Arvosteluja–Reviews

Katja Ritari: Saints and Sinners in Early Ritari’s study stands at the intersection Christian : Moral Theology in the of a number of significant trends in con- Lives of Saint Brigit and Columba. Stu- temporary scholarship: the rediscovery of dia traditionis theologiae 3. Turnhout: hagiography as a rich source for the history Brepols 2009. xiv + 202 pages. Price of society, capable of providing illuminat- €55.00. ISBN 9782503533155. ing insights into the lives of that great mass of ordinary people who have left little to Studia traditionis theologiae: Explorations no trace in the historical record; the grow- in Early and Medieval Theology, a new ing awareness of the need to investigate series of monographs from Brepols pro- seriously the theological foundations of duced under the direction of Prof. Thomas much early Irish literature; and a new un- O’Loughlin, is dedicated to the publication derstanding of hagiographical works as sig- of ‘volumes … concerned with how the past nificant theological texts. However, while evolved in the past, and the interplay of the- numerous scholars have begun to examine ology, culture and tradition’ (as the Brepols hagiography as theology in a range of pub- website and the volumes’ dust-jackets in- lished articles, Ritari’s study is one of the form us). The advent of this series is cer- few monographs I have encountered which tainly to be welcomed by Celticists: already- is dedicated to this new and promising ap- published volumes include a study of the sa- proach. cred topography of early Irish religious sites Ritari’s work provides an in-depth study (D. Jenkins: vol. 4) and the proceedings of of three of the earliest saints’ Lives produced the First International Conference on the in medieval Ireland: Cogitosus’ Vita Brigi- Science of Computus in Ireland and Europe, tae, Adomnán’s Vita Columbae, and the so- held in Galway in 2006 (Ed. I. Warntjes & called Vita prima of St Brigit. Ritari focuses D. Ó Cróinín: vol. 5), while future mono- her attention, however, not on the two great graphs are promised on the sources of the saints who are the subjects of these Lives, Collectio canonum Hibernensis (L. Davies), but on the minor characters which populate Gildas and the scriptures (T. O’Loughlin) their pages. Her aim is to examine ‘the ques- and the christology of Theodore of Tarsus (J. tion of what it means to be a good Christian’ Siemens). Katja Ritari’s study of the moral according to these early medieval Vitae (p. theology underlying early Irish hagiogra- 173), and she demonstrates that close study phy, Saints and Sinners in Early Christian of the saint’s interactions with virtuous and Ireland, is the first monograph in the series sinful laypeople and clerics can uncover a dedicated to a consideration of the theology consistent moral paradigm underlying the of the Celtic lands, and it sets a high stand- varied narratives in the Lives: in effect, ard for the volumes which will follow. Ritari reveals the operative moral theology

48 which informed the work of Adomnán and Saints and Sinners in Early Christian the authors of the Brigidine Lives. Ireland opens with an introduction which This is an important development in places the study within its broader histori- the study of medieval hagiography, which cal and theological context and introduces builds on the approach of Le Goff, Schmitt readers to Cogitosus’ Vitae Brigitae (VBC), and many other scholars in reading hagi- Adomnán’s Vita Columbae (VC) and the ographies against the grain in order to gain anonymous Vita prima of St Brigit (VPB). insights into the lives of ordinary men and The second chapter examines the saint as women; Ritari’s innovative contribution lies the paradigm of holiness to be admired and in realizing that much of the grain may have imitated, focusing on heavenly apparitions been sown deliberately and consciously, of light and angels (which are particularly and therefore in reading the saint’s Life as prevalent in Book iii of VC) and the presen- a text which also reflects on the holiness tation of the saint as already living a heav- of the not-quite-so-perfect members of the enly life on earth. Christian community. Of course, as Ritari Chapters 3 and 4 represent the core of acknowledges, this still confines us to the Ritari’s work, examining the presentation realm of the ideal rather than the actual: the of the virtues of good Christians and the Lives do not tell us of the actual lives of ordi- antithesis of the good Christian life as re- nary Christian women and men, but instead vealed in the three Lives (the treatment of present an ideal of the ordinary Christian life sinners in chapter 4 including an important as it ought to be, according to the views of discussion of brigands / díbergaig and their the various authors. Nonetheless, the same putative pagan associations). Ritari divides limitation applies in many ways to more her consideration into three distinct cat- traditional sources of operative moral theol- egories, examining the virtues and vices of ogy, such as the Penitentials and the Collec- ecclesiastics (here referring specifically to tio canonum Hibernensis, and Ritari’s study male clerics and monastics), of laymen, and has important consequences for our under- of women (including female monastics). standing of ecclesiastical attitudes towards Ritari’s division of the Vitae’s minor charac- the laity in seventh- and eighth-century ter along such gendered lines could be chal- Ireland. Incidentally, this also explains why lenged, but to my mind it makes good sense, Ritari excludes the Patrician hagiography of both because of the undoubtedly patriarchal Tírechán and Muirchú from her considera- nature of early Irish society and of the na- tion, for both authors place their protagonist ture of Ritari’s sources. These are distress- in what they imagine to be a pagan society ingly lop-sided in their treatment of women undergoing conversion. Brigit and Colum- (as detailed in a comprehensive series of ba, in contrast, are pictured in the midst of tables on pp. 82-87), with VPB containing a society which is already Christian, and an impressive and varied number of female incidental encounters may thus reveal what characters, whereas the two other Lives are the hagiographers expected of the ordinary notable for the paucity of their references to members of Christian society. women.

49 One notable aspect which emerges from tory). Ritari also draws some illuminating Ritari’s discussion of this point is the impact parallels between episodes in VC and Atha- of the saint’s own gender on the inclusion nasius’ Life of Antony and the Dialogues of of women in their Vitae (see pp. 87-88). Gregory the Great, as well as the apocry- Given that Columba is a male ecclesiastic, phal Visio sancti Pauli. Such connections he is generally kept clear of women in the between Adomnán’s accounts of angels and course of his Life, presumably to avoid any demons battling over souls and similar epi- hint of tarnish to his celibacy and virginity; sodes in the Visio Pauli (and dependent text indeed, of the three women actually brought such as the Three Utterances Apocryphon into the physical presence of Columba in VC and the Dialogue between the Soul and the (see Table 3.3), one is his mother (and even Body) may provide a fruitful area for future then Columba is safely ensconced within investigations. her womb) and a second is immediately Ritari’s conclusion provides an admira- murdered on the spot. ble summary of her work, briefly addresses Chapter 5 turns to a consideration of the the question of the intended audience(s) of consequences of moral and immoral actions the three Vitae, and outlines the implica- in this life, including a significant treatment tion of her study for our understanding of of the role of penance in the Lives, and a ecclesiastical attitudes towards the laity in consideration of the miraculous punish- early medieval Ireland, engaging some of ments meted out to evildoers. Here Ritari the important earlier treatments of this de- detects an intriguing gradation in VC, where bated topic. She concludes that the three the harshest punishments are inflicted on Vitae generally display a positive attitude laypeople, with ecclesiastics receiving more towards the laity, who are depicted as be- lenient treatment, while members of the mo- longing within the spectrum represented by nastic community of Iona often escape from the Christian community as a whole; they punishment altogether. are also understood as being able to make Finally, chapter 6 examines the post- their way to the kingdom of heaven through humous consequences of actions, incor- their own virtues and by doing penance for porating an important section discussing their sins. Adomnán’s vision of the destiny of souls. Ritari furthermore suggests (intriguingly) Building on the earlier work of Stalmans that Cogitosus may have aimed his work at and O’Loughlin, Ritari provides a detailed a lay audience, whereas the Vita prima may analysis of Adomnán’s depictions of the have been written with ecclesiastics (prob- posthumous fate of the soul which suggests ably female religious) in mind. Ritari even that the abbot of Iona may have shared the detects a generally favourable attitude to the Augustinian conception of a threefold divi- laity in the Vita Columbae, whose primary sion between (1) the saints in heaven, (2) audience was undoubtedly the monastic the damned in hell, and (3) the not quite so community of Iona, and concludes that lay good / not quite so bad in an interim state people too are likely to have been amongst (which will eventually evolve into purga- the intended audiences of this work.

50 Ritari’s study therefore challenges the growing understanding of Cassian’s foun- notion that the clerical elite in early Ire- dational influence on theology produced in land were unconcerned or dismissive of the early medieval Ireland, an influence which lay population in general, and reveals the (in fact) ought to be expected in a church hagiographers as possessing a very definite so heavily influenced by monasticism, and moral agenda and expectations regarding which is already alluded to in the Amra layperson and cleric alike. While this should Choluimb Chille. Indeed, on occasion Ritari come as no surprise in the case of Adomnán is able to discern the differing influence of (given his legislative endeavours to protect the varying strands of patristic thought on the innocent), it is noteworthy that Cogito- the various Lives, as in her observation at the sus and the anonymous author of VPB also close of chapter 2 that Adomnán’s empha- share this view. Indeed, it is significant that sis on spiritual seeing is in close harmony the same virtues (such as prudence) and the with Augustine’s thought, whereas Brigit’s same vices (such as pride) are praised or contemplation finds a parallel in Cassian’s condemned in both ecclesiastics and lay- conception of the monastic life. people, and that ‘generosity, charity and It is to be regretted, however, that Ritari compassion … are taken to be the virtues did not make more use of the work of Jer- on which an ideal Christian society should ome: only his Vita of Paul of Thebes is ref- be based’ (p. 101), and are demanded of all erenced in her study, and she makes no use Christians depicted in the Lives, regardless of his major exegetical works. Although of their social or ecclesiastical status. this is somewhat compensated for by the Ritari’s work is to be welcomed as breadth of her interaction with Augustine, marking a major step forward in the theo- it also reflects an occasionally patchy en- logical understanding of these Lives, which gagement with exegesis in her considera- she brings into dialogue with the broader tions of various hagiographical narratives. Latin theological tradition, represented in Although there are many fine examples of particular by a wide-ranging engagement analyses which are sensitive to the broader with the corpus of Augustine of Hippo (it theological and exegetical issues (such as may be noted, however, that texts are often her discussion of VC ii.41 on pp. 89-92, cited from Migne’s Patrologia latina even of VPB 35/36 on p. 129, and of VPB 97/99 when preferable editions are available in on pp. 131-34),1 there are also instances in series such as CCSL and CSEL). Another which greater attention to exegesis could strength of her study lies in the comparative considerations of episodes in relation to the 1 I follow Ritari’s convention (see p. 22) of hagiographical productions of Athanasius, providing two enumerative identifiers of Sulpicius Severus and Gregory the Great, the episodes in VPB, the first referring to the English translation of Connolly, the and particularly in her serious engagement second to the Latin edition in Colgan’s with the monastic theology of John Cassian. Trias thaumaturga. Thus, VPB 97/99 re- Saints and Sinners in Early Christian Ire- fers to the episode in which Darlugdach overcomes her struggle with lust by burn- land makes a significant contribution to our ing her feet with coals.

51 have significantly illuminated the episodes in the symbolic significance of the story of under discussion. Sarah and Hagar, which is also inverted (in For example, in her discussion of the a different manner) within the New Testa- famous miracle in which Brigit seizes the ment itself, in Paul’s allegorical interpreta- foot of the altar during her consecration as tion in Galatians 4.21-5.1. This Pauline al- a virgin, which is thereafter transformed legory was adopted and further developed into fresh and living wood (see p. 51), Ritari by patristic and early medieval exegetes, for rightly highlights the connection with the example, in Augustine’s City of God 15.2 miraculous flowering of Aaron’s staff in and in the Irish commentary on the Catholic Numbers 17. However, she makes no refer- Epistles attributed to Hilary (CCSL 108B, p. ence to the interpretation of this episode as 67). Such exegesis may help to explain why symbolically prefiguring the virginal con- the author of the Vita prima has deliberately ception of Christ, which is surely relevant inverted the scriptural paradigm, creatively given that the miracle occurs at the very drawing on the Pauline allegory in order to moment when Brigit is dedicating herself stress that Brigit, although nothing more to virginity; indeed, it is significant that than the child of a bondmaid and adaltrach this very connection between Mary’s and according to the flesh, should be recognized Brigit’s virginity was explicitly elaborated as a child of the promise according to the by Lawrence of Durham in his own account spirit. of the miracle, found in his twelfth-century Finally, it should be noted that in the Life of the saint which was incorporated into quotation from VC i.1 discussed on p. 40 the Codex Salmanticensis (§42). (quia quamuis absens corpore praesens In a similar manner, Ritari’s discussion tamen in spiritu) Adomnán is in fact him- of the sin of pride in the miracles involv- self quoting 1 Corinthians 5.3 (ego quidem ing lepers in VPB 76/77 and 78/79 (see p. absens corpore, praesens autem spiritu), 72) could have benefitted from a considera- although I believe Ritari is correct in sug- tion of exegetical treatments of the stories gesting that the use of this scriptural verse of Naaman and Gehazi (2 Kings 5) and the was inspired by Gregory’s Dialogues ii.12. ten lepers healed by Christ (Luke 17.11-19). Similarly, the phrase quoted from De locis Again, in her consideration (on p. 127) of sanctis iii.4.9 on p. 116 (Deus … qui non the jealously of Dubthach’s wife regarding uult peccatoris mortem sed ut conuertatur the bond-maid Broicsech, Brigit’s mother et uiuat) is a variant of Ezekiel 18.23/33.11, (VPB 1/1-4/4), Ritari correctly observes the which is encountered frequently in patristic influence of the story of Sarah and Hagar and medieval texts. in Genesis 21.8-14, and points out that ‘the These, however, are minor quibbles. Genesis story is inverted’ in the Vita prima, The overall quality of Ritari’s work is clear, since the child of the promise (Brigit) is, in and she has done sterling work in situating this case, the child of the bondmaid, corre- Cogitosus’ Vitae Brigitae, Adomnán’s Vita sponding to the biblical Ishmael, not Isaac. It Columbae, and the Vita prima of St Brigit is regrettable that Ritari did not delve deeper within the mainstream of early Christian

52 hagiography and the traditions of Western Evan makes as his main focus sections in theological thought. Saints and Sinners in the ‘’, ‘Annals of Tigerna- Early Christian Ireland provides a fresh ch’ and Chronicum Scotorum that record the demonstration of the creative manner in tenth and eleventh centuries. He notes that which early Irish intellectuals engaged these his purpose in writing the book is to comp- inherited theological traditions and offers lete ‘basic source work’ in order to provide significant insights into an important area academics with a foundation on which to of early Irish society and theology: eccle- build continuing research on the Irish chro- siastical attitudes and expectations regard- nicles (p. 225). Evans rightly acknowledges ing the laity. As such, it opens a major new that historians, who pull desired information window into the moral theology which was from the , often do so ‘with little operative in the seventh- and eighth-century or no evaluation of when or where the items Irish church, and needs to be consulted by under discussion were written, or whether all those interested in studying this topic. the item represents a particular viewpoint’ I would advise scholars to have a copy of (p. 7). This book is a great tool for acade- Ritari’s book at their elbows, ready for con- mics who wish to correct this practice in sultation, whenever they open Bieler’s Irish their own work by showing its reader ways Penitentials or Wasserschleben’s Irische in which to consider the information given Kanonensammlung (or the superior edition by the chroniclers. which, we may hope, will soon supersede The book is divided into eight chapters it); in my own future engagements with and three useful appendices. The chapters these works, I shall certainly practise what consist of (1) The ‘Annals of Ulster’, 912- I preach. 1100, (2) The characteristics of the ‘’ and Chronicum Scotorum, (3) Tomás O’Sullivan The group 912-1100 and its Saint Louis University relationship with the ‘ of Ireland’, (4) Shared items in the ‘Annals of Ulster’ and the Clonmacnoise group, A.D. 912- Nicholas Evans: The Present and the Past 1100, (5) The restructuring of the past in the in Medieval Irish Chronicles. Woodbrid- ‘Chronicle of Ireland’, (6) The chronology ge: The Boydell Press. 2010. 289 pages. of the ‘Chronicle of Ireland’, 431-730, (7) Price £57. ISBN 978-1-84383-549-3. The original chronology of the Irish chro- nicles, ca 550-730, and (8) The Clonmac- In his book, The Present and the Past in noise-group redaction of medieval history Medieval Irish Chronicles, Nicholas Evans A.D. 431-730 in the tenth and eleventh cen- takes a very important look at how the pri- turies. The order of the chapters’ subjects mary Irish chronicles are related to each ot- is well thought out, with each following her, as well as the clues to where each chro- chapter complementing the progression of nicle may have been compiled in the tenth Evans’s careful consideration of the chro- and eleventh centuries. In order to do this nicles.

53 In the introduction, Evans gives a clear In chapter two, Evans takes a prelimina- and concise description of each of the main ry look at both the connections and distin- chronicles and their possible origins, along ctive features of the ‘Annals of Tigernach’ with an account of what can be called the and the Chronicum Scotorum. Evans’s work ‘hallmark’ studies on the chronicles to date. shows that even thought the two chronicles Both in the introduction and throughout the shared a common source, their respective book, Evans does a nice job of discussing chroniclers chose to modify the informati- other academic works on the Irish chro- on gleaned from that common source. After nicles, giving a well-measured account of giving a detailed account of both shared and how each scholar’s work contributes to the un-shared items between the two chronicles, shared knowledge of the chronicles. He par- he concludes the likelihood that in the mid- ticularly gives a fair and thorough critique twelfth century the ancestor of the ‘Annals of Daniel P. Mc Carthy’s recent hypotheses of Tigernach’ and the Chronicum Scotorum, concerning the Irish chronicles. was kept at both Clonmacnoise and another Chapter one starts out with Evans’s con- location. This in turn leading to the birth of sideration of the chronicles by looking at the Chronicum Scotorum at Clonmacnoise the Annals of Ulster’ during the time peri- and another chronicle based on more secular od A.D. 912-1100. By taking a close look interests. at what was recorded for the time period, The evidence presented in chapter three, Evans is able to distinguish several key fea- confirms the belief held by many who have tures that point toward where the chronicle worked on the Irish chronicles that both the was located, as well as what interests the ‘Annals of Ulster’ and the Clonmacnoise chroniclers had in the events, people and group shared the ‘Chronicle of Ireland’ as a places they wrote about. Through a careful common source up until A.D. 911. During consideration of the chronicle, Evans points his argument, Evans shows that the ‘Chro- toward the ‘Annals of Ulster,’ from 912 to nicle of Ireland’ was copied after 912 and 938, being kept by individuals in Conaille used to keep a chronicle in Clonard during or Brega who had connections to others in the tenth century. In the chapter, Evans ag- the Patrician community’ (p. 43). He points rees with David Dumville that the ‘Clon- out that the chroniclers seem to have had macnoise-group texts’ consisted of two a keen interest in the Uí Néill and the lo- chronicles being kept, but disagrees on how cations they were active in, as well as the this was done. Evans envisions that the first Vikings. Evans notes that written communi- Clonmacnoise-group text was a continuati- cations within the Patrician paruchia were on of the ‘Chronicle of Ireland’ at Clonard perhaps a main source of information for the before being moved to Clonmacnoise ca chroniclers. He points out the uncertainty of 1060, while the second could have been where the ‘Annals of Ulster’ were kept after compiled since the eighth century. A.D. 938, until evidence in the 980s points In chapter four, Evans considers the sha- towards the use of an ‘Armagh Chronicle’ red items in the ‘Annals of Ulster’ and the up until 1100. Clonmacnoise group, by comparing the use

54 of vocabulary and phraseology in both texts. In chapter seven, Evans considers what Evans concedes that the shared items bet- can be learned about the original chronology ween the ‘Annals of Ulster’ and the Clon- of the Irish chronicles during the period ca macnoise group make up a minority of the 550-730. He acknowledges that the sections overall records. He does however point to- found before the date of 664 cannot be re- wards the evidence demonstrating that there lied on to form an understanding of the chro- was an association between chroniclers of nicles’ chronology, as well as those found the ‘Annals of Ulster’ and the Clonmacnoi- after 664. Evans is confident though that a se group ‘to the mid-eleventh century’ (p. clear picture can be formed of the original 114). chronology from A.D. 664 to 730. Chapter five gives a very interesting look Chapter eight is used to examine the into the use of written sources from outside information on secular history found in Ireland and how these texts were used by the the Clonmacnoise-group texts in order to chroniclers in a careful manner to ‘restruc- comprehend how the chroniclers viewed ture’ the past and place Ireland within the the past. Evans does this in order to provi- wider context of Christian history. Evans de those individuals working with the chro- shows how this rewriting was used to ad- nicles, information on the reliability of the vance Patrick’s, Armagh’s and other Patri- information that can only be found within cian communities’ claims to dominance wit- the Clonmacnoise group. The information hin the Irish Church. The author shows how on kingship found in the chronicles for the outside sources by Bede, Eusebius, Isidore, period A.D. 431-700 is often an important Marcellinus and the Liber Pontificalis were source or information for scholars and their used in the ‘Chronicle of Ireland.’ understanding of Irish kingship. Evans does Chapter six gives a very detailed and a nice job of considering what can be ex- well-discussed account of what can be glea- tracted from the Clonmacnoise group’s re- ned from the chronology of the ‘Chronicle daction of history and Irish kingship during of Ireland.’ Through a discussion of the the tenth and eleventh centuries. chronology, Evans shows that papal and In his conclusion, Evans argues that the imperial entries were added to the annals at chronicles were possibly used in three ways. an early date before 911. His discussion of The first is the use of the chronicles in con- the chronology of the ‘Annals of Ulster’ and juncture with other texts. One example given the Clonmacnoise group shows that both of is the use of the chronicles with Patrician them move away from their common source. texts. The second is the use of the chronicles This in turn makes each of these texts equal as a source for other works and the third is in reliability as sources. After a discussion the use of the chronicles to show continuity of ferials and their dating, Evans concludes with the past by the use of vocabulary. that those found in the ‘Annals of Tigerna- The author has added three appendices ch’ and the Chronicum Scotorum ‘cannot be with his monograph. These contain (1) A used to reconstruct the original chronology concordance of A.D. 431-730 including of the Irish chronicles’ (p. 170). dates and a summary of lost and added ka-

55 lends, (2) Items shared by AU and AT or CS keskiajan kulttuuria opiskeleville että taval- which are possibly- or definitely-derived lisille lukijoille, jotka haluavat tietää enem- from a shared source, and (3) Diagrams of män varhaisirlantilaisen kirjallisuuden tari- identified textual relationships, develop- noista ja runoista. Teos on jaettu yksittäisiin ments and sources. The appendices are well lukuihin selkeän temaattisesti: kertomuspe- structured and are helpful visual aids for the rinteen neljän syklin lisäksi oman lukunsa reader. ovat saaneet tuonpuoleiseen liittyvät kerto- This book is a must read for individuals mukset (luku 6), kuninkuus ja jumalattaret interested in the use of the Irish chronicles (luku 7), heerokset (luku 8), sekä runous as a source for understanding ‘medieval so- (luku 9). ciety,’ as well as how the chroniclers them- Johdantoluku taustoittaa kirjan aihepiiriä selves understood the history of Ireland and käsittelemällä yleisesti tarinankerrontaa ja its place within the Christian world. Evans kertomusperinnettä, sekä oppineiden luok- does a superb job of taking the reader step kien roolia esikristillisessä yhteiskunnassa. by step through his argument for the Irish Kristinuskon saapumista ja sen aiheuttamia chronicles to be seen as a collective group kulttuurisia muutoksia sivutaan lähinnä kir- that were not just compiled as a simple joitustaidon ja kirjallisen perinteen näkökul- chronicling of facts or lists, but instead a masta. Noin yhden sivun mittainen alaluku collected, written and revised erudite group ‘Oral tradition and written literature’ (s. of sources. 19-20) antaa varsin pintapuolisen kuvan tutkijoiden erilaisista näkemyksistä koski- Melanie C. Maddox en varhaisirlantilaisen aineiston luonnetta; University of California, Riverside hieman laajempi katsaus tutkimushistoriaan Macalester College olisi ollut johdannossa paikallaan. Kertomusperinteen esittelyssä Ní Bh- rolcháin seuraa vakiintunutta käytäntöä, Muireann Ní Bhrolcháin: An Introducti- jossa tarinat on ryhmitelty sykleihin niissä on to Early Irish Literature. Dublin: The esiintyvien toimijoiden mukaan. Alun perin Four Courts press. 2009. 210 pages. Price Myles Dillonin teoksessaan Early Irish Lite- 22.45€ (paperback), 45.00€ (hardback). rature (1948) käyttämä jaottelu on osoittau- ISBN 978-1-84682-177-6. tunut hyväksi tutkimuksen apuvälineeksi, ja sopii siten myös tämänkaltaiseen yleisteok- Varhaisirlantilaisesta kirjallisuudesta kiin- seen. Luku 2, ‘Mytologinen sykli’, esittelee nostuneille on perinteisesti ollut tarjolla myyttiseen aikaan sijoittuvia kertomuksia, varsin rajallinen määrä hyviä perusteoksia, joiden päähenkilöinä ovat Tuatha Dé Dan- joita lukemalla voisi saada yleiskuvan Ir- annin jumalat ja jumalattaret. Mahdolliset lannin keskiaikaisesta kertomusperinteestä. yhtymäkohdat mytologisen syklin kerto- Muireann Ní Bhrolcháinin kirja pyrkii osal- musten sekä antiikin kirjoittajien kuvaami- taan paikkaamaan tätä puutetta. Takakannen en mannerkelttien uskomusperinteen välillä teksti lupaa kirjan soveltuvan sekä Irlannin käsitellään luvun alussa ennen siirtymistä

56 yksittäisiin tarinoihin. Yleisesti ottaen toi- maill esiintyy Cú Chulainnin ohella esimer- mivan mannerkelttejä koskevan katsauksen killisenä heeroksena luvussa 8, ja kuninkai- puutteena on viitteiden vähäisyys: lukijoil- den syklin Suibhne Geilt luvun 7 alaluvussa le – niin opiskelijoille kuin muillekin – olisi ‘Madness in Early Irish Literature’. Yksittäi- hyödyllistä tietää, mistä alkuperäislähteistä siä syklejä seuraavien lukujen tarkoituksena esimerkiksi Caesarin, Lucanuksen ja Pli- on siten yhtäältä laajentaa näkökulmaa sel- nius vanhemman tarjoama informaatio on laisiin aihepiireihin, joiden voidaan katsoa löydettävissä, tai missä nämä viitteet ovat määrittävän varhaisirlantilaista kertomuspe- muutoin helposti saatavilla. rinnettä yleisemmällä tasolla, ja toisaalta esi- Kaikkien kertomussyklejä käsittelevien tellä myös teemoja, jotka eivät suoranaisesti lukujen pääpaino on niihin kuuluvien ker- lukeudu kertomussyklien piiriin. tomusten kuvailevassa esittelyssä pikem- Ní Bhrolcháinin kirja sopii hyvin perus- min kuin yksittäisten tekstien analyysissä. teokseksi kaikille varhaisirlantilaisesta ker- Mytologisen syklin kohdalla lukuun on si- tomusperinteestä kiinnostuneille, ja myös sällytetty Cath Maige Tuiredin ja Tochmarc esimerkiksi aihetta käsittelevän luento- Étaínen myös Aisling Oengusa sekä kenties opetuksen oheislukemistoksi. Aihepiiriin vähemmän tunnettu Altram Tige dá Medar. syvemmin vihkiytyneille opiskelijoille tai Herooista Ulsterin sykliä käsittelevä luku 3 tutkijoille teoksella on todennäköisesti vä- rakentuu Táin Bó Cuailngen siihen kykeyty- hemmän tarjottavaa, vaikka varsin laajaa vien tapahtumien, henkilöhahmojen ja mui- bibliografiaa voikin pitää hyödyllisenä si- den tarinoiden ympärille. Juonikuvausten nänsä. Kirjaan eksyneet muutamat kirjoi- lisäksi Ní Bhrolcháin pyrkii avaamaan Táin tusvirheet ja paikoittain esiintyvä asioiden Bó Cuailngeen liittyviä tutkimusongelmia turha toisto tuskin häiritsevät muita kuin alaluvussa ‘Discussion of the Táin’, joka tar- kaikkein tarkkasilmäisimpiä lukijoita. Aika joaa hyödyllisen katsauksen tekstin syntyyn näyttää, pystyykö Ní Bhrolcháinin teos ja kehitykseen liittyviin kysymyksiin. Luvut syrjäyttämään Dillonin yli kuusi vuosikym- 4 ja 5 esittelevät Finnin syklin sekä kunin- mentä sitten julkaistun Early Irish Litera- kaiden syklin jossain määrin edellisiä lukuja turen; uutena hyvänä yleisesityksenä se on yleisluontoisemmin, johtuen ainakin osaksi joka tapauksessa tervetullut. siitä, että näiden syklien keskeisiä teemoja käsitellään kirjassa yksityiskohtaisemmin Alexandra Bergholm toisaalla. Täten esimerkiksi Finn Mac Cu- Helsingin yliopisto

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