"Where Do the Boys Go?":
Tracking the Development of Careers in the Music Industry
By
Stella Sakadakis
Graduate program in Communications McGill University, Montreal March 1994
A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Researchin partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts
c Stella Sakadakis 1994 ABSTRACT
t<1u f:j ica l car8ers deve lop along part icular traj ectories as ;:; cOflsequr-::nce of the relationships that are established b("d" we8n t hl==: musician and the induRtry. This thesis studies
Lt!""= naturp:! oL these relationships and the manner in which
t Iv:y c'ontribute ta the development of a musical career. The dj chotomy between the artistic c( ncerns of the musician and the economic interests of the i,'dustry that informs many popular musjc studies is re-orlented in light of the economic interests that are inherent in the musician' s pursu Lt of a musical livelihood. The importance of commercial success in the maintenance of a musical living is explored in the case study of Men Wi\hout Hats, a Montreal based pop band that has maiI1tained oc fifteen year career despite a lack of commercial success o':er the past decade.
This study suggests that the maintenance of a musical career over an extended period of time is a consequence of the types of relationships that are cultivated by the musician over the course of his/her career. RESUME
Les carrières mus icales s' avancen t Sl: l on l~'s 1 t' : ,1 t i i.l!1~ entre les musiciens et. l'industrie. Cet t e t hès(' ,-'x,;.m i Ilt' ('t·~ relations et. la manière donc ils ('(1111 ) ~but;-"'llt dU développement. des carrières musi cales de j CUIlPS ,îrt l st t':; 1 1 exist.e une dichotomie entre les sens ibil i t ès al t i st i qUl'S cill mus icien et les intérêts économiques de l' illdust 1 il'. Ct,t t t' dichot.omie, qui inf orme plusieurs études su 1 1<1 mus i. 'lUt) populaire, est. mise en question quand Lps
économiques, celles de vouloir gagner sa vie 011 f é1 1 S ,111 t d, ! la musique, sont prise en considerat ion. En pt ('11.1/1 t l'exemp..Le du groupe musical Men Wit.hout Hats, li tH" fOI rHd t i 0/1 montréalaise qui a réussi à mainteni rune card ère mus i (',11 r-' pendant. quinze ans sans avoir un grand succès r.omrllî' r (' i il 1 durant. les dix dernières années, il est possiblc' de m('t t CP en quest.ion l'importance du succès commercial fl l' F'nt r('t jf·/) d'une carrière musicale. Cet.t.e thèse propose que l'entn·tlPIl d'une carrière musicale compt.e sur les relat. Lons etabl in pa r" le musicien pendant. le développement de sa professionelle. 'l'J\.BLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION: Th~ social construction of musical careers .. 1
1. The complementary economic projects of th~ musician and the industry ...... 1
2. CDordinating relationships: The importance of the intermediary 7
3. Reaching an Audience ...... · ...... 14
4. Tracking Musical Careers . . . . . · ...... 18
5. Case Study: Men Without Hats · ...... 29
CHAPTER TWO "A Back'lJards Progression": Chronicling a career .... 35
CHAPTER THREE :;UCCt~SS r Pop Stardom and the Music Industry ...... 46
1. The Importance of Having a Hit: "The Safety Dance" and the 1980s 60
2. Constructing an Alternative Profile ... 64
3. Redefini~3 Success/Redefjning Failure '" ..... 68
CHAPTER FOUR The local scene and the cultivation of a reputation 72
1. Il Place for Himself ...... 79
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION ...... 82
WORKS CITED ...... 85 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
l would like to express my gratitude t,~ tlh' 11lImt'!,)1l~ people who have lent their support and enCOlll ;lseIllt'lIt t 0 !llt~ during the course of this endeavour. explc'sS Illy :-:;il1Cf'lt'~t gratitude to my advisor, Will St-raw, WIIOSf' ,1ssi:-:;LlI1<'t~ in this project could never be adequélLely aCknow]t'd'.Jtê>d. 1 t I\Llllk
Ivan Doroschuk and Men Without Hats who::;!" COOpt'l".il inn WdS vital to this project. l would especlally Lik(> to tl\dnk
Carsten Knoch without whose help l would npVf-)\' hc:tvt'> IOlilld
Ivan in the first place. Over the years havp i tI('lI! 1 ('ci numeru s debts w~th individuals at both é1C'ad(~l\1ic (llld personal levels, sa l would l ike to tllcmk the pp op 1(' ,-\ t
Brave Ne~'LJla\œs who have been an insplral Lon inaRfIlucil dS they have been informative, and Phil Vitone who WclS bot l1 d
teacher and a friend. My thanks ta P7A77 and ,J~f f HOlIS(~ fOl
the obscure references and chatter, and to Ajain Dil!W' for
linguistic input. l would also like to thank Ursula Muro! f ,
Chrys Botsas, and Adele D'Abarno for reassembLlng mr: wllf~n was falling apart. Finally, l should l ike to LhiHlk my
family, and particularly my godfather, for UH:: tll~] P t hl ollqh
the years. CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION: The social construction of musical careers
,[ l '/'1: , j tr.t J 1:IJ"]1 1,111 dJ',--,,' 'Clic? r .• "
"My sto.cy isn't unique. It's dealing with suc..:::ess, with
record companies, with an i iustry, with money, with fame.
There's a lot of peopl~ who are coping with it. It's just
that music is a powerful platform" (Doroschuk qtd. in
Siberok, 7) One of the central themes explored in the
academic literature on popular music is the relationship of
the musician and the industry, the clash of the artistic and
economic and the ways in which this tension is resolved
(e. g., Jon Stratton' s article, "Between two worlds: art and
commercialism ln the record industry"). The debute becomes
problematic wh en one takes the aspirations of up-and-coming musicians into consideration.
These ambitions can be generally stated as the musician's desire to make music his/her livelihood, that is,
to have the music heard and appreciated by a consuming publ ic. A musical career consolidates a number of elements
il1 i ts development. ':L'he musician' s artistic sensibil i ties,
meaning one's propensity for musical creation and
performance, one's commitment to one's own music, as weil as 1 1
musician' s gl'eater goal of bpill~ 1 t.'mUIlt!Llt ,'li ri tl,llll' LIlly t dt his/her creative effot-t s Il ,"vid"lll economic asper::t is LnherenL in rht-' mltSiCldtl'H ,1HpiLIl 1"t1~;, and therefare thr-ô: debate that pusits ,1 ~t 11l'lC]l,' h,'lINt't'Il t Il,' artistic and the eCOllO:11lC in populal music :..;tlldl"S Illly 1>" overstating the case: "'ObvLfJusly, WF' W~lllt ,1 IlÏl '''ll1'll,',' Il,'
[John Kastner of the Doughboysl says 'We ('.ln only ".Il ~;lIit for so long before the band i8 goin9 t: 0 hav!' t 0 b lf'dk IIp W" make a small living now, but it isn't Lhélt c:om[u][,lblt', W,' get by. But l think we deserve a lot mou' ~IL titis p()il1t.
We've been working pretty hard'" (KastrH·~r qtd ill K,~lly, Il pag.l. The argument is not that the slruggl,· b(.>tW(·"tl tlt" artistic and economic interests in the music i ndust 1 y j S dtl invalid debate but rather that the situat.ion i::; h,·itl'l reduced ta the=: mo::., t essent ial fact ors of art i st i (' i nt ,'rl rIt Y versus capitallsm in the se analyses hdt these two concerns are convergent in cert~in resp0cts.
In his article, "The production of br:;l il=·f· ('nnt r i bltt lOrI ta an economy of symbolic goods", Plr--,rrç~ Hr)llrdir'll drr-jljf'!'; that what underlies these creative activjejr.:.; Illd t 11(' analyses re8ulting from their study i8 t'cl cr) Il ;-, t d fj t , collective repres3ion of narrowl y 'Economic' i ntl=~U.SL and r)f the real nature of the practices revl'.?aIr:d by ",,:conr)rni r;' -
3
dfJdlï~,lS" I~Gl), 1'[,"0 ,-tr:arl",,:mic diO:hatiO:s th;:tt locaïiz'2 ~conomic
(" )[)(',' r n~., ("Hlt rlh\lL<~ Lo th,~-; repn::ssion, such ,=hat the "disavowal of tt;,~ 'r:~(JJn()mic'" (Rourdi~lI, 261) can b~ rr::gardeè as being ('h(\racr~:rist je of th,' meehanisms involved in the cultural Jnn Stratton argues that the artlst must define hirn/lv:::ni·~lf ln opposition to a record industry that i8 rlr:.p,~ndr:>nt- upon a rapid turnover of musical products (1982, 2'/'2). TIl(~ nature of the industry prompts execut ives to make dpm~nds of artists since the industry depends on the IHilsicians to create music which the record industry l rans!. orms into a ma rketable commodi ty. Il In this situation t hr? artist protects him/herself by mystifying the creative pl-ocess which is experienced as being distinct from the commercial, capital i st side of the industry which would In efer rat:i ana] , analysable standardisation" (Stratton, 1982, 272). The artist's opposition ta the industry seems necessary bccause of the differences inherent in the nature of the musician' s creative endeavours and the activities of the record industry. The opp~sition of the artist and the industry is based on the artist's notions of creativity and int t-:gr ity that are an Integral part of his/her music making rely on jdeas 1 .-' LeI t l 1l '1 t \' t ,lit' 11 t ,1111 1 , 11" cl' 'Il" 1,11 expreSS10n activities of wh i \'11 ,11' ' t, \\\',1 1,1 stimulating the product ion ,,[ rn\l~-; i ,'.11 Il. 1 1 111.1'/ 272-273), 1\.s a resllLt-, thE' (1)rist'~, ,(',1I1')!'II" Illt,'I, .. ,t, .. 111' revealed ta be differ~nt frurn lll()f.,t_~ uf tlli' illdll~;t Iy l"·('.III!.,' 1- ' s / .. --: l S seeking recagnitlon idbU\l1 t 11,1' 1 :-. 1 Ilv()l v"d in the development of musical (1 1 r' JI t ;-; TI l' ' mil:; J (' 1 III 1 :, pursuit of a musical (' ,li 1 ,1:: 1 Il'' musician' S desire to bç~ compensFltJ:ci f (JI !li' t i mi' ,llld ,'f fi JI 1 s/he has spent in cultivat ing his/h<:'J t .Ili·lIt~; Talent can be seen as ,"'1 quallly tlldt l~'; (1. ,!t'l')r)ltj 'J'J. 1 an extended period of time upon the musician's devotion élnd d0tf'lmilldt l'ltl III I,·f Illlll'j his/her skills It is Lhis wOi-k t Il.1t 1::-; i Il v' ) l 'J 1 • cl 1 Il flIll : • l ' making which is coru·']atç.d tr) rh'" mll~';I,'ldll':, rll'dlr',lt l'HI IrJ his/her music, thac lS, investment in his/her creativ(~' ("flrJrl~--, 'l'h i ,; r'fl,jf; l,:; ,J distinction ta be made between th",· ,c;cr)!1l.rnir· [JI (JJr:r:1 rJf Il' musician, that is, the desirr:: to blé. r:r;mprJl'-;,Jt,rj frH th,· t lm' 5 and effort that have been expended in cultivating his/her talents, and the econornic interests of the industry, meaning, the marketing of musical products which are deemed to be potentially profitable. The differentiation between the economic projects of the musician and the record industry contributes to the development of a discourse of popular music in which the musician's dedication to his/her creative efforts and his/her opposition ta the industry are valued. The discourse of popular music instills cultural value in the music in relation ta the emotional involvement which is perceived ta be incorporated l.n the production of the music. The musician' s efforts must be rnanifested in the music in order for the music to become meaningful. "Indeed what is responded to, what enables a record to be called 'good' here, i8 'quality'--sornething which denies the possibili ty of analysis, the 'quality of emotion' and 'the quality of the idea'" (Stratton, 1982, 274). It is the listener' s recognition of the musician' s efforts of self expression that contributes ta the listener's valourization of the music (Stratton, 1982, 275). The valourization of the music is based on the work that was expended in crafting it and the listener's recognition of these creative efforts and his/her appreciation of them (Stratton, 1983, 303). As 6 Stratton argues J the music is judged acC'ording t D tht' listener' s perceptions of the musician' s craft sIllùnsh i P, or musicianship, the sincerity of the expression j Il tht"' IllUSÜ' 1 and the creative work of writing , composing and pf'rfollllillg t he mu sic ( 1982 1 274). It seems that music becomes meaningful througll tilt' recognition of the talent and emotions chat infonn ils creation. As Stratton argues, it is the recognit ion of thE' rnusician' s personal investment in the music that el ici U:; an ernotional response in the co.lsuming publ i r" (1982, 2"')). Consequently, maintaining the opposition between Llle artistic and industrial concerns becornes vital Lo the rccold industry since it is through the assessment of the rnusician' s emotional invol vement in the crea t ive prOCp.ssPH and the evaluation of the development of the mus lc i an 1 s skills that the music gains significance, and the mw·;jcian gains respect, As Simon Frith writes: "[0] ur response to songs i s determined in part by our assumptions about th(:!i r performers ... " (36), therefore, it seems obvious that the rnusician must not reveal an economic interest pubJ j cl y, because this demonstration could jeopardize his/her integrity as an artist and may lead to the characterjzalion that s/he is merely making music for financial gain whi ch 7 can translate into a career failure. It becomes important that the musician's creative effort remain prevalent in the cultural discussion that surrounds music making. Conflequently, the tension that exists between the musician and the industry cannot be resolved as it becomes the premise for the evaluation of the music and the musician. The "disavowal of the 'economic ' " , in Bourdieu' s words, becomes integral to the success of the musician and becomes a consideration in the ways in which the musical product is marketed by the record industry. The pursuit of a musical career necessitates that the musician establish alliances with the industry yet maintain a certain distance from the economic activity of the record industry. The musician safeguards his/her economic interests by emphasizing his/her musical talents and the dedication that is inherent in their development. The maintenance of this separation is important to the presentation and the reception of the music and the musician. l·oohlill(~t ~Ilq relationships: The importance of the l [J t ,,/ /llt'd la l y In pursuing their goal, young musicians strive to reach an audience with their music. The music must be heard by potential consumers whose interest and consumptive activities will demonstrate the potential success of the 8 music on the marketplace. There are various means t hrougt1 which a band can gain access to an audience but in most cases th~se would invol ve entering int 0 relat 10nsh ips w i t 11 various agents connected in sorne capaci ty wlth t he mus le industry, whether it be as club owners and promoters, sound engineers and recording studio technicians, managpment agencies, other musicians, journalists working in the popular music press, as weIl as radio announcers and t hose working in the radio industry. These are sorne of the agents involved in various music-related industries who hdVP established a relationship with the public. In order to have his/her music heard, the musician must cultivate an alliance with these agents who act as intermediaries between the musician, the industry and the consuming public. It is through the musician's presentatjon of his/her music that s/he can draw the attention o[ th(~se intermediary agents. The cultivation of these relationships implies that the musician demonstrates potential to an agent (or &gents) who will act as a liaison with the industry by calling his/her colleagues' and associates' attention to the musician. the process of production of the cultural commodity cannot be reduced to a series of phases, corresponding to technically distinct operations: in fact this process from the phase of the 9 materialization of the product in the form of ~n exchangeable commodity (a record for example) and up to the transformation of the commodity into monéy (distribution) only functions through the intervention of a 1 coordinating agent l , the producer. (Miège, 303-304) As Bernard Miège argues in his article, "The cultural commodity" , the producer coordinates the events that contribute to the emergence and success of an artist's career (304) . The coordinating agent (hereafter, the producer) is able to take on the position of mediator between the artist and the industry bE!CaUSe s/he is a liminal figure who operates between these two spheres of acti vi ty. The success of the produce [" d'=pends on h is/her cultivation of a reputa.tion as a person who is able to identify the market potential in young musicians and present this potential to the industry. The producer negotiates the development of relationships betweem thE~ art.ist and the industry. The scale of these relationships dependSl upon the producer's range of influence, that is, the reach of the producer's reputation, which can be local, national, or international. 'rhe producer works to present the musician to the industry in order to stimulate interesc in the music and 10 establish informal and contraetual relationships that woul d result in financial gains. Pierre Bourdieu' s elaims regarding ëln ail ::1101" S t:'nlt:'!l'g i ng eareer seem relevant wi th regard to t:h'2 ways i Il wh i cil musieians are presented to an audiEmce by those individuêll s working in the industry: He [the mediating agent] is thE~ persan who can proelaim the value of the authar he defends (cf. the fiction of the catalogue or blurb) and above all 'invests his prestige' in the aut hor' s cause, acting as a 'symbolie banker' who offers as a security all the symbolic capital he has accumulated (which he is liable to forfeit if he backs a 'loser') Il (263) Sinee these mediating agents have estabLi.shed relationships with the individuals workinq in th,~ injustry, they have acquired sorne credibil i ty and respect Wl1 i ch i s utilized to draw attention to a partieular musician wham the agents have deemed worthy. This manner o[ present ing the artist has a direct effect on the ways in which th(~ art ist and the music are to be perceived and regarded by the audience. Furthermore, the producer' s role as the mediat ing agent between the musician and the industry serves ta maintain the distinction between the artist and the industry. S/He enables the nrusical talents of the music1an to be foregrounded in that s/he becomes the negotiator ------11 regarding the economic aspects of the musician's career, in which s/he has a vested interest. The success of the musician is considered the result of the producer' s intervention; consequently the producer is considered responsible in large part for this achievement by having cultivated effective relations with the industry on the musician' s behal f. As a consequence, the success, or failure, of the musician is reflected as the success, or failure, of the producer. As the musician's career begins ta unfald it seems evident that the musician's talents which established his/her relationsh~p with the producer have been replaced with the producer's attempts ta promate the rnusician's patential cammercia] success ta thase individuals working in the industry. The musician, in forming an alliance with an intermediary agent, can claim a certain status as a result of being represented to the industry by an agent. This representation lends credibility ta the musician in that it indicates that the musician's talents are being recognized. The musician has entered into the musical competition within the industry through the intervention of his/her producer, and therefore the musician' s aspirations regarding his/her career are being reinforced as the producer is coordinating the musician's emergence into the music scene. 12 The assumption is that the producer has cul t i vélted his/her own set of relationships with the participants in the larger musical scene, usually at a local level, sucl1 that s/he wields sorne influence that can be used in the introduction of the aspiring musician. Simon Frith wri les: Il the move from neighbourhood performance to mass production is not an ideological break. To succeed, rock musicians must be ambitious to begin with--they must want ta make a musical living, to cut records, ta reach unknown audiences Il (75). As the producer works to develop relationships between the industry and the musician, s/he explores the music:ian' s potential for success within the local music scene as weIl as in the broader musical context. The music and the various related industries (e.g., the radio, recording and media industries) have developed an insti tutional structure in which the lack of a def in i te profile of consumers has lead to the fashioning of a market that relates to the resources that are available in terms of cultural production. The institutional structure is sueh that the activities taking place in the institutions related to the music industry have an effect on the activities taking place in other related institutions as well as on public consumption. 13 What the public gets, then, depends on the declsions of a series of "gatekeepers." A&R [artist and repertoireJ men at record companies decide which musicians to record, which records to issue and promotei agents and concert promoters decide which performers to present live i music journalists decide which acts to report; radio station program directors and di sc jockeys decide which records to broadcast i record store owners decide which products to stock. In the process the emphasis on "publ ic choice" seems spurious. The gatekeepers make the decisions that matter and the public' s own opt ions are l imi ted by these decisions--all people can "want" is what they get. (Frith, 92) It becomes evident that the producer attempts to introduce the musician into the rigorous competition that characterizes the music industry. It is through the cultivation of relationships with the agents working in the various music-related cultural industries that a musical career becomes a possibility for the mus-lcian. It ls as a result of the activities taking place in the various fields related to the music lndustry that the musician can be heard by a consuming public. 14 r.,.~cKenzie Wark writes, in his article, "Fashioning The Future: Fashion, Clothing, and the Manufacturing of Post-- Fordist Culture": ••• 1 the challenge is to find the particular rhythms of production and consumption wi thout viewing one as primary and the other as the supplernentary term, or one as a veil for the other, or assuming a necessary fit between them, or imposing a teleology upon them. The only universal history, suggests Deleuze, is the history of contingency, and certainly thE. dynamic rhythms of fashion production :wd consumption are a succession of contingent moments 1 a 1 process wi thout subject or goals'. (73-74) It is a characteristic of the record industry that attempts are made to control and influence patterns of consumption in arder to stimulate and ensure the economic profitability of this commercial enterprise, yet t hp. consumer evades predictability. His/Her preferences are influenced by peers, by the development of affective relationships ta particular sangs, musical genres and musicians, as weIl as by particular social and cultural trends whi-.::h are variable and dynamic. "This is prAci sel y why fashion is interesting. It is a succession of narrativ~ fragments played out as a game of becoming. As such it links 15 part icul ar subj ects to part icular modes of being in the present, and makes of the present an endless succession and proliferation of modes" (Wark, 74). It is this variability in patterns of consumption that encourages young musicians to aspire ta musical careers and allows for their introduction into the musical competition. The people who work in various aspects of the music industry and other related industries, having established themselves as mediators betwe~n the processes of production and consumption, take it upon themselves to "form a public" in order to gain sorne control over consumptive practices (Vignolle, 79). As Bernard Miège argues: Now if it is correct that cultural production cannot exist independently of a social demand, that demand is then not given: it is a que~;tion precisely of creating it. With xespect to supply, social demand is in no way pre-existent. They both constitute two complimentary aspects of the realization process of capital. The culture industry is not in the end a response to a pre-existing demand. Rather, basing itself on the dominant conceptions of culture, it must as a first stage, at th.:; same time as it puts new products onto the market (or rather a whole interloc:king package of new products), create ë, social dernand, give i t a consistency, in )ther words lead certain social groups selected as commercial targets ta prepare themselves ta respand to the producers' offer. (300 ) As a result of the industries' rnedLation b€'twl-'>t~n tilt"' production of cul tural produC't S élnd t 1h-; il' ronsumpt 1011, at tempts are made to reduce the s igni f iCdllce of t- hE" COllSlIll1t '1 in relation to the music industry. In attemptinq to n~guL.ltt~ the unpredictabl.::= elements inherent in of consumption, the record lndustry ~~eeks to "ratiol1al[izl'l [1 what ingredients would constitute new saleùbl te' pnxillct-;;; [that] would allow for an increase in the cerl it ude of forward planning with a corresponding decreclSP i Il 1- i sk taking and a possible increase in concentrat ion OJI ttH~ output, market end of the capitalist process" (StJ,Hlon, 1982, 272). These attempts at rationalizatioll on the part ot the record industry are thwarted not only as a cons(:!qllenc'/, of the irrationality of consumption but aiso givon trlf" industry' s dependencp. on the variou3 other mus Le - rp.1 at (;d industries that have a different eeonomic organ i Zélt Lon (Stratton, 1983, 293), So, despite attempts beLng madf; by the industry to reduce the signi f icance of thA COn!~llm(.!r, his/her activities necessarily draw the musi c indusL r y' s attention and influence the direction of the produ(~t ion process. The activities of production and consumpL ion arr~ involved in a direct, circular relationship wi th another. 17 l t 18 8vident that the relationship wi th a consuming publ i c whj ch is sought by young bands becomes a highly nlpdiated relatlonship chat ls constructed by the musicians' j nteractions with industry. In his discussion of musical production in the artlcle, "Mixing genres and reaching the public: The product.ion of popular music," Jean-Pierre Vignolle writes: Right up te t.he pn'dIlCé"rSr Llllpres::;31_LOS and [Jr()!not 1 ('Il st dff r there is nobody who does not become involved in this coll·ect ive process, which is partly determined by each of them, but on which ail are dependent. as weil: the mask, truer than nature itself, which the artist is made to wear and which he himself assumes, his stage presence and his familiar gest.ures, his 'ties' and his V'evelations ta the music-world press-- aIl t.his ~eaningful accumulation of detail goes to make up the social trut.h of the singer' s personalit.y and forms an integral part of his sangs whenever he performs them en television or on the stage. (88-89) The relat.ionships between the musician and the industry prevail and it is through the examination of these relationships and inter-relationships over t.ime that one can explore the development of musical careers. In genera l, the problem becomes OIlt:' ot selecting the characterist il' V.:1l Llblt"S of the maJor industry pélxUcipi1I1ts .11lC1 searching for relat i onsl1 i ps TIlt-'s,' characteristies, however, t:u-e dyn,lmic. As a filmmaker moves alung i1 C.11 Pt'I line, the charaC'terist ies tllat miqht influence whom he or elle wOlks wit-Il wlll ('hange. We started wi th di1tJ dt t Il(' level of individllrll films ,111d usvd averages over a par'ticipant' S Cc.1LC'?1 as a first approximation. This apploaelJ ignores the unfolding chal-acter oC t lit='> attributes and va~iables of inte10st. Therefore, we reconstructed the f ih' su that eac:h film producllon is characterized by a variety of r-e LfO'Vi1nL variables, incl uding the acC'umul at i v(, prof iles of three maj or pën t ie i pùnt s: the film producer, direct or, alld cinematographer. For each of t 11(>80, w" construct cumulative records or prof i 1 f-_'S reflecting past earnings, past Oscars and nominations, and number of pn:vi ous films. Using films as the basic unit, Wp can investigate the relatiunshlps ëllllonq the accumulati ve moving prof i les of t IIp major participants. (Fau1kner clnd Anderson, 896) This extensive passage from Faulkner and /\n(jr·rsCJn details the method they used to assess lhf-> r·'He('f S of participants in the motion picture industry. fL is fJds(!d (Hl a careful examination of the VariG~lS aChievemenu, of dn individual as well as the associations that thr~ individua! forms over the course of his/her care~r Fau! knr:r dnd 19 Anderson claim that each achievement seems ta translate into an increase in individual status and prestige which may lead ta the improvement of OI.3'S chances of working with equally successful people in the future. This pattern of interaction and achievement results in the continuation of a career line aver tirne as one successful project increases the likelihood of one's further involvement with other prosperous individuals (907). As a method for examining the development of careers within a culture industry, Faulkner and Anderson's formulation provides a broader perspective by tracking the relationships that are formed between individuals over time. This perspective emphasizes the activities of the actors wi thin a network of associations and consequently is more reflective of the complexity inherent in social interaction. Consequently, Faulkner and Anderson provide an integrat ive approach for the study of emergent careers within the culture industries. The adaptation of their method for the study of musical careers necessitates art elaboration in the types of relationships ta be examined. Due to the various institutional structures of the music and related industries and the diversity of roles performed by individuals working in these fields, it becomes necessary to examine 20 relationships beyond those of working relationships between individuals. The project becomes an attempt to describe the context which allows for certain opportunities to arise and events to take place over the course of a nlusician' s career. In their article, "The Social Construction of Facts and Artifacts: Or How the Sociology of Science and the Sociology of Technology Might Benefit Each Other," Trevor J. Pincl1 and Wiebe E. Bijker describe an approach to the study ot tlle "developmental process of a technological artifact" which involves a multi-directional historical model that takes into consideration a number of different factors that can be seen as having contributed to the development of a particular artifact (28). The factors that are included Ln the model are those which are deemed "relevant" to any discussion of the artifact and whose relationship to the artifact is worthy of examination (28-29). These factors are not only the ones that contribute directly to the artifact's success but also those that hinder its progress, meaning that the problems and obstacles that are confronted and in sorne cases overcome during the developmental process must be explored as well(28-29}. The central task is one of determining which socia l actors and collectives are sufficiently important ta the development of an artifact to be considered "relevant social 21 actors" and "relevant social groups": "There is no cookbook recipe for how to identify a social group. Quantitative instruments using citation data may be of some help in certain cases. More research is needed te develop operationalizations of the notion of 'relevant social group' for a variety of historical and sociological research sites" (Pinch and Bij ker, 50). One of the merits of this model is that it i8 grounded in case studies which take into account the specificity of a particular artifact. In its examination of a particular artifact, this model allows one to recognize that the developmental process cannot be adequately explained through generalizations. An artifact develops in particular ways because of the forces that act upon it and influence its developrnent (42). These forces, rneaning the social actors and social groups, must be clearly defined in relation to the artifact that is being studied in order for thern to be considered relevant to the development of the at:'tifact. The information that is required in determining the relevance of variou8 actors can be ga thered through interviews, newspaper clippings, magazine articles and other sources which contribute to the identification of relevant social actors and the ways these actors are connected to the artifact (41-42) In reconstructi ng the social environment in which an artifact develops and retracing the 22 relationships of different social groups with respect to an artifact, the model recognizes the complexity of the social world. The multi-directional nature of this model emphasi zes the different considerations that influence the various actors' actjvities within the social environment, that ls, their economic, political, social and cultural concerns (Callon, 84). Social actors relate to these ('Ollcerns differently, yet in establishing a relationship to a particular artifact these actors can be charted in a type of interconnecting network: But the actor network should not, on the other hand, be confused wi th a network linking in sorne predictable fù.shion elements that are perfectly weIl defined and stable, for the entities it is composed of, whether natural or social, could at any moment redefine their identity and mutual relationships in sorne new way and bring new elements inta the network. An actor network is simultaneausly an actor whose activity is networking heterogeneous elements and a network that is able to redef ine and transform what i t is made of. (Call on, 93) This configuration of actors preserves a sense of th8 complexity of the real world, and the ways in which different elements interact and adapt wi th respect to the 23 forces that are acting upon them. The model takes ~ts shape and direction from the reality that surrounds and influences the development of a particular artifact. The actor network is not l imi ted to the actors invol ved in a single aspect of the artifact's development but rather it connects the different areas of activity that are usually regarded as distinct from one another. Consequently, the relationships within the actor network a.re not segregated into a separate production sphere and consumption sphere, instead these spheres of activity interconnect around the artifact. By placing its emphasis on the description of empirical reality, this model enables one ta chart the development of an artifact by taking into account the various factors that are influential to the artifact being studied. Once the relevant social actors have been identified, adequately described and placed witlün the recon'Structed actor network, one may be able to make connections between the different actors which may provide a more comprehensive explanat ion of the developmental process of an artifact. Furthermore, once an artifact is discussed in these terms the contingency of its development is highlighted. The methodology posited by Faulkner and Anderson and the model developed by Pinch and Bijker seem complementary in that they share a concern with the social. Both these ft 24 strategies are attempts at representing the complexity of the social world by examining the interactions of tlw SOCiéll actors and collectives. By adapting the shared principles implicit in these approaches which are strategies for the study of widely diverse phenomena, one is able to develop ,1 framework with which to trace the development of cl musi (.',1] career. Sorne of the factors invol ved in the pursu i t of Cl musical career have been discussed above. 'The aspil.'at ions oC young musicians to make music their livelihood is cornplicated by the mediat ion of the music and re L:1ted industries. In order for the music of young musicians 1'0 reach a consuming publ ic 1 it becomes necessary thal~ I:ht> musicians establish relationships with the individuélls working within the music and related cultural indust r i(~s that function as mediators between the processes ot production and consumpt ion. The control reta ined by th(·! industry is pervasive and as a result the young up·and· corning bands who dream of a musical career must estabJ ish sorne credible relationships with the music and various related industries. It is in tracing these relationships over a period of time that the development and mainLenance of a musical career can be understood. The two approaches that have been outlined above emphasize the importance of a 25 r81ational perspective in attempts to provide comprehensive explanations for different types of phenomena. It has been argued that the development and continuation of a musical career over an extended period of time is dependent upon a nurnber of relationships and inter- relationships between various individuals associated in sorne capacity with the music or related radio, recording, entertainment and media industries. It seems evident that the investigation of these relationships and the changes that occur over time is a rneans of exploring the developrnent of musical careers. Through the investigation of these relationships and their evolution and dissolution over tirne one can reconstruct the social context that enables the musician to progress along a particular trajectory that relates to his/her lived experience specifically. The star phenornenon consists of everything that is publicly available about stars. A film star's image is not just his or her films, but the promotion of those films and of the star through pin ups, public appearances, studio hand-outs and so on, as weIl as interviews, biographies and coverage in the press of the star's doings and 'private' life. Further, a star' s image is also what people say or write about him or her, as cri tics or commentators, the way the image is used in other contexts such as advertisernents, novels, pop songs, and finally the way the star 26 can become part of the coinage of everyday speech. (Dyer, 2-3) Whereas Faulkner and Anderson take the film di rectol , producer, and cinematographer into account in their study, that is, agents who can be regarded as being "behind the scenes" or maintaining a low public prof ile (896), a st udy of musical careers invol ves highly visible public figures, that is, pop stars. It seems evident that there are different variableR that need to be taken into consideration in discussionR of public personalities. For instance, a musician's image emerges as important in the development of hi s/her mus i cal career. It is the means through which a musician ls differentiated from other musicians and made identifiable ta the consuming public. The image is a significant factor in the way the musician and his/her music is marketed to the public, and the way it is found and received by its audience. The musician tries to gain public at tention and as s/he receives more exposure and achieves sorne success ovp.r the course of his/her career his/her image evolvC:!s and changes with regard ta his/her career development and achievements. The image bestows a certain status upon the individual musician that causes him/her to be perceived as an interesting, yet enigmatic, figure to the public. The 27 musician acquires a sense of self-importance. These notions of status play a significant role in mystifying the creative process while implying a certain level of success. Consequently, the musician's image influences the way the music 1s presented to the industry and the audience. It serves to mask the economic interests that are inherent in the musician' s pursuit of a career, at the same time as it betrays the musician's economic prosperity. As a public figure, the musician i.s regarded as a "pop star" which affects the development and nature of his/her relationships with the industry and with the public over the course of his/her career. S/He becomes a recognized figure and through the manipulation of this high profile position s/he can cultivate a different set of relationships. Having acquired a level of prestige, the musician can begin to use this status as a means of further advancing his/her career and develop certain types of relationships that s/he wants to acquire and maintain. This prominence can serve as leverage in that the musician can begin to direct his/her own career. The maintenance of this status position which incorporates notions of achievement, success and popularity is vital in the development and continuation of careers in the music industry. As Pierre Bourdie'l wri tes: 28 This 'authority' is nothing other than 1 credi t. 1 wi t.h a set of agents who constitute 'connect.ions' whose value is proportionate to the credit they themselves command. In short, what 'makes reputations' is not, as provincial Rastignacs naïvely think, this or that 'infl uential' persan, this or that institution, review, magazine, academy, coterie, dealer or publ i sher; it is not even the whole set of what are sometimes called 'personal i t ies of the world of arts and letters '; it is the field of production, understood as the system of objective relations between these agents or institutions and as the site of the struggles for the monopoly of the power ta consecrate, in which the value of works of art and belief in that val ue are continuously generated. (264- 265) Tho:::! musician can be said ta cultivate a particular image of him/hersel f as artist in arder ta separate him/herself from the economic proj ect of the i ndust ry . Having achieved the status of a pop star, the musician has greater creative and economic freedom. A certain level of independence from the industry and self-sufficiency is possible if this status is maintained over an extended period of time. However, the nature of the music industry 1.S such that "pop star" status can be an irnmediate yet short- lived episode in a career. It is likely that by tracing the relationships that are formed and the way these interactions change over time with 29 respect to particular successes, failures, and decisions that have been made one can reconstruct the complexity inherent in the development of a musical career. Such an exploration will likely provide sorne insight into how musicians maintain their career and stature as weIl as how these factors evolve over an extended period of time. Although the project being outlined is oriented toward the study of a particular musician, the relational emphasis would enable one to extrapolate a larger overview of the interactions of the music and related culture industries and the way these institutions contribute to the development and continuation of a musical career. C.'l8t.' St /leiy: Mt9n Wi thou t Ha ts It would seem logical pursuant to the argument being presented in this essay that the project being set forth is to explore how music becomes livelihood for a musician, and the decision ta examine the career of Men Without Rats as a case study is a result of a number of different factors. Men Without Rats exploded onto the international dance and pop charts in 1983 with "The Safety Dance." It peaked at the number three position on the Billboard singles charts and has passed gold record status in North America (Colin ct Doroschuk). It remains Men Without Hats' greatest commercial 30 success to date. Despite the many years that have passed since the success of "The Safety Dance," Men Without Hats maintains a high profile position in the Montreal mus Le scene. The nature of the music industry is such that tht.' success of a musician is measured according to record sales, and the momentum of the industry is sustained by the rapLd turnover of musical products. As a consequence, musicians who cannot produce a steady succession of markeUlble products do not remain in the public eye but tend to be replaced by other musicians who demonst rate the potent i il1 for attaining commerciai success in the marketplace. Consequently 1 Men Without Hats' continued prominence in the Montreal music scene is odd given the lapse of time sinee llThe Safety Dance. Il In tracing the career of Men Wi. thout Hats according to the framework that has been presented, jl may be possible ta provide sorne insights as to how Men Without Hats have succeeded in mainlaining a public profile since the success of "The Safety Dance". What are the essentials of cumulative performance values in the pattern of credits and economic returns ta commercial productions? Two elements stand out as important: (1) each credi t in this business increases a person 1 s chances for future work, and each money earning production increases a person's 31 chances for future contracting with colleagues who themselves are associated wi th success fuI ventures; (2 ) cumulative career attainment is at least partially governed by propensities to contrac~ among equi valent persans. (Faulkner and Anderson, 907) These are the conclusions that Faulkner and Anderson derived from their study of careers in the film industry. They concluded that success seems to lead to further success or at least the potential to achieve greater success, that is, opportunities. These conclusions seem to confirm what can be considered as a logical progression in career developments. It seems evident that an individual's success in a cultural industry leads to an increase in his/her status which makes his/her involvement sought after in future projects. lt seems an obvious conclusion that a sustained succession of achieveme~ts would translate into a prolonged career. Within the culture industries, the success of an individual career is gauged in terms of achievements over time. Consequently, it would seem that there are other factors that have contributed to the continuation of Men Without Hats' presence and influence on the scene. It seems that Men Without Hats' career has developed in a particular way due to the relationships that the band formed with the industry, with the public and with the larger musical communi ty in general. Moreover, since Men Without Rats can be regarded, principally, as t tH.' mus tccll proj ect of a single indi vidual, Ivan Doroschuk, t!le C,l1-l'l~l developrnent of Men Without Hats i8 merged with developrnent of Doroschuk as a musician ëll1d publ ic r 1 ~l11n~ Doroschuk, and his brothers Coljn and SteEan, who other rnernbers of Men Without Hats, have beCOIllP ,111 influential presence on the Montreal music SCène hé1V i nq worked on various dif[erent projects apat-L from Men Wit tlout Hats through the years. The Doroschuk brothers, and 1 Vcîn i Il particular, maintain a visibility in the local musicrl! community which can be attributed to sorne extent to t !lC'i l having achieved international success in the pasto [van, clH the lead vocalist and principal songwri ter for Men Wil llOut Hats, remains a sought after musician and persona! i t Y ill Montreal, and his participation in musical pro] ecU.; 1 ('llds credibility to these creative endeavours. Over the fifteen years that Men Without Hats haV(~ br:'(~ll in existence, there have only been five Eull -1?3nqLh releases, numerous record companies and l ine - up chanqlO!s, as weIl as various different musical genres explorpd. 'l'hF: {Jfl! y constànt factors are the Doroschuk brothers and liv~ f ar't that the band has almost always worked out of Montr8al ln d cultural industry where success is measured by sé.lIes and chart position, it seems that Men Without. Hé.lts has be'c:n dbliO~ 33 to establish and maintain credibility through alternate 111t;!ans. In comparison with other urban centres, Montreal' s popular musical community is considered to be relatively small and this may contribute to an understanding of how Men Without Hats has managed to maintain a high level of prominence in the ~ity. Ivan has maintained high visibility in Montreal by his continued participation in the musical scene as a musician, producer and spectator. Men Without Hats' longevity may be che result of this continued presence of the Doroschuk brothers on the local scene. Whereas international success could have resulted in the band mernbers forsaking the local scene in pursuit of larger audiences and econcmic gain, i t seems that a conscious decision was taken to maintain their relationship with the Montreal musical community. Over time, Ivan' s influence has seemed to grow despite the lack of commercial success the subsequent Men Without Hats releases have experienced. This situation seems to has arisen as a resul t of several decisions that have been made over the course of Men Without Hats' career. The peculiarities of the Men Without Hats career seem to calI a numb8r of the basic assumptions concerning what constitutes successful musical careers into question. Men 34 wi thout Hats 1 career presents a complex case study in which the relationshlps between the artist and the industry evolve over a period of time in accordance with various developments in the bandls career. The fact that Doroschuk was able to continue to make a musical living despite having renounced his relationship to the music industry seems to indicate that he was able to cultivate a different set of relationships that enabled him to continue his career. Doroschuk achieved a certain statlls in Montreal following the international success of "The Safety Dance" which enabled Doroschuk to pursue and maintain a musical career at a local level over an extended period of t .i.me. Apart from the exploration of the specificity involved in the development of the Men Without Hats l career, the project involves the examination of relationships and inter- relationships between social actors over a period of fifteen years. In chronicling the development of the career of Men Wi thout Hats, i t may be possible to deri ve sorne genera] insights into the nature of relationships between mllsicians, the music industry, and the public, as weIl as examine the social and cultural implications of the choices that influenced the development and continuation of a musical career. 35 CHAPTER TWO liA Backwards Progression": Chronicling a career The first incarnation of Men Without Hats is sa id to have been the performance art project of a few students in the Film and Communications program of McGill University in the late 1970s (Doroschuk). This was a time when punk was popular because it emphasized individual creativity and self-expression while it appeared to reject the dominance of the music industry. As this statement from Dave Parsons of Sham 69 makes evident: "... Punk was a rej ection of the way the music industry was being run. If you weren't the Eagles or Elton John, you could forget it. Punk was about the ordinary kid on the street realising a new confidence and saying 'Shit l can do this!'" (Malins, 36). The performance art aspect of Men Without Hats developed out of this newly discovered sense that one could "get up and do your own thing," but ultimately this was not a sufficient factor to maintain the interest of Ivan DorosC'huk: "Punk was cool, but it made a lot of performance art pass off as music" (Doroschuk) . 36 As the creative centre of Men Without Hats, Ivan 1 s personal development influenced the direction that the project would follow: l've never been into it [performing] in the first place. It wasn 1 t what drew me to being in Men Without Hats. 1 started being in a band when 1 was 22 or 23. 1 realize now, with hindsight, that 1 did sit in class and draw pictures of bands and spend time drawing these big buses full of guys and gaing on camping trips. 1 realize that that 1 s what 1 did and that all 1 wanted to be, was in a band 1 guess. It really didn't happen till the punk thing happened and l realized that 1 had aIl the tools that 1 needed. (Doroschuk) Doroschuk has a pronounced musical background. His mother is a music teacher who taught at McGill for twenty- five years and Ivan has twelve years of training in classical piano (Doroschuk). The realization that he wanted to pursue a career in popular music was aided by the developments that were taking place within the larger musical context. As a result of Doroschuk's realization and ambition, Men Without Hats as a performance art experiment was abandoned. "That 1 show my reputation as a bad boy started. 1 gat these gigs at the Hotel Nelson and 1 fired the whole band, took the name, and got my brothers who were aIl professional 37 musicians and we made a band" (Doroschuk). It was as a result of Doroschuk's own initiative that the band got its first professional booking at the Hotel Nelson, which was one of the local venues that featured live performances (Kelly, 11). Following these performances the band had managed to gain sorne local recognition amongst those individuals who were attuned to the local scene which included various managers and prornoters who were active in the Montreal music scene. l met this guy at the Limelight when l was thirteen or fourteen years old and we ended up connecting like five years later and he's the manager of this punk band [Heaven 17] in Montreal and they are looking for a keyboard player and he' s heard of Men Without Hats and he knows that l'm into it. This is like two years down the road and this is it. So l get the job. (Doroschuk) Doroschuk's participation in the local club scene permitted him to develop relationships with the people who were working in the industry at the time, and Doroschuk' s initiative in pursuing a musical career was recognized by these individuals who were working in sorne professional capacity. These individuals facilitated Doroschuk' s entry into the professional Montreal music scene. As part of Heaven 17, Doroschuk was able to showcase his talents for the band's manager, Marc Durand, and 38 subsequent to a dispute surrounding a live performance at the Theatre St. Denis opening for British band, XTC, Doroschuk quit the band and decided to pursue his academic degree (Doroschuk). This abandonrnent of a musical career in favour of academia was short-lived due to his friendship with another student, Jeremie Arrobas, and together they decided to revive Men Without Hats with Marc Durand as their producer. In 1979, Men Without Hats independently recorded Folk of the 80' S on a budget of $10 000 (Colin Doroschuk,. The EP was meant to showcase the band in that it would be used by Durand to promote the band and its music to the industry. After its initial release onto the marketplace, Folk of the ~ was effectively ignored and consequently Doroschuk and Arrobas abandoned Men Without Hats. Men Without Hats was one of the projects that Arrobas and Doroschuk were pursuing and the lack of public response to F_olk_oi the 80' s allowed thp.m to develop other projects. They began to conceptual ize a performance art project in which Arrobas would recite lines of poetry as Doroschuk provided arnbient background music in elaborate sets that were to be constructed by a sculptor (Doroschuk). Doroschuk approached Durand with this project idea in which Durand saw no commercial potential. It was at this point that articles and record reviews about Folk of 39 the. __ 8JL'.J3 and Men Without Hats began to appear, and as a consequence, Men Without Hats re-emerged as the focal point of the musicians' energies. The band's line-up was in a constant state of flux at this time which is not unusual in the initial stages of a band's career. It seems evident that the future of the band is uncertain at this point and this seems to encourage a high turnover of musicians, yet Men without Rats was beginning to take shape as the musical project of the three Doroschuk brothers: Ivan as lead singer and songwriter and Colin and Stefan playing instruments, singing back-up vocals and producing the material. Later, Stefan would become the band's producer. During this time, Men Without Hats had managed to develop a strong local following and Durand was able to get a recording contract for the band. In 1982, the band recorded Rhythm of Youth which included a track called "The Safety Dance." Men Without Hats' sound relied heavily on synthesizers and dance beats. Doroschuk sang lead vocals and was the principal songwriter and his ability to combine his harsh vocal style with catchy electro-pop melodies characterized the Men Without Hats sound. "The Safety Dance" reached the top posi _ions on dance charts, and eventually reached the third position on the Billboard pop singles l __ ------~------... 40 charts and gold record status (Colin Doroschuk). Men Without Hats were successful, and Ivan as the creative force behind the project was thrust into the spotlight, but he declined. Doroschuk' s renunciation of the public spotl ight that accompanies success in the music industry was ta affect the development of Men Without Hats' career. Doroschuk's decision to reject pop stardom effectively terminated Men Without Hats' dealings with the international music scene, yet Men Without Hats continued to be a recording act. In 1984, Rhythm of Yauth was followed by Folk of the 80's (Part III) which was very sirnilar to its predecessor musically but by this time the electro-pop sound was beginning to decline in significance as emergent musical trends were being introduced. The single, "Where Do the Boys Go?" achieved sorne national success but it was clear that the success of "The Safety Dance" was not ta be repeated. It was during this period that Men Without Hats began ta encounter difficulties with their record contracts. At the time of Folk af-th6-BJl~'_s, Marc Durand was able to get the band a contract with a British label, Statik Records, that undertook ta distribute Men Without Hats' records throughout the world, with the exception of the United States. Statik Records had a distribution contract with Virgin Records for aIl parts of the world except Canada 41 where the records were to be distributed by Wea Records (Doroschuk). After the release of Folk of the 80' s (Part Ill) in 1984, the band was having problerns with Statik Records and they broke their contract with the company, and consequently Statik broke the distribution contract with Wea Records. Sa Wea lost us because we broke the contract with Laurie Dunn [at Statik Records]. When Wea lost us they put out a press release right away saying they dropped us and they punched holes in aIl our records and sent them out to the bins. The first two Men Without Hats records are unavailable in Canada because of that. (Doroschuk) As a result, Men Without Hats were without a record contract and without management subsequent to the release of FollL-.Of~~~~_Œart III). It was three years before the band would record new material, yet in the interirn they released an EP entitled Freeways which included most of the songs from their debut EP, EQlk of the 80's. "'This is the big one. This is the one we've aIl been waiting for.' How true those opening lines on the latest Men Without Hats record ring. It' s been three long years. And now finally the rightful heir to the rnega-hit, Safety Dance, leoms in the wings, ready to occupy centre stage." (Siberok, 7). Eop-GL'es the World was heralded as the new beginning for 42 the band in that Men Without Hats was on a different record label, the Canadian subsidiary of PolyGram. Men Without Hats was the first Canadian act to be signed to PolyGram Canada and the band was under new management as weIl (Bird, 14). Musically, Pop Goes ..t..he World was a continuat ion of the Men Without Hats sound, even though it was more pop-oriented than dance-oriented music. As Eop-__GQes the World was the first release on PolyGram Canada, it suffered as the record company had not yet established itself on the Canadian scene. "The one thing that happened with "Safety Dance ll which we could not recreate with IIPOp Goes the World" [the single] was that we couldn't get the video and the tour and the song and everything to happen in the same week. That' s the magic, that' s the hard part, that' s when people are good ll (Doroschuk). As a consequence, Pop Goes the World did not achieve the success that had been anticipated. The release of JAdventures Qf _ WQmen and Men Without Hatel In the 21st Centur~ in 1989 was rnarred by an accident. Stefan Doroschuk was hit by a car and broke both his legs and an arm. It was evident that the band would be unable to tour ta support this record. As a consequence, Ivan travelled across Canada promoting the record to the media in the hopes of stimulating record sales. The attempt was unsuccessful. 43 Ten years down the line, Doroschuk claims to have no regrets about his roundabout ride on the rock roller coaster. " l' m extremely l ucky," he says. "I learned so much about the business and how i t works. l t was l ike going to the school of rock 'n' roll. We had a chance to break on the radio right away, and we spent the rest of the time becoming less conunercial. We were fortunate enough to hit the big one right away. It has been a backwards progression." (Kelly, 1991, 11) Doroschuk speaks of his career and the career of Men Without Hats as lia backwards progression. Il This phrase lends i tsel f to a number of interpretations in relation to the development of the Men Without Hats' career up to the present day. This phrase appeared in an article that discussed the release of Sidewa~ in 1991. This record presented a radical musical departure from the usual Men Without Hats synth-influenced sound. Sideway~ brought together a number of the musicians working in the Montreal hardcore scene 1 l ike Michel Langevin of Voivod and John Kastner of the Doughboys, and it featured guitars over keyboards musically. You can go home again. At least Ivan Doroschuk can. After a long, strange decade of pop s tardom, business hasslt:=s, and soul-searching 1 Doroschuk- -the man behind Men Wi thout Hats--has come full circle, and he 1 s right back where he started- - in Montreal. Making noisy rock and roll with a bunch of local punks. ( Ke 11 y, 1991, 11 ) Doroschuk' s summary of his career as a "backwanis progression" implies movement in two opposite direct ions and the fact that it is being used as an explanat ion fat' the developrnent of Men Wi thout Hats' career is pecul ia r. The phrase plays on the fact that the musician strives to achieve corrunercial suc cess in pursuing a mus ical career, and Men Without Hats was fortunate in that it achieved corrunercial success with the release of its first single. The fact that the success of "The Safety Dance" is taken as the starting point of the Men wi thout Hats' career, which has been shown not to be the case, is significant. It he1tJs in preserving the achievement of the band, whj le it acknowledges Doroschuk's renunciation of pop stardom. Doroschuk presents the Men Without Hats' career as a set of deliberate decisions that have rneant that the members of Men Without Hats have pursued a conscious path to develop careers that are based in the local music scenE:!, rather than discussing the events subsequent to the sucC'ess of "The Safety Dance" as career fail ures. Men Without Hats' côreer lends itself to many different outlooks. The discussion of Men Without Hats' career aB Il a backwards progression" can also be interpreted as an 45 expr8ssion of the tension between commercial intGrests and artistic interests. It is a tension that Men Without Rats has had to contend with throughout the development of the band' s career. Doroschuk' s sacrifice of conunercial success in renouncing the strategies of the industry has allowed him to cultivate a reputation based on artistic integrity that has maintained Men Without Hats' career. At the same time, it is a career that can be seen as a succession of failures. 46 CHAPTER THREE Success, Pop Stardom and the Music Industry Jenny and Johnny had a crazy dream 5ee their picture in a magazine Every little boy needs a girl Pop Goes the World! ! (Men Without Hats, "Pop Goes the World Il ) The desire to establish oneself in (). prominAnt posit iOI1 within the mus je industry involves a complex combindtion of fac:tors, su ch as the musician's artistic sensibilitiAs, his/her desire to make a living from these creative t~ff()rLs, in addition to the workings and characteristics of the lIlLl~ic industry itself. The achievement of a level of SLlCCE'SS wh 1 cil will bring financial rewards and public recognit- ion i s t he dream of the rnusician, yet such success is not an jp~pdiate and certain result of increasing thE availability o[ Uw music to a potential audience through live performancp or the independent release of records, casset tes or compact discs. Su ch independent ef forts of sel f - promot ton in t hA music industry are, more often than not, withoul consequence. Their faill:re is ct result of ù gen8ral misunderstanding of the music industry: We went and made this record and for us it was like: weIl, we're going ta rnake a record and we' re going ta be pop stars the next day. 50 we make this record and the next day it was the same thing, 47 nobody knew of us and two weeks later still nobody knew about us. (Doroschuk) There are a number of assumptions that underlie Doroschuk 1 S statement. The emphasis that is placed upon becoming "pop stars" reveals the significance of the star image ta the music industry. Ta become a "pop star", ta have attained that status, means that one has acquired public attention and financial reward, that is, one has succeeded in making music his/her livelihood. AlI the musician's aspirations culminate in the notion of "becoming a pop star. " Doroschuk, speaking from the perspective of a young musician aspiring to a professivl!al musical career, stresses the anticipated immediacy of achieving this level of success. This expectation can be seen as the conceit of the musician with regard to the worthiness of his own musicianship, that is, Doroschuk' s confidence in his own talent, but i t also betrays Doroschuk' s naïveté about the music industry. This level of success can only be achieved through the manipulation of the mechanisms characteristic of the music industry as a cultural industry. The music industry is not independent. Its functioning is based on the cooperation and inter-workings between various other media and cul tural industries (Negus, 66). As a consequence, a 48 musician' s success is the resul t of an understanding of the nature of these inte~relationships. One cannot attain success merely by recording a musical product and making it available at the retail level. There are a number of different factors that contribute to the eventual success of a product and its creator(s) within the music industry. The invol vement of various enterta i J1ment based cultural industries is necessary in this process, as are the methods in which the meri ts of the music are presented to the audience. Antoine Hennion and Cecile Meadel, in their article, "programming music: radio as mediator," state that cul tural products become mean ingfu l through interpretation: "Culture is not the content of the message which follows a linear path through production and consumption; it does not force any entry into people's lives, but it is a material constructed by a constant process of iteration between aIl the actors" (284). It seems that a cultural product becomes meaningful in its presentation. Consequently, the popular media become important to the success of a musical product. It seems that the intervention of the popular media in the music's presentation ta an audience serves to distance the music from the record industry. By presenting the music within an aesthetic discourse, the popular media draw public attention 49 to the musical product and assert its cultur~l significance while maintaining their operations: Cultural commodities develop according to specifie conditions and modes of production; however they are also commodities like any other because they constitute in essence a new field for the expansion of exchange values, a means used by capital to maintain a given rate of acceleration. However, it would be an error to see in cultural commodities only a sphere for the expansion of value: more and more they participate in the expanded reproduction of capital by intervening directly in the very process of the realization of value: think how many 'promotions' are now organized in the form of 'cultural events', from the bookstore which, in liaison with teachers, puts on display a couple of dozen children's books to the use by shopping centres of cultural events as a sales environment. Thus in capitalist societies we are witnessing on the one hand the promotion of culture by conunerce and on the other the promotion of commerce by culture. (Miège, 310) It is through the presentation of the musical product in the popular media that it becomes meaningful to a consuming public who will contribute to the commercial success of the music. In his article, "Processing Fads and Fashions: An Organization-Set Analysis of Cultural Industry Systems," Paul M. Hirsch writes: 50 Every industry system is seen as a single, concrete, and stable network of identifiable and interacting components. The concept of organization levels, proposed initially to analyze transactions within t:le boundaries of él single, large-organization, is easjly applied to the analysis of interorganizational systems. ÀL"tist and mass audience are linked by an ordered sequence of events before it can elicit any audience response, an art object first must succeed in (a) competition against others for selection and promotion by entrepreneurial organization, and then in (b) receiving mass media coverage in such forms i1S book reviews, radio station airplay, and film criticism. It must be ordered by retail outlets for display or exhibition to consumers and, ideally, its author or performer will appear on television talk shows and be written up as an interesting news story. (128) It seems clear that the release of a musical product onto the marketplace is not enough to bestow cultural meaning upon the music. It is through the intervent ion of other related cultural industries that a musical product caTi gain significance in the public eye. The development or Men Without Hats' career seems to follow the sequence of évents put forth by Hirsch. Men Without Hats' independent releasp. of the Folk of til.e_8iL.'....s EP in 1979 was not enough to make the members of Men Wi thout Hats pop stars. The record was ------~ --- -~---~ 51 m8rely one of the elements that was needed in pursuing a professional musical career. It was made on the band' s own initiative, therefore its release was not accornpanied by any large-scale prornotional campaign, and as a result, it took six months before any notice was paid to the band on the local level (Doroschuk) Marc Durand [Men Without Hats' producerjmanager] started working on the press and he got this big article in The Gazette one Saturday. My picture on one side, and Jerernie's picture on the other side and it said: Men Without Hats bound for success, and me and Jeremie looked at it and that' s basically how we got talked back in because we hadn' t done anything with Men Without Hats for six months and then he [Durand] really started to get reviews corning in and everybody started saying 'hi' to us on the street and we realized: Men Without Hats, i t is... (Doroschuk) The article in the local newspaper was adequate public exposure to renew the rnusicians' interest in the Men Without Hats project which had been abandoned in the interval between the release of the record and the publication of the article in order to pursue other creative projects. The feature article succeeded in instilling sufficient cultural rneaning into the project to consolidate the rnusicians' efforts into Men Without Hats. It called attention to the 52 musicians and the music and contributed to the cont inudt ion of the project. The influence of the popular media on the success of a musical project is significant and, as a conseqtlenc(~ tl'e media ensure their position as a necessary channel bel ween the recording industry, the music, and the public' This understanding of popular music allows the feeder economic institutions to see themselves as service industries, cultural gates before being cultural gatekeepers. They take the 'unit y' of an individual record, the combinat ion ot cultural and economic aspects which can be broken down within the discourse, and pass it on to the audience, readers of the music papers or radio staLion listeners. At the sarne time these economic institutions are structured around this non-analysable unit y which, in terms of the discourse, gi ves them meaning. (Stratton, 1982, 298) The acknowledgement of the musical product in l he popular media is a necessity as it serves to calI attenLion to the music. Furthermore, the presentat ion of the mus i c jan and the discussion of the music in the media acts as an indication of the potential of the musician. The media bestow a credibility upon the artist as they are s~en ta be removed from the direct operations of the record inr~ industry. In the case of Men Without Hats and Folk of thG ~, the media attention was of particular significanc~ as 53 the record was an independent release and lacked the proMot ional support that a record company could provide. Marc Durand, as the band 1 s manager, was able to draw sorne media attention and public exposure to the band, and, by doing so, he acted in the capacity of a "cultural businessman" : The ideology of creation, which makes the author the first and last source of the value of his work conceals the fact that the cultural businessman (art dealer, publisher, etc.) is at one and the same t ime the person who exploits the labour of the 1 creator 1 by trading in the 1 sacred 1 and the persan who, by putting it on the market, by exhibiting, publishing and staging it, consecrates a product which he has 1 discovered 1 and which would otherwise remain a mere natural resourcej (263 ) Durand becomes a link between the musicians, the Montreal music scene, the music industry and the public. By the time Men Without Hats recorded Folk oL the 80's, Durand had established a reputation for hirnself on the Montreal music scene. He was managing and promoting other local bands who were developing a local following and he was able to book these bands as opening acts supporting other acts that were on tour and passing through Montreal. Consequently, his involvement with Men Without Hats lent a certain credibility L__ 54 to the band- -Marc Durand was Men Wi thout Hats' "big connection" (Doroschuk). The significance of the connection between Men Without Hats and Marc Durand is a matter of locality. Durand was valuable te Men Without Hats in that his part icipat ion in the proj ect could be interpreted as a demonstra t ion of the band' s worth to the larger local musical context in which Durand had established a reputation. Having acquired a credible reputation within the conununity, Durand was able to irnpart sorne of his credibility to Men Without Hats by int roducing them into the marketplace a t the local level. Al though Doroschuk' s participation in the Montreal club scene had led to his developing his own relat ionships with people warking professionally in Montreal, Men Without Hats' relationship wi th Durand was the band' s maj or l ink ta the professianal Montreal musical context. Durand was the intermediary between the musicians and the larger infrastructure of the industry. In promoting the band, Durand became responsible for the manner in which the band was presented to the industry and the audience. Durand could be seen as having taken a risk by int~oducing Men Withaut Hats to the musical scene and thereby publicly expressing his support of this young band. Durand's credibility as a manager is itself based on a set 55 of relationships that he has cul tivated over the course of his career. As Pierre Bourdieu writes: "His 'authority' is itself a credit-based value, which only exists ~n the relationship with the field of production as a whole, i. e. with the artists or writers who belong to his 1 stable' ... " (264 ) Every successful act that Durand is involved with increases his own credibility because he is the person who is credited with being the first to have taken notice of their talent and potential success, while every unsuccessful act can diminish Durand's credibility. "That was his marketing scheme. l was the lion in the cage and he was the lion tamer and every body had to go through the lion tamer to get to the lion" (Doroschuk). As the intermediary who had a personal stake in the success of Men Without Hats during his term as manager, Durand was in control of every aspect of the band' s introduction to the community. His mediating position acted as a screen between the artists and the relationships that were being established on their behalf. In this manner, he could oversee every contact that Doroschuk made in order to ensure that there were no risks being taken out of hand that would jeopardize the band's commercial success. Furthermore, Durand was able to maintain a separation between the artist 56 and the economic aspects involved in the development of the band's musical career. The maintenance of a distance between the artist and the industry that is concerned with the economic profitability of his/her music is crucial to the development of a musical career. As Jon Stratton argues a musical career is dependent upon the perceived cornmitment of the musician to his/her music (19B3, 302-303). By undertaking the negotiations wi th the industry, the manager facilitates the maintenance of the artist' s distance from the strategies involved in the development of his/her career. The manager protects the interests of the musician by controlling public access to the musician. Consequently, i t becomes vi tal Lo engage the media' s attention in the artist in order ta maintain public interest in the musician and the music. The musician cultivates a relationship with the public through the media. In this way, the musician develops a public personality whose activities are chronicled in the media. As the music industry depends upon the mystification of the creative processes, the mediatior. of relationships between the music industry, the musician and the public are recognized as being necessary to the development of a musical career. As Leerom Medovoi states in "Mapping the Rebel Image: Postmodernism and the Masculinist Politics of 57 Rock in the U. S.A. , " the rock star is a "publicly f ictional ized subj ect whose cultural meanings are embedded in--and yet cut across--a wide variety of (frequently narrative) texts (songs, films, television appearances, magazine stories, album covers, videos, biographies, or folk stories)" (156). In Pierre Bourdieu's terrns, these relationships form a "circle of belief" wherein all the activities taking place and alliances established are the result of individuals having Inade credible reputations for themselves through the success of the endeavours they becorne invol ved in over the course of their careers (264-265). Marc Durand's reputation was based in the Montreal scene and as Men Without Hats began to gain local support, Durand had to try to cultivate a broader set of relationships as a consequence. IlThe deal was that l was signed to Marc Durand. Marc Durand was my manager. He was the Montreal-based manager .... He was smart in realizing that the biggest contract is in the States, and he couldn't get us a deal in the States right way so he got us a deal for the rest of the world" (Doroschuk). The initial successes of Men Without Hats at the local level seern to act as indications that there was a larger market to be explored. 58 It is this type of relationship upon which the music industry is dependent. The participdnts in every sphere of activity are dependent upon each other to make and sustain his/11er reputation. Musicians are dependent on these 1 oC~11 managers t0 establ ish certain relat ionships with the mus 1 C industry, and these manage r.s depend on the success of t hE"Sl"! musicians ta maintain their credibili ty on the local musi c scene, and, depending on the extent of the act's success, ta broaden the manager's range of influence. It is evident that a number of calculated risks are being taken by the manager in using his own credibiIjty :0 introduce relatively unknown musicians onto the local scene. The manager's rewards are drawn from the future success of the act which is large1 y credited to the manager who was able to promote the band and cultivate a relationship between the musicians, the industry and the public effectively. The establishment of sueh links and the activities that develop from them in terms of mpdia exposure, recording contracts and consumer activity increases both parties' "symbolic capital" as thls lA defined by Bourdieu: "'Symbollc capital' is to be understood as the economic or political capital that is, disavowed, mis-recognized and thereby recognized, hence legitimate, a ~------_._-- !:J9 'credit' which, under certain conditions, and always in the long Lun, guarantees 'economic' profits"(262). The success of the musical act in reaching a consuming public through the intervention of the manager increases the symbolic status of the individuals involved in this relationship which can be used to generate greater financial reward and gather greater respect within the community. This leads to the pursuit of relationships beyond one' s known sphere of activity, that is, with Men Without Hats' success expanding beyond the local level. It was necessary for Marc Durand to develop a strategy that would result in expanding the band's potential for success. Marc Durand, unable to get a major label to sign Men Without Hats in the United States was, however, able ta get a contract that would release Men Without Bats throughout the rest of the world. The subsequent attention that "The Safety Dance" received would eventually get the band signed to a major label in the United States. It is through the manipulation of the existing relationships and the development of new Lelationships that success is pursued and achieved. 60 \'.dkJ ,-1 ~ 1 : t The Importance of FL-'l H " 1':1t' ,";,1 t t)! \ '. i ,·1 \, .. '1" ,l th l t ," " , 19805 In the mainstream of the mid-1980s, it was rather the case that perfouner identity and the discourses of celebrity constituted the trappings through which the sangs acquired the dist inct i veness necessary to the success in the turnover of the pop charts. Star performel' figures remained at the centre of popular music, but these succeeded each other in rapid sequence, and th is succession was a function of the Sllccess of individual records r<1ther thi'1.Il sustained interest in the artists themselves. (Straw, Il) The musician, as the creative source of the musi C, becomes the focal point of the media attention ourrounding the release of a musical product. As will Straw discussp.s in his article, "Popular ~f.lsic and Postmodernism in the 80s", the rapid turnover of hits on the popular mus ic chai."t s allows for the development of highly successful but shorl- lived careers. The predominant importance of the pop charts in a musician' s career was a new development in popu 1<1 r musical history. The 1970s had been characterized by (] sustained interest in the performer over the course of his/her career. The performer contributed directl y to thl":! cultural meaning of his/her music su ch that a musical career could be founded on the consumers' loyalty to the performer and the views s/he expressed ln his/her music. In Ul13 mid- 61 80s 1 this was no longer the case. The marker for success became the charted single, and the rnusician was cons idered interesting for as long as a single was elimbing the pop charts (11). Although this strategy was beneficial ta the record industry who could use the single as a measurement of a band's potential for success, it had a negative effect on the career of musicians in that the record eompanies were no longer making Economie investments in musicians' careers (11). The continuation of the musieian's career became increasingly dependent upon a succession of marketable, hit sangs. The emphasis that was placed on having a hit in the mid-' 80s was reflected in the way musicians were presented in the media. The pop chart s introduced an Element of disposability to the musician in the way s/he was presented to the eonsumers. From week to week, tne band at the top of the pop charts could go from being heralded as the brightest hopes on the music seene to being completely forgot ten in response to the chart acti vi ty of the band' s single. The possibil i ty of builà ing and maintaining a eareer in this environment was minor. " '1 had a weird Experience wi th Safety Dance,'" says Doroschuk, '" where the industry sort of chewed me up and spat me out and l had to pick myself up for four or five 62 years .... ' " (MacNail', 22). The phenomenal international success of "The Safety Dance" catapulted Men Wi thout Hats into the pl.',:)lic eye. The lead vocal ist and songwri t et', Ivan Doroschuk, became the [ocus of the mass media's attention. Rock 'n' roll is a funny thing beCC1Ll.;e it' s really about promotion and it' s really about selling sOIllething, and to sell something re .lly well in this business there's so many factors, especially then [at the time of "The Safety Dance"], that were sort of new factors like there was a video and a band and then the song itsel f and the tour. It was ail these factors that lJad to come together. (Doroschuk) Ali these factors came together wi th the releast" of "The Safety Dance." 'The Safety Dance" was recorded t hr ee years before it achieved its status as an international hit single. It first became a hit on international dance charts before it achleved mainstream success on the Billboard pop charts in the United States (Doroschuk). The single' S suc cess on the dance charts was a factor that prompt0d the record company, MeA, to oifer Men Without Hats a distribution deal in the United States. It seems that haviny achieved chart success in dance circles served as an indication of the potential commercial success of MFm Without Hats. 63 It rpally started freaking me out to see my face all over the place. l' d walk into a K-Mart with my hair up and flip flops and people would start screaming. Literally, it happened ta me and l had to run back to the tour bus... l don' t know, you just realize you don't really know why you are doing things when you do them, but you just end up being uncomfortable with certain things. l became very uncomfortable with doing interviews and being on videos. l'm not an actor, T don' t want to be on TV. l' m a musician, l want to make music, l want to make records. (Doroschuk) It 8eems evident that the success of "The Safety Dance" and the way Doroschuk, as the lead vocalist, was being presented to the audience, that is, as a "pOP star", did not coincide wi th Doroschuk 1 s self - image. The music video clip had emerged as an important marketing device for the pop song and the musician was called upon to present the music in a highly theatrical and contrived form, compared to live performance, the traditional means through which the musician presented the music to audience. "They tried to make me into sorne kind of Tiger Beat-16 magazine type of thing and l said no. l really took a stand, l really believed in it" (Doroschuk) Doroschuk's refusal to be marketed as a sex symbol-teenage fantasy idol was interpreted as a refusal ta participate acc'.:>rding to the rules of the popular music industry and althaugh a hit 64 record remains an achievement that brings with il a significant amount of prestige and status ta the IlmsicLlll, Ivan was no longer recognized by the industry. IVdn lltld chosen not to be a "pop star" and as a consequence Men Without Hats' potential for future commercial SUC'C'R::;::; W(1S placed in jeopardy. Ivan quickly earned a reputat ion in the record business as being an .'liI.lltl ternhlr', uncooperative and arrogant. Stories abound. Out to milk a winni nq formula, the record industry carne up against an individua] who possessed strong feelings about image and its exploitation. For an industry built on marketing, his was the wrong attitude. For an artist intent on contl.-ol] ing his art, it was an intolerable plight. (Siberok, 7) Having rejected the "pop star" profile that the popular music industry offered him, Ivan Doraschuk lléld an international hit single and a bad reputation will! tlH..! music industry. After Men Without Hats' pre-empted career as "pop stars," Doroschuk returned to Montreal and was scorn(;d by the industry on the basis that in not pursuing a pop carGer according ta the conventions of the music industry, hf'~ had failed: 65 A lot of the Québec people, they wanted a Céline Dion; they wanted an event and they got pissed off at me--Oh you fucker, you are gi ving us a bad reputation. You are giving us a bad image. We're going to look like we are always pissed off--that's how the industry treated me, and l wasn' t understood by the street because everybody treated me like sorne pop star and in the boardroom they treated me like sorne street guy. So l was stuck in the proverbial rock and a hard place. (Doroschuk) Andrew Goodwin wri tes: " the construction of personality and identity around pop musicians is fundamental to success. Understanding the importance of star image is so central to the meaning of pop music (and 1 therefore, music television) that careers have foundered on confusion about it. Some musicians have found themselves trapped within particular characterizations" (114). It seems clear that although Doroschuk had refused the "pop star" image that the industry wanted to construct for him, he had not abandoned his desire to make music his livelihood. In effect, Doroschuk's decision not to become a "pop star" while being interpreted as a failure by the industry could also be interpreted as his having consciously chosen to maintain his integrity as a musician. The struggle between these different interpretations remain pivotaI to the manner in which Doroschuk's career was 66 to proceed from this crossroads. At a basic level, the struggle exemplifies the debate surrounding the clash of economic/industrial concerns and the artistic/musical concerns in the music industry that is taken up by popuJ dl' music scholars. The fact that Doroschuk rejected the "pop star" status implies that he has maintained é\. level of artistic integrity by not ha\. ing posed as a sex symbol. Claims can be made as to Doroschuk 1 s preservi ng a sense of authenticity and integrity as a musician. Doroschuk Céln be regarded as having forsaken the fame and art i f ice assoc Lll ed with the status of "being a pop star" in tavour of preserving his virtue as a talented musician who is not willing to compromise himsel f or his music for fi nanc i al gain. Alternately, Doroschuk may be seen as having re1 e ctRd the "pop star" image but his ambitions of making a ] i ving from hi s music were not renounced. In both these SCE.:ma r iOB Doroschuk can recreate himself according to his own t~rms. The argument can be made that Doroschuk' s refusa} ta adopt the image of the "pop star" that was a consequence OF the success of "The Safety Dance" on the pop charts héld bestowed upon him an image by default. Doroschuk WélB subsequently presented in the media as a persan who refused to be compromised by the industrial consequences his musical talents wrou9ht. It seems that his stance against th~ music ------67 industry increased his credibility in terms of the way he was presented by the media and percei ved by the musical corrununi ty, part icularly at the local level. "The Safety Dance" had increased his symbol ic status and his rej ection of the music industry's marketing strategies seemed to increase his credibility as weIl. According to this reading of the situation, Doroschuk could be regarded as a failure and a success s~multaneously. Within the aesthetic discourse of popular music, music is valued because of its separation from the economic interests that contribute to its production (Stratton, 1983, 296) . Consequently, Ivan's refusaI to participate in the marketing strategies of the industry made him more credible as a musician in the cul tural discussion surrounding popular music. The popular media presented an interpretation of Ivan's situation according to the criteria that contribute ta the positive evaluation of the musician in the pUblic's perception. Isn't it strange Isn't it just like me To change again l live in a fire Isn't it just like me The final hour (Men Without Hats, "Ban the Game") Electro-pop was a passing trend in the history of pop and dance music. It had no long-standing tradition and it 68 did not leave much more than a few dance hall memories in its wake. "The Safety Dance" can be considered a shining moment in the history of this musical genre. It seems ('leal, with hindsight, that had Men Without Hats bought into the "pop star" image the band would have completed its cycle on the pop charts and disappeared. As it stands, Men Without Hats has four other releases to its credit following the international success with "Safety Dance". Tl1i s level of conunercial success has not yet been repeated, but Doros('huk has maintained a musical career over the course of fifteen years. Redefin~ng Success/RedèflnlllQ Fell] lUt' And every time l wonder where the world went wrong l end up lying on my face going--ringy djngy (Ding Dong) And every time l wonder if the world ls right l end up in sorne disco dancing aIl night (You can dance if you want to) (Men Without Hats, "Pop Goes the World") "We said we didn 1 t want to be pop stars; we d idn 1 t become pop stars--we aren't pop stars. We may be perceived as pop stars but l'm no pop star. No way" (Doroschuk). Doroschuk' s experience with the music industry wiLh "The Safety Dance" seems to have resulted in the diff~rentlation hetween "being a pop star" and wanting to have a career in 69 pop music. The basis of this differentiation can be seen as the difference between image and reputation. Star image, as Andrew Goodwin argues, is vital to the meaning of popular music and a career in the popular music industry (114). It can be regarded as a marketing strategy, a means of promoting a pop song by appealing to the affective tendencies of popular music consumers. The image of a particular pop muslcian is constructed to provo1-.e popular interest and stimulate the sales of the musical product. Its purpose is to evoke a sense of success and popularity in the public with respect to the musician, but its construction is based on the musician's short-lived success on the pop charts. A reputation is grounded in a musician' s achievement. It develops in accordance with the symbolic capital that the musician accrues over the course of his/her career. Whereas an image is constructed, a reputation is cultivated through the relationships established among people working in the same field of production. This passage from an article in the Montreal Mirror, a local independent newspaper, outlines sorne of the circumstances that have al] owed Doroschuk to develop a reputation for himself: 70 Doroschuk is like the godfathe~ of the Montreal underground scene, one of the few ta make it out of the mot ley crew of original Montreal punk rockers. The Hats were just another bunch of ex-students-turned-punks a decade ago, performing at seedy spots like the Hotel Nelson. Then came :1,11 ,'t)' [\111,",' in 1983. A throw-away electro-pop tune, an irritating song that hit the top of the charts 'round the globe- - the one tha t made Doroschuk Montreal's newest international pop star. But Doroschuk kept in touch. He was always there. He'd be at the back table at clubs like le Steppe or les Foufounes Electriques, holding court with that month' s latest up-and-coming rock outfit. ln the meantime, his career practically collapsed in a heap of acrimonious business disputes after the monSl.er success of Rhy'thm (lf l(lllt fi. (Kelly, 11) It must be stated that at the time that "The Safety Dance" clirnbed the BillbQlU'.d charts, Men Without Hats were the only Montreal band to have achieved any signiflcél.nt level of international success since the 1970s. Consequently, the local musical community bestowed upon Men Without Hats a certain degree of prestige and credit tor this accomplishment. It seems that whereas a successful single could legitimate the musician's pursuit of a carep.r in the music industry by val idat ing hi s/her talent and potential and demonstrating this potential ta the Industry, 71 "The Safety Dance" only succeeded in disillusioning Men Without Hats, and Ivan Doroschuk in particular, about the music industry. In the case of Men Without Hats, the local music scene seems to have provided the reassurance that was needed by the musicians subsequent to their experiences with the music industry. As a result, Ivan and the other Doroschuk brothers who were the other members of Men Without Hats, Colin and Stefan, cultivated relationships between themselves and the participants involved in the music scene in Montreal. The development of these relationships provided Men Without Hats with the means of pursuing a musical career at a local level. 72 CHAPTER FOUR The local scene and the cultivation of a reputation 1,2,3 & 4 is five Everybody here i8 a friend of mine Whatever happened to the Duke of Earl Pop Goes the World! ! (Men Without Hats, "Pop Goes the World ") Men Without Hats 1 pre-empted career and commerd dl failure on the international music scene and the circumstances of the local music scene created a dif Eerent base from which Men Without Hats could build and maintain a musical career. The musical scene in Montreal remained receptive to Men Without Hats in that the musi('al conmlunity recognized Men Without Hats' achievements. This situation contributed to the maintenance of Doroschuk 1 s prof ile in Montreal through the years. As a resul t, Doroschuk has been successful in recuperating from Men Without Hat" 1 commercial failure by manipulating his symbolic capital ta acguire recogni tian and respect on the local music scene: One of the things that has been really hard is trying ta have sorne kind of street credibility but people can 1 t understand what l went through. It's something that you can 1 t translate ta people, although Michel [Langevin of Voivod] and John [Kastner of the DoughboysJ -- they understand. "The Safety 73 Dance" - - they haven' t Even hi t that yet and everybody thinks: whoa, the Doughboys are on the cover of every magazine, and Voivod is God and this and that--but they are very respectful of me because they realize that rIve been throuqh a big thing and 1 have this talent and 1 can do it again if l wanted to and r have this freedom and so l've been able to touch base with them very easily, because there is no bullshit. l don 1 t have to explain. (Doroschuk) It is through the development of such associations with young musicians working in the Montreal music scene that Doroschuk has retained a prominent musical career in Montreal sinee "The Safety Dance," and it is through the examination of these local connections that one can begin to understand how Doroschuk has managed to retain such credibility and respect in the Montreal music scene. Even ten years after its success, "The Safety Dance" enters into every journalist's accoun~ of the career of Men Without Hats. It seems obvious that this success was instrumental to the development of Doroschuk's musical career, but lvan's return to Montreal having turned down the opportunity to step into the public spotlight was regarded as a disappointment in Québec at the same time as Ivan was being congratulated on his achievement. It seemed obvious that Doroschuk had to develop a different strategy for maintaining his career in his current situation. 74 Despite the sueeess and mis-success over the last years, Ivan has kept in close touch with the Montreal music scene. You' re always bound ta bump into hi m checking out his friends or a llew b<'lIld in town. Even after the succeSR nt Safety Dance Ivan didn't neg]ect his roots and worked wi th several bdl1ds. most notably the Orange People ,1I1d t 11(:-' Nils. (Siberok, 7) Doroschuk' s presence on the seene seems t 0 h(lV~ bPRI1 ê1 constant from the time he was fourteen and meeting mé1lldlll'J S at the Limelight. After the success of "The Satety l)clllce" i t seems evident that the dynamics of the J'elat ionsl1 i p ltdd changed. It seems evident that Dor:osehuk was no l ()l1q,~r looking ta make contacts to further his OWIl explicitly, but rather he had becœne som~one whm:;p at tf~llt ion was sought by young bands. The success of "'T'he ;:;atety DélIlC(~" was being taken into account by the local mus ical conmlunj t y and by seeking Ivan out, these bands cont r ibuLed Ln 1 IJf~ maintenance of Ivan's career. The lack of international SUCCI~SS of Mon~ r '?éll L,lOds caused Men Without Rats to be envied by thp iJspltiwJ musicians working in the Montreal s~·ene. Mont.ceéll -b<Îs~:d bands l ike the Nils, the Doughboys and Voi vod are pu r Sil i n(3 a musical living working in the Mont real und~r and, therefore he was being regarded and respected in light of his ~xperiences in the ways of the industry. Doroschuk's return to the Montreal scene made him available to young bands. His willingness to irnpart his knowledge to these up and corners caused hirn to be a centre of admiration on the local scene. In this case, goods help the individual conternplate the possession of an emotional condition, a social circurnstance, even an entire style of life, by somehow concret iz~ Hg these things in themselves. They became a bridge to displaced meaning and an idealized version of life as it should be lived. When called to mind, these obiects allow the individual to rehearse a much larger set of possessions, attitudes, circumstances, and opportunities. A simple example of this is the use of a "rose covered cottage." The individual reflects on the eventual possession of su ch a cottage and in the process reflects upon the possession of an entire way of life that specifies more or less explicitly a certain kind of livelihood, spouse, dornestic arrangement, and so on. The cottage becomes the "objective correlative" of this diverse package of displaced meaning. (McCracken, 110) Grant McCracken's discussion regarding "displacGd meaning" may offer sorne insight into the situation that Doroschuk encountered upon his return ta Montreal. The 76 scarcity of Mont real-based acts to have achieved internat1.onal success in the mid-' 80s caused Men Wi t haut Hats to be regarded a source of civic pride to thOHL' Montrealers who had any interest in the Montreal mus iecll scene. 'This segment of the population forms the audÏt:'l1ct? o! the popular media. Consequently, it can be argued llldt- th\:' pubIic's perception of Ivan was influenced by the representations of Ivan in the popular media, that is, Ivan was presented as a credibl e musician who adoptt"d cl st ance against the marketing strategies of the indust r y. Th is representation is constructed by the popular med i ,1 :If-: ,1 means of reaffirming the criteria involved in the ev,lllldl ion of music. Doroschuk's refusaI to participate III thp strategies of the industry acted to justify the aesthPt Le discourse of popular music in that D01'oschuk was present (-'cj in the media as a hold-out, a musician unwj 11 Lng to compromise his integrity for corrunercial success The popular media' s representation of Ivan Astélbl i shed Doroschuk' s credibility as a musician despi te the f clet t hill Men Without Hats' single success was in a genre t lléll "'Jas ù passing fado It seems obvious that Doroschuk's actions and their subsequent interpreta t ion by the popuJ d r m.;cJ ia bestowed upon Doroschuk a credibil ity that could noL hdV(' been cultivated as quickly through any nLher means. 'J'h(· 77 intervention of the popular media contributed a cultural significance ta Ivan's actions that enabled Ivan to continue his career. As a consequence of Doroschuk's stance against the industry, he was able to establish credibility within the conununi t y . The acquisition of this credibility increased Doroschuk's prestige within the musical cornmunity, particularly in Montreal. As a consequence, Ivan was revered. The fact that this perception of Doroschuk is a resu l t of particular interpretations of his actions and achievements within the discourse of popular music enables Doroschuk to manipulate this perception to his own ends. Doroschuk was able to benef i t from the public' s perception of him in that he was able to establish relationships with young bands, remain working and stay in the pUblic eye, making it easier for him to maintain a career. Doroschuk, by taking advantage of the public' s perception, can be seen ta be taking on some aspects of Bourdieu' s "cultural businessman" in that he uses his acc:rued "symbolic capital" to establ ish relationships. It is Doroschuk' s reputation that draws the attention of young bands in that they have bought into this representation of Doroschuk and seek to establish alliances with him in the hopes that he can help them become successful. Doroschuk 1 s 78 reputation has caused him ta appear as a typ~ of "objective correlate" between these young local bands é-lnd SUCCèSS. ln turn, Doroschuk uses this perception t 0 acC'umulatL' fu l t hl'l symbolic capital and maintain his career. The cultural medning that Doroschuk has .:lCl'llIllUldled since the success of "The Safety Dance" has allowl'd Il im lI.) maintain a prominent position within the Mont l'l"(ll musical scene despite the band' s lack of commercial success ove t' t Ill' last ten years. His participat ion within the conmnllli t y hLlS caused him ta remain an important publ ic figure in Mont l p(11 . "To go from Voivod ta Mitsou is as big a spreùd élS yOIl can get," laughs Doroschuk" (Kelly, 1991,11). Over the yedlR Ivan has worked with people in aIl areas of the Mont rt'é11 scene. The spread between Mitsou and Voi vod Lhat mentioned in this quotat ion is a reference tn the arL i Ht ic scope of Ivan's collaborations, from a French pop "vedett0" to an artsy heavy metal outfit from Jonquiere. At school l was an outcast because l was the Engl ish guy in a French schaol. l' d go with my street friends and l WélS Ulf~ rich kid. l was going to private school and they were all going la publir. schools and my parents were bolh teachers and we had our own house and so we were the rich kids. l really learn8d that you can go a lot of places and yau can fit in. l was hanging out with th-=: Westmount kids and the Ville Sl. Pi~rre kids in the same day. So l got ta li k0 79 this city. l got to move around a lot. • (Doroschuk) The diversity of Doroschuk's collaborations can be seen as a ref lection of his experiences growing up in Montreal, yet at the same time it can be seen as an indication of the scope of his reputation. Doroschuk has managed ta establish credibility across musical genres and linguistic categories. This can be seen as a response to different elements in Doroschuk's career. Men Without Hats had achieved mainstream success as a pop band with "The Safety Dance" at the sarne time that Doroschuk participated in the Montreal underground scene. As a resul t / he has achieved recognition of his artistic talents as a result of the success of "The Safety Dance" and he has established credibility with the Montreal underground musical conununity through his conscious rej ection of the music industry. These two factors combine in such a manner that they have ensured Doroschuk's position in the Montreal music scene. ·1 l' 1< 1 ( , t' t (, 1 fil 111.~3, ~ l l the market in su ch a culture industry system is a differentiated structure of roles and reeurrent relationships. Careers in this market move forward incrementally, sinee the essential goal is not only the acquisition of assets or attributes but also favorable position in a structure 80 of hiring transact ions, or, if you prefer, an ecological niche among • populations of buyers and sellers. Suc cess in this business and ln particular proj ects is based on performances and imputed talents. It is the product of multiple relationships among combinations of buyers and sellprs j oined to industry product ions wit h varying fixed costs and variJble revenues. (Faulkner and Anderson, 891-- 892) The aspiring musicians who seek out Dorosc11llk 1 s attention have created an "ecological niche" 1"(:'\1 Ivan wlthin the Montreal conununity. As a consequence, Ivan has been able to cul tivate these relationships in order ta mainta in 11 i H career. Doroschuk's position within the Montreal conmlllIlity has recently translated into the Doroschuk brathers start illg their own record label, Mainstream Records. Conseqw.:>nt ly, Ivan has established himself in sorne official capacity as an intermeo i.~ri . Dorosehuk' s prog Lession from a lead s ingRr t 0 a IlkmagR r can be seen as a result of a suffieient accumulation oi symbolic capital. It seems apparent that he has h~en ùbl(' UJ eultivate a set of relationships over the fifteen yean-i that he has been a professional musician in Montreal whictl will enable him ta beeome a coordinating agent for l'~merginq rnusicians. l t seems evident through traclng the car'!f-~r of • Men Without Hats that it is possible Eor a musician tJJ 81 maintain a career over an extended period of time without having a perpetuaI string of commercial successes. Doroschuk has been able to cultivate a sense of respect within the Montreal music scene that has been used to maintain a musical career. As Ivan becomes an intermediary between young musicians and the industry, i t seems obvious that he believes he has cultivated a sense of credibility within the indust ry that wi 11 enable him to pursue a career as one of Pierre Bourdieu's "cultural businessman" . • 1 82 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION This thesis explored the development of musical careers through the examination of the nature of relationships that contribute to the emergence and maintenélnce of Cc'lreel'S in the music industry. The pursuit of a musical career depends upon the establishment of relationships bet ween the musician, the industry and the consuming public. The dichotomy between the artist' s creative int erest 8 and the industry' s economi c interests which is one of tilt> central themes explored in popular music studies i8 callpd into question since an economic concern is inherent in th(~ musician' s desire to make a musical living. As cl consequence, the argument is made that the economic projActs of the musician and the industry are compl,~menta.ry becous'! the industry depends on the musician t 0 produce markE::!tabl ~ musical products, while the musician is dependent on thr-;! industry to gain access to the consuming public. Following Jon Stratton's discussion, the dichotomy l hat is established between the musician and the industry i H crucial to the discourse of popular music. The valouri:lation of music is based on particular criteria which relatF: to tlll"> artistic propensities of the musiciall. Music is fê:vaLllatP!d according te the perceived involvement and dedication of th~ musician te the cul tivation of his/her mus ical talents. Trd s 83 personal and emotional investment in the music must be recognized by the listener in arder for the music to become meaningful ta the listener. The intrusion of economi~ interests on the part of the musician may jeopardize the career of the musician. As a result, it is necessary for the artist ta maintain a certain distance from the industry in arder ta safeguard his/her artistic intregrity. The relationship between the musician and the industry must be established through an intermediary who negotiates with the industry on the musician' s behalf. This intermediary has a vested interest in the success of his/her client's career as his/her reputation relies on the client's success or failure. The intermediary cultivates a set of relationships with people working in the music and other r ·lated industries and attempts ta gather interest in the music by calling attention to the artist. The intermediary introduces the musician into the musical competition of the marketplace and works ta promote the potential succ~ss of the music ta those individuals working in the industry. ~he intermediary eerves to maintain the distance between the art j st and the industry, as weIl s/he oversees public access to the musician. Consequently, the musician becomes involved in a highly mediated relationship ~ith the industry and with the public. 84 • It is through tracking these rclationships over the course of a musical career that one can begin to Undel"st and how the interactions of the musician, the industry and the public affect the development of musical cat'eet"s. In adopting a relational perspective, one is able ta reconstruct the complexity inherent in social interactions. The consequences of attaining conunercial succeS8 i Tl the pop music industry are explored in the examination ot the development of Men Without Hats 1 career. The case study demonstrates that the particular traj ectory of a mus ica l c~reer depends on the types of relationships that exist between the musician, the industry, and the publ ic and the way these relationships evolve over time. It is shawn thaL over the course of his career Ivan Doroschuk has been able to maintain a musical living over fifte8i1 years as a consequence of the re1ationships he was able to cultivate and develop within the Montreal music scene subsequent ta the international success of Men Without Hats in th!"! f.:!èH ly 1980s. 85 WORKS CITED Bird, Richard. "Danger! Rocky Road Ahead." Montreal Mirror Music Annual 12 December 1991: 14-16. Bourdieu, Pierre. "The production of belief: contribution ta an ecanomy of symbolic goods." Trans. Richard Nice. Media~ Cultura_and_SQciety 2 ( 1980): 261-2 9 3 . 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