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Cohort and Generational Effects of Cultural Retention of Finnish Canadians in Manitoba

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Cohort and Generational Effects of Cultural Retention of Finnish Canadians in Manitoba Cohort and generational effects of cultural retention of Finnish Canadians in Manitoba Carol D. H. Harvey and Tuula Heinonen For Finnish immigrants to North their processes of adaptation to Harvey, Bond, Laitinen & Sommer America it is possible to assimilate their new environment is sparse. 1994; Tolkki-Nikkonen 1996). into the dominant culture, and yet Theoretically, a symbolic interac- Study of family patterns among some choose cultural retention, of- tionist approach suggests that Finns in North America is sparse, ten across three generations. In language, religion, and family ritu- as much of the scholarly work has this study we conducted semi- als are ways of interpreting cultur- been done from a historical per- structured interviews with Finnish al heritage (La Rossa & Reitzes spective, utilizing archival meth- Canadians, concentrating on cul- 1993). Individuals learn from family ods (cf. Lindström 1992; Niemi tural assimilation and retention. members, from teachers, and from 1998) or by examining a particular We sought to separate genera- other people in the culture to form cultural artifact, such as the sauna tional from cohort effects, and re- their own individual and/or group (Sutyla 1977). Our research, utiliz- sults showed that cultural reten- identity. Furthermore, a human ec- ing symbolic interactionist and ec- tion was strongest among people ological approach (Bubolz & Son- osystem approaches, is different who immigrated as adults with in- tag 1993; Kieren, Vaines & Badir from the usual historical approach tact family units. 1984) suggests the importance of taken by other researchers of the near environment on family in- Finns in North America. Analysis for this paper was in- Review of literature teraction. The ways that homes are constructed, the type of decora- fluenced by the work of Roos Theoretical perspectives tion within them, the cultural as- (1981), who studied cohort and pects of food and clothing, and the generational effects of Finns in Finnish immigration to North language spoken at home are all Finland. He showed that succes- America has been occurring over parts of the near environment sive migration from the country- 500 years, but systematic study of which are important to this re- side to cities in Finland in its rather search. late industrialization (after World Empirical research on immi- War II) affected value orientations Carol D. H. Harvey, Ph.D., Pro- grants suggests that they make and opportunities for Finnish co- fessor, Department of Family Stu- adaptations, drop certain practic- horts. Sintonen (1992, 77) calls dies and Tuula Heinonen, D. Phil., es, or incorporate new ones suited Roos’ way-of-life research one Associate Professor, Faculty of to life in the new country (Szekely which is formulated using a life Social Work, University of Mani- history approach, wherein inform- toba, Winnipeg, MB R3T 2N2 1990). These behaviors can be Canada. An earlier version of this means of enhancing integration ants give a ”chronological ac- paper was presented at the an- and well-being in their new coun- count of the important matters of a nual conference of the National try (Heinonen 1996; Nyakabwa & person.” Tolkki-Nikkonen (1996, Council on Family Relations, in Harvey 1990). 667) says, ”At a theoretical level, a Minneapolis MN, on November The study of Finnish family pat- central concern [of Roos] was to 11, 2000. terns in Finland is extensive (cf. establish the place of way-of-life 24 Cohort and generational effects of cultural retention of Finnish Canadians in Manitoba among categories of historical ma- venience sample of 22 Finnish Ca- felt by Finns, but it was not the terialism from the vantage point of nadians. The theoretical work of case for all. The post-1950’s group the social division of labor.” Later symbolic interactionists and hu- was generally married, skilled at a works have used daily life as a fo- man ecological theorists influ- trade, and upwardly mobile (Sutyla cus, something that the Finnish enced the development of ques- 1977, 97). He reports that by the sociologist Engeström (1990) has tions asked. In the analysis of data 1970’s ”many of these Finns are called activity theory. He concen- for this paper a way-of-life ap- securely middle class, they own trates on daily life, researching proach, concentrating on daily ac- their own homes, their children are such things as standing in line for tivity and its meaning, was used. grown up and married, and by Ca- tickets or meeting friends for cof- nadian standards ‘they have made fee. Immigrant research it.’” A synthesis of Engeström’s (1990) work with human ecological Many immigrant families experi- Finnish immigration theory has been done by Finnish ence stress due to lack of fluency researchers Tuomi-Gröhn and Pal- in language of the new country Many of the Finns who came to ojoki (2000, 113). Their focus is on (Thomas 1995). Finnish immi- North America came first to the human action in households, em- grants before 1960 generally could United States. Secondary migra- phasizing the ”situated nature of not speak English or French at all tion to Canada then occurred, in everyday human action in house- when they arrived in Canada (Sin- times when the Canadians accept- holds.” Thus the context in which tonen 1993). Later immigrants had ed people from the United States the activity occurs has a great deal the opportunity to learn English in quite willingly (Sutyla 1977). Finns to do with what people do, think, Finland, although not all did so. from the Ostrobothnia area of and feel. The context affects the Children are often the first to learn Western Finland came in great actor to such an extent that action the new language, and they often waves from 1910 to 1980, both to may appear to be irrational or inef- act as family gate-keepers, inter- the United States and to Canada ficient. In order to explain human preting for physicians, bureau- (Niemi 1988). action, then, one must ask inform- crats, and teachers (Thomas 1995). While Finnish immigrants to ants what things mean to them and In early stages of Finnish migra- other parts of Canada have been why certain behaviors are done tion to North America men and studied to a certain extent, little lit- (Tuomi-Gröhn & Palojoki 2000). women worked in sex-segregated erature is available for the Canadi- Sintonen (1992) was also influ- occupations. Men worked in min- an Prairies. Lindström states, ”The enced by Roos’ way-of-life re- ing, logging, and farming, where prairie provinces of Alberta and search. Sintonen studied Finns in they often worked in groups and Manitoba have scarcely been Canada who had immigrated in the spoke Finnish. Women, on the oth- touched” (1997, 35) by academic 1920s, employing a life course er hand, worked with families as do- researchers. Ramo’s work (1975) analysis of their experiences. The mestics or in boarding houses as outlines the involvement of Finn- life histories of his respondents cooks or cleaners, and they were ish immigrants in some areas of showed a close connection be- forced to learn English more quickly Canada, following church organi- tween interaction networks and than the men (Sintonen 1992). zations and labor groups. He also language preferences. He charac- Occupational deflection (Tho- gives a brief discussion about Sas- terized the respondents as having mas 1995) is commonly observed katchewan’s settlement called ”fragmented ethnicity” (Sintonen in immigrant populations. Unable New Finland, but Manitoba is 1992, 87), wherein at some times to transfer their technical or pro- largely missing there too. The sole they interacted almost entirely in fessional skills to the new country, paragraph referring to Winnipeg the Finnish community and at oth- due to restrictive licensing require- states that in 1933 the number of ers reported weak ties to it. ments, they have to take lower Finns in Winnipeg was between In this research we used semi- paying and lower status jobs. 150–200, and in Elma, Manitoba it structured interviews with a con- Some occupational deflection was was 150 (Ramo 1975, 282). 25 Siirtolaisuus-Migration 2/2003 Finnish immigration to Manito- the Canadian mainstream more of- speaking about their Finnish home- ba, like other parts of Canada, has ten than their adult counterparts? land, and travel to Finland. They been characterized by waves of ar- were also asked if they had Finnish rivals. One wave occurred around visitors in their homes in Canada. Research methodology 1900, another during the late Finn- (See Heinonen and Harvey 2001 for ish Civil War, and another after Interview exploration analysis on the meaning of home for World War II (Niemi 1988). Most of cultural retention these respondents.) Interviewers Finns in Manitoba were engaged tried to elicit a change in any of in mining, particularly in the towns Research on immigrant popula- these activities over time, asking if, of Flin Flon and The Pas, or in tions had been done by both re- for example, participation in the farming, settling near Elma and Lac searchers (see Copeland & Harvey Finnish-Canadian Club was as fre- du Bonnet. Others were drawn to 1984; Heinonen 1996). In addition quent now as when they immigrat- the main population area of the both researchers are of Finnish de- ed. province, the city of Winnipeg, for scent, with Heinonen immigrating various reasons, including profes- with her family from Finland to Data collection sional employment in education, Canada when she was 5 years old, sport or private business. Current and Harvey’s grandparents com- Respondents were initially recruit- Finnish immigrants and their de- ing to North America from Finland ed by snowball sampling of the scendants in Manitoba are esti- in the early 1900’s. Both work at members of the Finnish-Canadian mated at 1,500, extrapolated from the University of Manitoba, but Club.
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