DOCSLIB.ORG

Domestic Politics in Poland, June 2019 Joanna Ciesielska-Klikowska

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Domestic Politics in Poland, June 2019 Joanna Ciesielska-Klikowska ISSN: 2560-1601 Vol. 19, No. 1 (PL) June 2019 Poland political briefing: Domestic Politics in Poland, June 2019 Joanna Ciesielska-Klikowska 1052 Budapest Petőfi Sándor utca 11. +36 1 5858 690 Kiadó: Kína-KKE Intézet Nonprofit Kft. [email protected] Szerkesztésért felelős személy: Chen Xin Kiadásért felelős személy: Huang Ping china-cee.eu 2017/01 Domestic Politics in Poland, June 2019 In Polish domestic policy, there is a festival of settlements in connection with the result of elections to the European Parliament. Right-wing groups - first of all Law and Justice Party and its coalition partners, celebrate success and enjoy the advantage they received in the May 2019 European elections. Opposition groupings are looking for culprits of their defeat and ideas for campaign for the parliamentary elections in autumn. Although the headlines of the newspapers are dominated by the never-ending game and competition between the PiS and the Civic Platform, it is worth looking at an oldest Polish political party with 125 years of tradition, a party that for the last 30 years was a frequent coalition partner in successive governments, and now is experiencing a serious crisis – Polish Peoples Party. Settlement of elections to the European Parliament During the last Supreme Council of Polish Peoples Party (Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe, PSL), which took place on June 1, 2019, the party’s leader Władysław Kosiniak Kamysz, announced that his party would create an independent block of parties with which it would take part in the autumn parliamentary elections. It means that the PSL is going out of the European Coalition, causing this way the first split in the coalition of Polish central and liberal groupings made especially for the elections to the European Parliament. Members of the European Coalition hoped to extend the cooperation and create one party block that would counterbalance the victorious right-wing camp, and in particular the ruling party Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS). In general, the results of the elections to the European Parliament, even though the European Coalition survived a defeat (it gained 38.5% of votes, PiS on the contrary – 45.4%), showed that the PSL is still respected in the countryside, where its traditional electorate comes from, but loses its voters for Law and Justice. Despite everything, the party’s candidates have won three seats in the EP, which is only one less than in the elections five years ago. Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz officially recognized the result as “decent”, and the results of the PSL MEPs as “historical” and “good”. Indeed never before has the party’s candidates obtained such support: the vice-president Adam Jarubas got 130,000 votes, the second vice-president Krzysztof Hetman and Jarosław Kalinowski received over 100,000 votes. Even Urszula 1 Pasławska, also the vice-president of the party who did not get to the European Parliament, gathered about 60,000 votes. Yet immediately after the announcement of voting results, PSL leaders began to distance themselves from their allies in the European Coalition. Kosiniak-Kamysz said that the alliance with other parties, and especially with the Civic Platform (Platforma Obywatelska, PO) was established only for the time of the elections to the European Parliament and is no longer functioning, so possible future cooperation must be discussed in details. Also one of the prominent politicians of the party Marek Sawicki argued, that there is no way to repeat the „experiment” in the autumn campaign to Polish Parliament. Reasons for the PiS victory in the countryside, reasons for the PSL defeat It is a fact that despite obtaining a “decent” number of seats, the PSL have cause for concern. The voter turnout was lethal for them (very high as for Polish conditions - 45.68%). The high turnout in the country was obtained in these elections thanks to the voices of the Polish village, but also to cities of up to 50,000 residents. They were mobilized because they combined their interest with PiS’s interest. It was the PiS politicians who travelled through provincial Poland that the electorate effectively mobilized, threatening citizens with the vision of the European Coalition, which would take away the social benefits granted by PiS and destroy the Christian traditions and values in which they grew up. Of course the European Coalition has also warned people against PiS - that PiS will lead to rising inflation, rising living costs, and food export collapse. But people in the countryside look at politics through the prism of immediate benefits, not in the long run. PiS in their campaign in 2015 promised a lot, but when it won the power, it fulfilled most promises. Thanks to this, it is now perceived in the countryside as a safety guarantee of the future. On the contrary – the European Coalition and its member parties could not break through with their stories about European values, or budget debts caused by state indebtness. PiS also won votes with its „dignity Policy”. In Polish countryside it is important to protect the land against redemption by foreigners - PiS assured that Polish land will not be sold to foreigners, which caused this party additional votes from farmers who are afraid of taking over land by wealthy investors from abroad or are afraid to give the land back to the Jewish heirs living in Poland before World War II. This is a direct reference to the discussion that sparked in Poland after the disclosure that American congressmen were in favor of the Justice for Uncompensated Survivors Today Act of 2017 (S447) – an initiative regarding the restitution 2 of property once incumbent on Jews. US Congressmen have announced they are considering introducing new regulations to force the administration of Donald Trump to demand that Poland settle claims matters before the United States agrees to establish a permanent US military base, the so-called „Fort Trump”. PSL Supreme Council These reasons for the failure were therefore the basis for a discussion on the future of the PSL during the last Supreme Council of this party (June 1, 2019). The convention was very turbulent and the discussions lasted for many hours. According to the majority of the members of Polish People’s Party, the European Coalition proved to be too wide, and the common purpose was not strong enough. That is why the PSL decided to go its own way during the autumn elections but the grouping is open to all those who share its values (i.e. patriotism, Christianity) and would be eager to create a joint coalition, the so-called Polish Coalition (in opposition to the European Coalition). The party hopes that the Kukiz’15 grouping and non- party politicians, centered around the Non-Party Local Government (Bezpartyjni Samorządowcy), could enter the coalition. The party also counts on the support of the more conservative voters of the Civic Platform, who oppose its recent too liberal moves (eg the acceptance of the LGBT card) and count on the mobilization of voters who until now were not active participants in the voting process or did not participate in the elections at all. According to the PSL politicians this possible future coalition would promote the principle of state subsidiarity - that is, the development of self-governance. In addition, PSL postulates, inter alia: • free medicines and vaccines for children; • a tax-free pension, which is more advantageous for pensioners than the 13th retirement implemented by Law and Justice Party this year; • promoting „good Polish food” (0% VAT on certified healthy food); • extension of the 500+ program to the end of studies, i.e. 26 years of age; • increase in payments per hectare to PLN 1.200 (EUR 280); • decrease in tax rates for entrepreneurs: 10% income tax for self-employed. This is an valuable plan and an interesting proposal for voters, but at the same time few of them can believe in the success of this program - the PSL has no chance to win the elections and its only hope for the cooperation is paradoxically a possible entry into the future government of Law and Justice. 3 Conclusion If the PSL really will decide to built the Polish Coalition, they must show their separateness from the European Coalition and its member parties, and especially identity based on values close to the inhabitants of the Polish province. They must seek support in a group of voters with conservative-liberal views who do not want to vote for the European Coalition or Civic Platform itself because of its too liberal views. An opportunity for the PSL to play a political role is actually to rebuild its program. The PSL must try to reach the wider electorate, the inhabitants of the cities, because every year the number of people working on the land and living from agriculture decreases, therefore the natural background of the PSL is shrinking. Of the 1.4 million recipients of direct subsidies from the European Union, only approximately 300,000 can be considered as real farmers, involved in village development, having their own farms, orchards etc. The rest are people who do posses land and live in the countryside, but are inactive as farmers although receive financial support from the EU. So this 1.100,000 inhabitants of villages are a social electorate for whom state aid and national slogans matter the most – for them the PSL has nothing to propose. It is not enough to rely on 125 years of PSL tradition, to spool with the slogans about the power of the oldest peasant party in the country, which can not be eradicated. It is not the PSL but PiS that is now a people’s party.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Opposition Behaviour Against the Third Wave of Autocratisation: Hungary and Poland Compared
    European Political Science https://doi.org/10.1057/s41304-021-00325-x SYMPOSIUM Opposition behaviour against the third wave of autocratisation: Hungary and Poland compared Gabriella Ilonszki1 · Agnieszka Dudzińska2 Accepted: 4 February 2021 © The Author(s) 2021 Abstract Hungary and Poland are often placed in the same analytical framework from the period of their ‘negotiated revolutions’ to their autocratic turn. This article aims to look behind this apparent similarity focusing on opposition behaviour. The analysis demonstrates that the executive–parliament power structure, the vigour of the extra- parliamentary actors, and the opposition party frame have the strongest infuence on opposition behaviour, and they provide the sources of diference between the two country cases: in Hungary an enforced power game and in Poland a political game constrain opposition opportunities and opposition strategic behaviour. Keywords Autocratisation · Extra-parliamentary arena · Hungary · Opposition · Parliament · Party system · Poland Introduction What can this study add? Hungary and Poland are often packed together in political analyses on the grounds that they constitute cases of democratic decline. The parties in governments appear infamous on the international, particularly on the EU, scene. Fidesz1 in Hungary has been on the verge of leaving or being forced to leave the People’s Party group due to repeated abuses of democratic norms, and PiS in Poland2 is a member of 1 The party’s full name now reads Fidesz—Hungarian Civic Alliance. 2 Abbreviation of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice). * Gabriella Ilonszki [email protected] Agnieszka Dudzińska [email protected] 1 Department of Political Science, Corvinus University of Budapest, 8 Fővám tér, Budapest 1093, Hungary 2 Institute of Sociology, University of Warsaw, Krakowskie Przedmieście 26/28, 00-927 Warsaw, Poland Vol.:(0123456789) G.
    [Show full text]
  • Poland-Report.Pdf
    © Faith Matters, 2017 London, United Kingdom All rights reserved Material from this publication may be reproduced for teaching or other non-commercial purposes. No part of it may be reproduced in any form for commercial purposes without the prior express permission of the copyright holder. For further information please contact Faith Matters +44 (0) 207 935 5573 [email protected] Twitter: @FaithMattersUK Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/FaithMattersUK Published 04 December 2017 Lead researcher: Steve Rose Get involved and support our work at www.faith-matters.org Contents Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 2 Review of Existing Literature ............................................................................................. 3 The Tatar Muslims of Poland............................................................................................. 7 The Politicisation of Catholicism ...................................................................................... 11 Catholicism & Ethnonationalism under Communism ....................................................... 14 Notable anti-Muslim activists in Poland and Britain ......................................................... 18 Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 26 Introduction The size of the nationalist march in Warsaw on 11 November 20171 brought renewed interest in far-right
    [Show full text]
  • Coalition Formation and the Regime Divide in Central Europe
    Program on Central & Eastern Europe Working Paper Series #52, j\Tovember 1999 Coalition Formation and the Regime Divide in Central Europe Anna Grzymala-Busse· Weatherhead Center for International Affairs Harvard University Cambridge, lvlA 02138 Abstract The study examines the formation of coalitions in East Central Europe after the democratic transi­ tions of 1989. Existing explanations of coalition formations, which focus on either office-seeking and minimum wmning considerations, or on policy-seeking and spatial ideological convergence. However, they fail to account for the coalition patterns in the new democracies of East Central Europe. Instead, these parties' flrst goal is to develop clear and consistent reputations. To that end, they will form coalitions exclusively within the two camps of the regime divide: that is, amongst par­ ties stemming from the former communist parties, and those with roots in the former opposition to the communist regimes. The two corollaries are that defectors are punished at unusually high rates, and the communist party successors seek, rather than are sought for, coalitions. This model explains 85% of the coalitions that formed in the region after 1989. The study then examines the communist successor parties, and how their efforts illustrate these dynamics . • I would like to thank Grzegorz Ekiert, Gary King, Kenneth Shepsle, Michael Tomz, and the participants ofthe Faculty Workshop at Yale University for their helpful comments. 2 I. Introduction The patterns of coalition fonnation in East Central Europe are as diverse as they are puzzling. Since the ability to fonn stable governing coalitions is a basic precondition of effective democratic governance in multi-party parliamentary systems, several explanations have emerged of how political parties fonn such coalitions.
    [Show full text]
  • Tobacco Industry Interference with Tobacco Control Policies in Poland
    TC Online First, published on September 28, 2015 as 10.1136/tobaccocontrol-2015-052582 Tob Control: first published as 10.1136/tobaccocontrol-2015-052582 on 28 September 2015. Downloaded from Research paper Tobacco industry interference with tobacco control policies in Poland: legal aspects and industry practices Łukasz Balwicki,1 Michał Stokłosa,2 Małgorzata Balwicka-Szczyrba,3 Wioleta Tomczak4 ▸ Additional material is ABSTRACT has had only moderate success in implementing its published online only. To view Background Since 2006, when Poland ratified the WHO provisions. Poland’s tobacco control law underwent please visit the journal online Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC), there revision in 2010 and 2011 to extend smoke-free (http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/ 5 tobaccocontrol-2015-052582). have been efforts to improve tobacco control regulation in areas and improve point-of-purchase regulation; the country. At the same time, at the European Union however, the scope of the revision has been greatly 1Department of Public Health and Social Medicine, Medical level, Poland took part in discussions over revision of the reduced during the legislative process. Despite rati- University of Gdansk, Gdańsk, Tobacco Tax Directive and the Tobacco Products Directive. fying the WHO FCTC, many tobacco control regu- Poland This study aims to explore the tobacco industry’s tactics to lations still do not meet its requirements. For 2 Economic and Health Policy interfere with the creation of those policies. example, Poland still has partial smoke-free laws6 Research, American Cancer Methods Analysis of 257 documents obtained through and incomplete advertisement, promotion7 and Society, Atlanta, Georgia, USA 8 3Department of Civil Law, freedom of information request.
    [Show full text]
  • Newly Elected Tusk Government to Face Challenges Ahead
    NO. 29 WWW.KRAKOWPOST.COM NOVEMBER 22-NOVEMBER 28, 2007 WEEKLY Newly elected Tusk government to face challenges ahead Migrant center opens in Przemysl A detention center for illegal immigrants has opened in Przemysl aiming to deal with Poland’s surge of illegal aliens after joined the EU 4 Polish women give birth in Germany Pregnant Polish women living near the German border are flocking to German hospitals with free delivery and more choice of childbirth procedures 5 Media: Taser death shocks Canadians Canada shamed over shocking death of Pole who was confront- ed by Vancouver airport police with stun gun 5 Poland’s new Prime Minister Donald Tusk has formed a government and named a cabinet that, he says proudly, consists of technocrats – or subject-matter experts – instead of politicians. Michal Wojtas Jolandta Fedak as the minister of labor and People’s Party only holds 31. That leaves the Tusk passed up Civic Platform members STAFF JOURNALIST Marek Sawicki as minister of agriculture coalition with 240 seats – nine more than the with national political experience such as and rural development. 231 needed for majority rule. Marek Biernacki, Zbigniew Chlebowski Poland’s new Prime Minister Donald Tusk’s government will have a 10-vote The Left and Democrats Alliance, with 53 and Julia Pitera, who were previously part Tusk has formed a government and cabinet majority in the Sejm, Poland’s lower house seats, are also likely to side with the prime of PO’s shadow cabinet. that, he proudly states, consists of techno- of parliament. This suggests that barring minister on multiple issues.
    [Show full text]
  • M in Is T E R 16 Lip. 2014 Pracy I Polityki Społecznej
    MINISTER Warszawa, dn. 16 LIP. 2014 PRACY I POLITYKI SPOŁECZNEJ DPP-I-073-70-AS/14 Zgodnie z uchwałą Nr 49 Rady Ministrów z dnia 19 marca 2002 r. - Regulamin pracy Rady Ministrów (M. P. Nr 13, poz. 221, z późn. zm.), przesyłam w załączeniu projekt rozporządzenia Ministra Pracy i Polityki Społecznej w sprawie wymiany informacji między ministrem właściwym do spraw zabezpieczenia społecznego a Ministrem Sprawiedliwości oraz ministrem właściwym do spraw finansów publicznych, dotyczących organizacji pożytku publicznego, z uprzejmą prośbą o zgłoszenie ewentualnych uwag w terminie do dnia 24 lipca 2014 r. Niezgłoszenie uwag w terminie będzie równoznaczne z akceptacją przedłożonego projektu. Natomiast w przypadku zgłoszenia uwag prosimy o przesłanie ich również drogą elektroniczna na adres aneta.stachowicz@ mpips.gov.pl z up. J{ iroslawDuda SK KLKK. ł \H /. STANU / Według rozdzielnika otrzymują: 1. Pan Janusz Piechociński, Wicepremier, Minister Gospodarki 2. Pani Elżbieta Bieńkowska, Wicepremier Minister Infrastruktury i Rozwoju 3. Pan Bartłomiej Sienkiewicz, Minister Spraw Wewnętrznych 4. Pan Rafał Trzaskowski, Minister Administracji i Cyfryzacji 5. Pan Marek Biernacki, Minister Sprawiedliwości 6. Pani Andrzej Biernat, Minister Sportu i Turystyki 7. Pan Włodzimierz Karpiński, Minister Skarbu Państwa 8. Pani Joanna Kluzik - Rostkowska, Minister Edukacji Narodowej 9. Pan Tomasz Siemoniak, Minister Obrony Narodowej 10. Pani Lena Kolarska - Bobińska, Minister Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wyższego 11. Pan Bartosz Arłukowicz, Minister Zdrowia 12. Pan Maciej H. Grabowski, Minister Środowiska 13. Pan Mateusz Szczurek, Minister Finansów 14. Pan Marek Sawicki, Minister Rolnictwa i Rozwoju Wsi 15. Pan Radosław Sikorski, Minister Spraw Zagranicznych 16. Pani Małgorzata Omilanowska, Minister Kultury i Dziedzictwa Narodowego 17. Pan Jacek Cichocki, członek Rady Ministrów, Szef Kancelarii Prezesa Rady Ministrów 18.
    [Show full text]
  • View/Open: Fritzalarik.Pdf
    HOW SUPERPOWERS GO TO WAR AND WHY OTHER STATES HELP THEM: THE IMPACT OF ASYMMETRIC SECURITY INTERDEPENDENCE ON WAR COALITION FORMATION - A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government by Alarik Morgan Fritz, M.A. Washington, DC October 2008 Copyright 2008 by Alarik Morgan Fritz All Rights Reserved ii The views expressed in this dissertation are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Center for Naval Analyses, the CNA Corporation, the US Navy, the Department of Defense, or the US Government. iii HOW SUPERPOWERS GO TO WAR AND WHY OTHER STATES HELP THEM: THE IMPACT OF ASYMMETRIC SECURITY INTERDEPENDENCE ON WAR COALITION FORMATION Alarik Morgan Fritz, M.A. Thesis Advisor: Andrew Bennett, Ph.D. ABSTRACT Nations usually go to war to defend against a threat (balancing) or gain some profit (bandwagoning). However, they sometimes join war coalitions without such motivations – or refuse to join them despite great pressure from the coalition leader. For example, the US-led coalition against Iraq in 2003 was largely composed of states that were not traditional US allies, were not threatened by Iraq, and had little to gain from the invasion. Furthermore, the US surprisingly failed to enlist key allies in the coalition. Are coalition formation dynamics different now than during the Cold War? This is an important question because such war coalitions may be more common in the future. This dissertation examines the impact of asymmetric security interdependence between minor states and a superpower vis-à-vis their war coalition choices.
    [Show full text]
  • Xxixeconomic Forum
    �������� �� ��� ����������������� ������������ ��������������������� Programme XXIX Economic Forum Krynica–Zdrój, Poland SEPTEMBER –, Institutional Partners Institutional Partners The Conference Project “Europe of the Carpathians” is organised by the Sejm as part of supporting the parliamentarian dimension of cooperation in the region Institutional Partners Institutional Partners Institutional Partners Institutional Partners The Polish Community Forum is organised by the Chancellery of the Senate of the Republic of Poland Institutional Partners Institutional Partners Institutional Partners Institutional Partners Public task co-financed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland in the framework of the grant programme: “Cooperation in the field of public diplomacy 2019” Institutional Partners Institutional Partners Institutional Partners Institutional Partners Project co-financed by the Minister of Entrepreneurship and Technology Institutional Partners Institutional Partners Institutional Partners Institutional Partners This material was co-financed by the National Fund for Environmental Protection and Water Management. The Foundation Institute for Eastern Studies is responsible for the content of this material. Institutional Partners Institutional Partners Institutional Partners Institutional Partners Institutional Partners Institutional Partners Institutional Partners Institutional Partners Project co-financed by the Centre for Polish-Russian Dialogue and Understanding in the framework of the VIII Open Competition
    [Show full text]
  • 2020 Poland Country Report | SGI Sustainable Governance Indicators
    Poland Report Claudia-Yvette Matthes, Radoslaw Markowski, Frank Bönker (Coordinator) Sustainable Governance Indicators 2020 © vege - stock.adobe.com Sustainable Governance SGI Indicators SGI 2020 | 2 Poland Report Executive Summary In 2019, two national elections were held in Poland: the European Parliament elections in May 2019, and elections to the two chambers of the Polish parliament, the Sejm and the Senate, in October 2019. Like the local elections in October 2018, these elections were set as a choice between two extremes. The opposition argued people should opt for a pro-European, progressive perspective that respects the rule of law, whereas the government presented itself as the political choice for traditional national and family values, and social protection. In the elections to the European Parliament, the democratic opposition even formed a single bloc, the European Coalition. Both elections were won by the governing PiS, which won 45.3% of the votes for the European Parliament and 43.59% of the votes for the Sejm. In the Sejm, the PiS now faces four opposition alliances, the Civic Coalition led by the Civic Platform (PO), the Polish Coalition around the Polish People’s Party (PSL), the Left led by the Social Democrats (SLD) and the nationalist Konfederacja. The election results show the usual north-west versus south-east and urban versus rural cleavages. In the elections to the European Parliament and the Polish parliament alike turnout increased – from 23.83% in 2014 to 45.68% in the 2019 European Parliament elections, and from 50.92% to 61.74% for the national elections. This can be considered a positive development regarding political participation.
    [Show full text]
  • Rada Programowa Janusz Gmitruk – Przewodnicza˛Cy, Romuald Turkowski
    Rada Programowa Janusz Gmitruk – przewodnicza˛cy, Romuald Turkowski – sekretarz, członkowie: Mieczysław Adamczyk, Stanisław Durlej, Józef Hampel, Adam Koseski, Andrzej Lech, Piotr Matusak, Jerzy Mazurek, Lesław Michnowski, Stanisław Palka, Kazi- mierz Przybysz, Zygmunt Sere˛ga, Jan Zalewa Komitet Redakcyjny Kazimierz Bas´cik – Kraków, Radosław Da˛browski – Krasnystaw, Arkadiusz Indraszczyk – Siedlce (sekretarz), Jan Jachymek – Lublin (redaktor naczelny), Tomasz Koziełło – Rzeszów, Krzysztof Lachowski – Warszawa, Jacek Szamik – Krasnystaw, Marcin Wichmanowski – Lublin Opracowanie redakcyjne Dorota Pasiak-Wa˛sik Artykuły i materiały recenzowane © Copyright by Ludowe Towarzystwo Naukowo-Kulturalne, Warszawa 2011 ISSN 2080-0029 Wydawca Ludowe Towarzystwo Naukowo-Kulturalne 00-924 Warszawa, ul. Kopernika 36/40, p. 161 tel./fax.: (22) 620 67 57 Na zlecenie wydawcy „Akapit – Włodzimierz Jurkowski” tel. 602 309 926 Spis tres´ci Do Czytelników . .7 Artykuły i studia Jan Jachymek – Ekohumanistyczna wizja przyszłos´ci . .11 Lesław Michnowski – Ekohumanizm czy społeczny neo-darwinizm wobec globalnego kryzysu? . .29 Krzysztof Lachowski – Własnos´c´ i pienia˛dz a nowy ustrój . .69 Bogusław Kotarba – Wizja samorza˛du terytorialnego w mys´li politycznej Polskiego Stronnictwa Ludowego w latach 1990-2008 . .85 Marcin Rydel – S´rodowisko mie˛dzynarodowe w mys´li politycznej Polskiego Stronnictwa Ludowego (2001-2007) . 101 Paweł Hayn – Kampania wyborcza do Parlamentu Europejskiego Polskiego Stronnictwa Ludowego w 2009 roku . .111 Marian Cichosz – Nietykalni – dylematy współczesnego wymiaru sprawiedliwos´ci . .125 Toz˙samos´c´ ruchu ludowego Jan Jachymek – Ani szwedzka, ani chadecka – tylko trzecia droga . .141 Arkadiusz Indraszczyk – Ruch ludowy w Polsce i Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe – moz˙liwe kierunki transformacji . 147 Z historii Jan Jachymek – O przewrocie majowym 1926 r. – inaczej . .155 Os´wiadczenie LTN-K – Oddział w Lublinie w sprawie 85.
    [Show full text]
  • Zaufanie Do Polityków Po Zmianie Rządu
    Warszawa, październik 2014 ISSN 2353-5822 NR 143/2014 ZAUFANIE DO POLITYKÓW PO ZMIANIE RZĄDU Znak jakości przyznany CBOS przez Organizację Firm Badania Opinii i Rynku 14 stycznia 2014 roku Fundacja Centrum Badania Opinii Społecznej ul. Świętojerska 5/7, 00-236 Warszawa e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] http://www.cbos.pl (48 22) 629 35 69 Ubiegłomiesięczny sondaż zaufania do polityków, który realizowaliśmy przed zaprzysiężeniem rządu Ewy Kopacz, przyniósł sporo zmian w społecznych ocenach czołowych przedstawicieli polskiej sceny politycznej1. Niektóre zmiany znajdują kontynuację także w październiku2, a w przypadku części mamy do czynienia z korektą wrześniowych notowań. Na pozycji lidera listy polityków obdarzanych największym zaufaniem społecznym umocnił się prezydent Bronisław Komorowski (80%, od września wzrost o 1 punkt procentowy). Jest to najlepszy wynik Bronisława Komorowskiego w jego dotychczasowej długiej karierze politycznej. W porównaniu z poprzednim miesiącem zmniejszyła się także grupa osób deklarujących nieufność do głowy państwa (o 3 punkty, do 7%). Obecnie obok prezydenta jedynym politykiem, który może się pochwalić zaufaniem ponad połowy polskiego społeczeństwa, jest premier Ewa Kopacz (59%). Odsetek Polaków deklarujących zaufanie do nowej premier – po sformowaniu przez nią rządu i wygłoszeniu exposé – po raz kolejny znacząco wzrósł (o 11 punktów od września, a o 24 punkty w stosunku do sierpnia, kiedy to jeszcze nie było wiadomo, że zastąpi ona Donalda Tuska na stanowisku premiera). Wzrostowi zaufania do Ewy Kopacz towarzyszy znaczące zmniejszenie się odsetka badanych deklarujących nieufność do niej (od września o 7 punktów, do 17%). Trzecie miejsce w rankingu zaufania zajmuje nowy marszałek Sejmu i były szef MSZ Radosław Sikorski (49%, bez zmian), który, jak widać, odrobił już straty wizerunkowe spowodowane aferą podsłuchową.
    [Show full text]
  • A Brief History of the Pops Negotiations
    COMMITTEE ON THE ENVIRONMENT, PUBLIC HEALTH AND FOOD SAFETY THE SECRETARIAT Brussels, 15 June 2011 ENVI COMMITTEE DELEGATION TO POLAND WARSAW, 18 - 20 MAY 2011 CONTENT I. COMPOSITION OF THE DELEGATION II. GENERAL BACKGROUND III. PROGRAMME IV. KEY FINDINGS V. AGENDA I. COMPOSITION OF THE DELEGATION The following Members of the European Parliament participated in the delegation to Poland: Mr Jo Leinen (S&D) - Chairman of the Delegation Ms Radvilė Morkūnaitė-Mikulėnienė (EPP) Ms Linda McAvan (S&D) Ms Jolanta Emilia Hibner (EPP) - local Member Mr Gábor Lejko (Group advisor EPP), Ms Eleni Dimitrakoudi (Group advisor S&D), Mr Georgios Amanatidis (ENVI Committee Secretariat) and Mr Jozef Duch (ENVI Committee Secretariat) accompanied the Delegation. II. GENERAL BACKGROUND Poland will take over from the Hungary the 6-month EU Presidency on 1st July 2011. During this time the country will host the majority of the Union's events and will play a key role in the activities of the European Union. It will be responsible for organising EU meetings, setting the Union's political agenda and ensuring its development, integration and security. The European Parliament's Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety decided to send a delegation of its Members to Poland in order to meet the representatives of the Polish government, Sejm, Senate, as well as Non-Governmental Organisations and journalists and see how the country is being prepared for the EU Presidency, what priorities have been chosen and what areas of cooperation will be the most important during the second half of 2011. All the meetings took place in the capital of the country, Warsaw, where the executive and legislative bodies have their seat.
    [Show full text]