. Weinbaum, Director of Afghanistan and Libya 30 Pakistan Program Jonathan M. Winer, Non-Resident Scholar Algeria 15 Morocco 32 Robert Ford, Senior Fellow William Lawrence, Contributor Egypt 16 Pakistan 34 Mirette F. Mabrouk, Senior Fellow and Director of Marvin G. Weinbaum, Director of Afghanistan and Egypt Program Pakistan Program Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) 18 Palestine & the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process 35 Gerald Feierstein, Senior Vice President Nathan Stock, Non-Resident Scholar Khaled Elgindy, Senior Fellow and Director of Program Horn of Africa & Red Sea Basin 19 on Palestine and Palestinian-Israeli Affairs David Shinn, Non-Resident Scholar Saudi Arabia 37 Iran -
The Political Context of Eu Accession in Hungary
European Programme November 2002 THE POLITICAL CONTEXT OF EU ACCESSION IN HUNGARY Agnes Batory Introduction For the second time since the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty – seen by many as a watershed in the history of European integration – the European Union (EU) is set to expand. Unlike in 1995, when the group joining the Union consisted of wealthy, established liberal democracies, ten of the current applicants are post-communist countries which recently completed, or are still in various stages of completing, democratic transitions and large-scale economic reconstruction. It is envisaged that the candidates furthest ahead will become members in time for their citizens to participate in the next elections to the European Parliament due in June 2004. The challenge the absorption of the central and east European countries represents for the Union has triggered a need for internal institutional reform and new thinking among the policy-makers of the existing member states. However, despite the imminence of the ‘changeover’ to a considerably larger and more heterogeneous Union, the domestic profiles of the accession countries have remained relatively little known from the west European perspective. In particular, the implications of enlargement in terms of the attitudes and preferences of the new (or soon to be) players are still, to a great extent, unclear. How will they view their rights and obligations as EU members? How committed will they be to the implementation of the acquis communautaire? In what way will they fill formal rules with practical content? BRIEFING PAPER 2 THE POLITICAL CONTEXT OF EU ACCESSION IN HUNGARY Naturally, the answers to these questions can only government under the premiership of Miklós Németh be tentative at this stage. -
The Middle East and North Africa (MENA)
Regional strategy for development cooperation with The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) 2006 – 2008 The Swedish Government resolved on 27 April 2006 that Swedish support for regional development cooperation in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA region) during the period 2006-2008 should be conducted in accordance with the enclosed regional strategy. The Government authorized the Swedish International Development Coope- ration Agency (Sida) to implement in accordance with the strategy and decided that the financial framework for the development cooperation programme should be SEK 400–500 million. Regional strategy for development cooperation with the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) 2006 – 2008 Contents 1. Summary ........................................................................................ 2 2. Conclusions of the regional assessment ........................................... 3 3. Assessment of observations: Conclusions ......................................... 6 4. Other policy areas .......................................................................... 8 5. Cooperation with other donors ........................................................ 10 6. The aims and focus of Swedish development cooperation ................ 11 7. Areas of cooperation with the MENA region ..................................... 12 7.1 Strategic considerations ............................................................. 12 7.2 Cooperation with the Swedish Institute in Alexandria and ............... 14 where relevant with the Section for -
BREAKDOWN of SUB-REGIONS Americas
BREAKDOWN OF SUB-REGIONS Americas Atlantic Islands and Central and Canada Eastern US Latin America Southwest US Argentina Atlantic Canada Kansas City Boston Atlantic Islands British Columbia Nebraska Hartford Brazil A Canadian Prairies Oklahoma Maine Brazil B Montreal & Quebec Southwest US A New York A Central America Toronto Southwest US B New York B Chile St. Louis Philadelphia Colombia Pittsburgh Mexico Washington DC Peru Western New York Uruguay Midwest US Southeastern US Western US Chicago Florida Colorado Cleveland Greater Tennessee Desert US Indianapolis Louisville Hawaii Iowa Mid-South US Idaho Madison North Carolina Los Angeles Milwaukee Southern Classic New Mexico Minnesota Virginia Northern California Southern Ohio Orange County West Michigan Portland Salt Lake San Diego Seattle Spokane Asia Pacific Oceania Eastern Asia Southeastern Asia Southern Asia Brisbane Beijing Cambodia Bangladesh Melbourne Chengdu Indonesia India A New Zealand Hong Kong Malaysia India B Perth Japan Philippines India C Sydney Korea Singapore Nepal Mongolia Thailand Pakistan Shanghai Vietnam Sri Lanka Shenzhen A Shenzhen B Taiwan Europe, Middle East, and Africa Sub-Saharan Africa Eastern Europe Northern Europe Southern Europe Ethiopia Bulgaria Denmark & Norway Croatia Ghana Czech Republic Finland Cyprus Kenya Hungary Ireland Greece Mauritius Kazakhstan Sweden Israel Nigeria A Poland A Istanbul Nigeria B Poland B Italy Rwanda Romania Portugal South Africa Russia A Serbia Tanzania Russia B Slovenia Uganda Slovakia Spain Zimbabwe Ukraine A Ukraine B Middle East and Western Europe North Africa Austria Bahrain Benelux Doha France Egypt Germany Emirates Switzerland Jordan Kuwait Lebanon Morocco Oman Saudi Arabia . -
US Military Policy in the Middle East an Appraisal US Military Policy in the Middle East: an Appraisal
Research Paper Micah Zenko US and Americas Programme | October 2018 US Military Policy in the Middle East An Appraisal US Military Policy in the Middle East: An Appraisal Contents Summary 2 1 Introduction 3 2 Domestic Academic and Political Debates 7 3 Enduring and Current Presence 11 4 Security Cooperation: Training, Advice and Weapons Sales 21 5 Military Policy Objectives in the Middle East 27 Conclusion 31 About the Author 33 Acknowledgments 34 1 | Chatham House US Military Policy in the Middle East: An Appraisal Summary • Despite significant financial expenditure and thousands of lives lost, the American military presence in the Middle East retains bipartisan US support and incurs remarkably little oversight or public debate. Key US activities in the region consist of weapons sales to allied governments, military-to-military training programmes, counterterrorism operations and long-term troop deployments. • The US military presence in the Middle East is the culmination of a common bargain with Middle Eastern governments: security cooperation and military assistance in exchange for US access to military bases in the region. As a result, the US has substantial influence in the Middle East and can project military power quickly. However, working with partners whose interests sometimes conflict with one another has occasionally harmed long-term US objectives. • Since 1980, when President Carter remarked that outside intervention in the interests of the US in the Middle East would be ‘repelled by any means necessary’, the US has maintained a permanent and significant military presence in the region. • Two main schools of thought – ‘offshore balancing’ and ‘forward engagement’ – characterize the debate over the US presence in the Middle East. -
Arabian Peninsula from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia Jump to Navigationjump to Search "Arabia" and "Arabian" Redirect Here
Arabian Peninsula From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Jump to navigationJump to search "Arabia" and "Arabian" redirect here. For other uses, see Arabia (disambiguation) and Arabian (disambiguation). Arabian Peninsula Area 3.2 million km2 (1.25 million mi²) Population 77,983,936 Demonym Arabian Countries Saudi Arabia Yemen Oman United Arab Emirates Kuwait Qatar Bahrain -shibhu l-jazīrati l ِش ْبهُ ا ْل َج ِزي َرةِ ا ْلعَ َربِيَّة :The Arabian Peninsula, or simply Arabia[1] (/əˈreɪbiə/; Arabic jazīratu l-ʿarab, 'Island of the Arabs'),[2] is َج ِزي َرةُ ا ْلعَ َرب ʿarabiyyah, 'Arabian peninsula' or a peninsula of Western Asia situated northeast of Africa on the Arabian plate. From a geographical perspective, it is considered a subcontinent of Asia.[3] It is the largest peninsula in the world, at 3,237,500 km2 (1,250,000 sq mi).[4][5][6][7][8] The peninsula consists of the countries Yemen, Oman, Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.[9] The peninsula formed as a result of the rifting of the Red Sea between 56 and 23 million years ago, and is bordered by the Red Sea to the west and southwest, the Persian Gulf to the northeast, the Levant to the north and the Indian Ocean to the southeast. The peninsula plays a critical geopolitical role in the Arab world due to its vast reserves of oil and natural gas. The most populous cities on the Arabian Peninsula are Riyadh, Dubai, Jeddah, Abu Dhabi, Doha, Kuwait City, Sanaʽa, and Mecca. Before the modern era, it was divided into four distinct regions: Red Sea Coast (Tihamah), Central Plateau (Al-Yamama), Indian Ocean Coast (Hadhramaut) and Persian Gulf Coast (Al-Bahrain).