Burmese Journalists Are Now Able to Meet and Talk in Public with Representatives of International Organizations and Media Without Fearing for Their Safety
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Damming the Irrawaddy Contact [email protected]
Damming the Irrawaddy Contact [email protected] Acknowledgements We would like to thank the donors that supported this report project. We thank DCMF and GGF for support to begin the initial research and writing. We thank BRC for their ongoing support, and E-desk and ERI for their technical assistance. Most importantly we would like to say thanks to our staff and field researchers from the KDNG network, including from the Kachin Environmental Organization and All Kachin Students and Youth Union, and other environmental organizations from Burma that gave us suggestions and advice. Kachin Development Networking Group (KDNG) KDNG is a network of Kachin civil society groups and development organizations inside Kachin State and overseas that was set up in 2004. KDNGs purpose is to effectively work for sustainable development together with locally-based organizations in Kachin State. Its aim is to promote a civil society based on equality and justice for the local people in the struggle for social and political change in Burma.KDNG is a network of Kachin civil society groups and development organizations inside Kachin State and overseas that was set up in 2004. KDNGs purpose is to effectively work for sustainable development together with locally-based organizations in Kachin State. Its aim is to promote a civil society based on equality and justice for the local people in the struggle for social and political change in Burma. Kachin Environmental Organization (KEO) is a member of the KDNG and is the main author of this report. Kachin Environmental Organization The Kachin Environmental Organization (KEO) was formed in April 2004 by Kachin people concerned about environment issues inside Kachin State, especially the rapid loss of natural resources. -
B U R M a B U L L E T
B U R M A B U L L E T I N ∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞A month-in-review of events in Burma∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞ A L T E R N A T I V E A S E A N N E T W O R K O N B U R M A campaigns, advocacy & capacity-building for human rights & democracy Issue 20 August 2008 • Fearing a wave of demonstrations commemorating th IN THIS ISSUE the 20 anniversary of the nationwide uprising, the SPDC embarks on a massive crackdown on political KEY STORY activists. The regime arrests 71 activists, including 1 August crackdown eight NLD members, two elected MPs, and three 2 Activists arrested Buddhist monks. 2 Prison sentences • Despite the regime’s crackdown, students, workers, 3 Monks targeted and ordinary citizens across Burma carry out INSIDE BURMA peaceful demonstrations, activities, and acts of 3 8-8-8 Demonstrations defiance against the SPDC to commemorate 8-8-88. 4 Daw Aung San Suu Kyi 4 Cyclone Nargis aid • Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is allowed to meet with her 5 Cyclone camps close lawyer for the first time in five years. She also 5 SPDC aid windfall receives a visit from her doctor. Daw Suu is rumored 5 Floods to have started a hunger strike. 5 More trucks from China • UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Burma HUMAN RIGHTS 5 Ojea Quintana goes to Burma Tomás Ojea Quintana makes his first visit to the 6 Rape of ethnic women country. The SPDC controls his meeting agenda and restricts his freedom of movement. -
Λ L T S E Λ N B U R M a a L T E R N a T I V E a S E a N N E T W O R K O N B U R M a Campaigns, Advocacy & Capacity-Building for Human Rights & Democracy
Λ L T S E Λ N B U R M A A L T E R N A T I V E A S E A N N E T W O R K O N B U R M A campaigns, advocacy & capacity-building for human rights & democracy SPECIAL REPORT: ON THE ROAD TO DEMOCRACY? A Summary of Political & Human Rights Developments in Burma September 1 2003 – February 29, 2004 Prepared for the 60th Session of the UN Commission on Human Rights, March 2004. CONTENTS 2 ON THE ROAD TO DEMOCRACY? 14 OVERVIEW: HUMAN RIGHTS 3 Context of the Roadmap 15 Arbitrary Detention, Burma’s Youngest 3 Nation-Wide Crackdown Political Prisoner 3 No Justice - No Accountability 16 Miscarriage Of Justice 4 Rise of the Hardliners 16 Update on Depayin Victims 4 Forced Military Training 17 Background: Arbitrary Detentions May 31 – Aug 31, 2003 5 Dissecting the Roadmap 18 Torture 5 ‘Moderate’ vs ‘Hardline’? 18 Extrajudicial Killings & Summary Executions 6 What the Roadmap Guarantees 19 Freedom of Expression 6 Democratisation or Delay Tactic? 19 Religious Intolerance 7 Broken Promises 19 Update on Ethnic Nationality Relations 8 Lessons from the National Convention 1990- 1996 20 Forced Labor 9 SPDC Actions Thus Far to Implement the 21 Forced Relocation & Displacement Roadmap 22 Landmines 9 Bangkok Process - Dialogue with One Side 22 Violence Against Women 10 USDA Plan to Destroy Democratic 23 Child Soldiers Movement 24 Abuse of Economic Rights 10 Ethnic & Pro-Democracy Groups Reject Roadmap 11 NLD: Dialogue or Detente 11 Ethnic Nationalities Seminar’s Common Position 11 Ceasefire Groups: Conditional Support, Misrepresentation 12 Pushed to the Ceasefire Table at Gunpoint 13 Rethinking the Roadmap 13 A Starting Point, Not a Fait Accompli Note: This is an A4-sized version of the Report distributed at the UN Commission on Human Rights in Geneva. -
Yangon University of Economics Department of Commerce Master of Accounting Programme the Effect of Leadership Styles on Organiza
YANGON UNIVERSITY OF ECONOMICS DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE MASTER OF ACCOUNTING PROGRAMME THE EFFECT OF LEADERSHIP STYLES ON ORGANIZATIONAL COMMITMENT IN MEDIA AND ENTERTAINMENT INDUSTRY THWE THWE THANT NOVEMBER, 2019 The Effect of Leadership Styles on Organi zational Commitment in Media and Entertainment Industry The Research Paper is submitted to the Board of Examiners in partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for Degree of Master of Accounting Supervised by: Submitted by: Daw Htay Htay Ma Thwe Thwe Thant Associate Professor M.Act. II – 2 Department of Commerce Master of Accounting (2018-2019) Yangon University of Economics Yangon University of Economics ACCEPTANCE Accepted by the Board of Examiners of the Department of Commerce, Yangon University of Economics, in partial fulfillment for the requirements of the Master Degree, Master of Accounting. BOARD OF EXAMINERS ------------------------------------ Dr. Tin Win (Chairman) Rector Yangon University of Economics ------------------------------------- ------------------------------- (Supervisor) (Chief Examiner) Daw Htay Htay Dr. Soe Thu Associate Professor Professor and Head Department of Commerce Department of Commerce Yangon University of Economics Yangon University of Economics ----------------------------------- ------------------------------- (Examiner) (External Examiner) Dr. Tin Tin Htwe Daw Kyi Kyi Sein Professor Professor (Retired) Department of Commerce Department of Commerce Yangon University of Economics Yangon University of Economics --------------------------------- ------------------------------- -
Burma's Long Road to Democracy
UNITED STATES InsTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Priscilla Clapp A career officer in the U.S. Foreign Service, Priscilla Clapp served as U.S. chargé d’affaires and chief of mission in Burma (Myanmar) from June 1999 to August 2002. After retiring from the Foreign Service, she has continued to Burma’s Long Road follow events in Burma closely and wrote a paper for the United States Institute of Peace entitled “Building Democracy in Burma,” published on the Institute’s Web site in July 2007 as Working Paper 2. In this Special to Democracy Report, the author draws heavily on her Working Paper to establish the historical context for the Saffron Revolution, explain the persistence of military rule in Burma, Summary and speculate on the country’s prospects for political transition to democracy. For more detail, particularly on • In August and September 2007, nearly twenty years after the 1988 popular uprising the task of building the institutions for stable democracy in Burma, public anger at the government’s economic policies once again spilled in Burma, see Working Paper 2 at www.usip.org. This into the country’s city streets in the form of mass protests. When tens of thousands project was directed by Eugene Martin, and sponsored by of Buddhist monks joined the protests, the military regime reacted with brute force, the Institute’s Center for Conflict Analysis and Prevention. beating, killing, and jailing thousands of people. Although the Saffron Revolution was put down, the regime still faces serious opposition and unrest. -
B COUNCIL REGULATION (EC) No 194/2008 of 25
2008R0194 — EN — 23.12.2009 — 004.001 — 1 This document is meant purely as a documentation tool and the institutions do not assume any liability for its contents ►B COUNCIL REGULATION (EC) No 194/2008 of 25 February 2008 renewing and strengthening the restrictive measures in respect of Burma/Myanmar and repealing Regulation (EC) No 817/2006 (OJ L 66, 10.3.2008, p. 1) Amended by: Official Journal No page date ►M1 Commission Regulation (EC) No 385/2008 of 29 April 2008 L 116 5 30.4.2008 ►M2 Commission Regulation (EC) No 353/2009 of 28 April 2009 L 108 20 29.4.2009 ►M3 Commission Regulation (EC) No 747/2009 of 14 August 2009 L 212 10 15.8.2009 ►M4 Commission Regulation (EU) No 1267/2009 of 18 December 2009 L 339 24 22.12.2009 Corrected by: ►C1 Corrigendum, OJ L 198, 26.7.2008, p. 74 (385/2008) 2008R0194 — EN — 23.12.2009 — 004.001 — 2 ▼B COUNCIL REGULATION (EC) No 194/2008 of 25 February 2008 renewing and strengthening the restrictive measures in respect of Burma/Myanmar and repealing Regulation (EC) No 817/2006 THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION, Having regard to the Treaty establishing the European Community, and in particular Articles 60 and 301 thereof, Having regard to Common Position 2007/750/CFSP of 19 November 2007 amending Common Position 2006/318/CFSP renewing restrictive measures against Burma/Myanmar (1), Having regard to the proposal from the Commission, Whereas: (1) On 28 October 1996, the Council, concerned at the absence of progress towards democratisation and at the continuing violation of human rights in Burma/Myanmar, imposed certain restrictive measures against Burma/Myanmar by Common Position 1996/635/CFSP (2). -
Mm-Ami-Conference2015-Chitwin-Passing the Mace
AUSTRALIA MYANMAR INSTITUTE Passing the mace from the Myanmar’s first to the second legislature Chit Win 1/29/2016 When the five year term of the first legislature “Hluttaw” in Myanmar ends in January 2016, it will be remembered as a robust legislature acting as an opposition to the executive. The second legislature of Myanmar is set to be totally different from the first one in every aspect. This paper looks at three key defining features of the first legislature namely non-partisanship, the role of the Speakers and the relationship with the executive and how much of these would be embedded or changed when the mace of the first term of the Hluttaw is passed to the second. Contents 1. Introduction .........................................................................................2 2. Highlights of the first legislature ................................................................2 3. Non-Partisanship ...................................................................................4 4. The role of the Speakers ..........................................................................5 5. Relationship with the executive .................................................................6 6. Conclusion ...........................................................................................8 Annex 1 ...................................................................................................9 Annex 2 .................................................................................................10 !1 Passing the mace from -
In Burma, Transition Neglects Press Freedom a Special Report by the Committee to Protect Journalists
In Burma, transition neglects press freedom A special report by the Committee to Protect Journalists Committee to Protect Journalists In Burma, transition neglects press freedom Thein Sein’s new civilian government has promised reform, but authorities continue to censor and imprison journalists. Those who report for critical, exile-run media remain at great risk. A CPJ special report by Shawn W. Crispin Burma is at a crossroads between a tradition of military control and prospects for a democratic future. (AP/Khin Maung Win) Published September 20, 2011 Away from the probing surveillance of Special Branch intelligence agents, a Burmese editor ticks off the recent stories the Press Scrutiny and Registration Department, Burma’s powerful state censorship body, would not allow him to publish. The banned topics were wide-ranging: volatility in fuel prices; recent land purchases by Chinese investors around the city of Mandalay; a shortage of fresh water near a southern coast development. After his paper published a seemingly innocuous story about the falling price of SIM cards—without the censors’ approval—authorities reacted swiftly in suspending the publication for two weeks. “We are pushing the limits as much as we can,” said the editor during a recent trip to Bangkok. As a small sign of success, he pointed to the publication of a recent series on the struggles of farmers facing high debts. But the censorship process remains arbitrary, intensive, and highly restrictive. “It’s like fighting with a spear while on horseback to get news published. … We must prepare many extra stories each week to fill the spaces for stories that will inevitably be cut,” said the editor, who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of government reprisal. -
Chapter 8, Control and Resistance, Attacks on Burmese Opposition Media
8 Control and Resistance Attacks on Burmese Opposition Media Nart Villeneuve and Masashi Crete-Nishihata Burma is consistently identifi ed by human rights organizations as one of the world ’ s most repressive regimes. Human rights violations occur with regularity, especially in connection with the country ’ s long-standing armed confl ict. The ruling military junta, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), is best known for its political pris- oners and its systematic denial of universal human rights such as freedom of expres- sion. 1 The government ’ s efforts to silence dissent pervade cyberspace and its system of Internet control is one of the most restrictive in Asia. Despite the heavy hand that the regime wields over cyberspace, information com- munication technologies (ICTs) have provided Burmese opposition groups with the means to broadcast their message to the world and challenge the government. The ongoing battle between these two sides makes Burma a stark example of contested Asian cyberspace. The role of ICTs in this struggle can be framed by contrasting theo- ries that view them either as “ liberation technologies ” that can empower grassroots political movements 2 or as tools that authoritarian governments can use to suppress these very same mobilizations. 3 This contestation is dramatically illustrated by the series of protests that erupted across the country in 2007 — in a movement popularly known as the “ Saffron Revolu- tion. ” During these protests, Burmese activists managed to bring the uprising to the world ’ s attention by making images and videos of the demonstrations and subsequent government crackdown available on the Internet. Realizing the potential political impact of these images, the government severed Internet connectivity in the country for nearly two weeks. -
The Resistance of the Monks RIGHTS Buddhism and Activism in Burma WATCH
Burma HUMAN The Resistance of the Monks RIGHTS Buddhism and Activism in Burma WATCH The Resistance of the Monks Buddhism and Activism in Burma Copyright © 2009 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-544-X Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org September 2009 1-56432-544-X The Resistance of the Monks Buddhism and Activism in Burma I. Summary and Key Recommendations....................................................................................... 1 Methodology ....................................................................................................................... 26 II. Burma: A Long Tradition of Buddhist Activism ....................................................................... 27 Buddhism in Independent Burma During the Parliamentary Period ...................................... 33 Buddhism and the State After the 1962 Military Takeover ................................................... -
Democratization and Ethnic Conflicts Interlinked? the Case of Burma Alena Fričová
Democratization and Ethnic Conflicts interlinked? The Case of Burma Alena Fričová Introduction liberalization is threatened. The previous Burma1 is one of the most diverse states in assumption that the move towards the world. With ethnic minorities democracy would be the solution to all of constituting more than one third of the the country’s problems has to be reassessed population, it became very vulnerable to as it seems like the two processes, violent clashes between different ethnic democratization and the spread of internal groups. Before gaining its independence in violence, are interlinked. 1948, ethnic confrontations were often used by the British colonial forces to divide, The aim of this policy paper is to analyse weaken and rule the country. Since then, the relationship between the two ongoing Burma has been almost constantly processes in Burma: the liberalization of destabilized by conflicts between the Burmese society and rising tensions Burmese majority and the country’s ethnic between various ethnic groups leading to minorities. After a military junta violent clashes and destabilization of the consolidated its power and established a country. I claim that there are three ways in dictatorship, the situation stabilized and which ongoing reforms can lead to many ceasefires were set. Most of these destabilization of the country. Firstly, agreements were reached in exchange for relatively fast liberalization of the Burmese promises of greater independence. society is not accompanied by the same However, few of those promises were kept progress in democratization of political in a long run. As a result, with a new institutions. Secondly, liberalization has direction towards democratization, old unleashed a deeply rooted hatred and grievances came to the surface and mistrust that has existed between different unsatisfied ethnic groups gained new tools ethnic groups for almost a century. -
Burma's Political Prisoners and U.S. Sanctions
Burma’s Political Prisoners and U.S. Sanctions Michael F. Martin Specialist in Asian Affairs September 15, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R42363 c11173008 . Burma’s Political Prisoners and U.S. Sanctions Summary The release of all Burma’s political prisoners is one of the fundamental goals of U.S. policy. Several of the laws imposing sanctions on Burma—including the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003 (P.L. 108-61) and the Tom Lantos Block Burmese JADE (Junta’s Anti- Democratic Efforts) Act of 2008 (P.L. 110-286)—require the release of all political prisoners before the sanctions can be terminated. The Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2014 (P.L. 113- 76) requires the Department of State and the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) to “support programs for former political prisoners” in Burma, as well as “monitor the number of political prisoners in Burma.” Burma’s President Thein Sein pledged during a July 2013 trip to the United Kingdom to release all “prisoners of conscience” in his country by the end of the year. Since his announcement, he granted amnesties or pardons on seven occasions. While President Thein Sein has asserted that all political prisoners have been freed, several Burmese organizations maintain that dozens of political prisoners remain in jail and that new political prisoners continue to be arrested and sentenced. Hopes for a democratic government and national reconciliation in Burma depend on the release of prisoners, including those associated with the country’s ethnic groups. Several ethnic-based political parties have stated they will not participate in parliamentary elections until their members are released.