The Historical Geography of Book Markets
THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF BOOK MARKETS
IN CHINA:
A CASE STUDY OF LIULICHANG
BY
FRANCIS LOK-WING YEE
B.A. (Hons.), Simon Fraser University, 1980
\ THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS
in
THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES
(Department of Geography)
We accept this thesis as conforming
to the required standard
THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA
September 1983
•'3(c) Francis Lok-wing Yee, 19 8 3 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.
Department of Geogaphhy
The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3
Date September, 1983
(3/81) Abstract
Scholars have long recognized the significance of print• ing in the dissemination of knowledge, promotion of new ideas and consequently as a force of social and economic change.
However, the critical role played by the bookshops in the development and diffusion of printing has rarely been studied.
In both Europe and China, bookstores produced and distributed a wide range of publications including popular literature, religious works, practical manuals for the common people as well as literary works, Classics and standard texts for the scholars and students. Bookstores thus, on one hand, promoted popular literacy amongst the masses but also,"on the other hand, upheld the orthodox ideology by circulating the government- approved Classics and texts to the literate elites.
In their long history of development, bookstores and book markets in China experienced changes not only geographically but also functionally. In the Song and Yuan periods, the concentration of urban population, together with the expansion
©f commercial and cultural activities, encouraged the growth of book production and marketing in regional metropolitan market centres. Kaifeng^,.. Hangzhou and Chengdu clearly emerged as the major regional book markets in this period. In the
Ming and Qing periods, a relatively well-integrated national marketing system developed. Inter-regional book trade also expanded in this period with Beijing .at the uppermost end of the marketing hierarchy. The expansion of the book marketing system seems to be at least partially linked to the increasing importance attached to the civil service examination system. An overlap between the adminis• trative and commercial functions of the late imperial cities is clear in this case.
It is one main thesis of this study that the origins and development of book markets in China not only reflected, but also contributed to the expansion of the traditional regional, inter-regional, and eventually empire-wide urban market economy of imperial China. Moreover, they became a principal medium for the rise and dominance of the scholar-official elites of imperial China, and—in this sense—played a major role in 1 shaping the character of the principal component of the urban social fabric of Confucian China. A study of book printing and marketing in imperial China is, in short, thus also a study in the changing role of the city and its dominant class
—the urban gentry. And, whereas this becomes especially ... evident in urban cores of the late imperial period, it is no where more clear than in the singularly important case of the book markets of the imperial capital itself, Beijing, and in the main book market of old Beijing, Liulichang.
- iii - Table of Content • Page
Chapter I. Introduction 1
Chapter II. The Origins and Development of Book Markets 12
Chapter ITT. The Rise of Regional Book Markets 28
Chapter IV. The Book Markets in the Ming and Qing Periods 61.
Chapter V. The Transformation of the Landscape of Beijing 10.7 and Liulichang
Chapter VI. The Rise of Liulichang as the National Book 124 Market of China
Chapter VII. Conclusion 161
Footnotes 168
Bibliography 184
Appendix 20 3
- iv - List of Figures Page
Figure 1. The Distribution of Bookstores in the Song 2 7 and Jin Dynasties, 960-1279.
Figure 2. The Distribution of Bookstores in the Yuan 60 Dynasty.
Figure 3. The Distribution of Bookstores in the Ming 105 Period, 1368-1644.
Figure 4. The Distribution of Bookstores in the Early 106 Qing Period, 1644-1850.
Figure 5. The Transformation of Beijing from Liao to 109 Qing.
Figure 6. The Jinkou Canal, Tonghui Canal and Liulichang .L.118 in the Yuan Period.
Figure 7. Book Markets in Beijing in the Ming and Qing 131 Periods.
- v - Acknowledgement
I am deeply indebted to professor Marwyn Samuels, without whose guidance, help and excellent advice, I could u hardly have completed this thesis. I also own much to . • professor Terry McGee for his constructive and helpful criticisms. Both Ms. Sandy Wong and professor Terry McGee have provided their assistance in editing the manuscript, to this I deeply appreciated. Special thanks are due to Florence for her typing of this thesis. Finally, I take the responsibility for the materials and views presented in this thesis.
- vi - Chapter I. Introduction
The importance of printing and book distribution to the
dissemination of knowledge, and as a force for intellectual,
social, economic and political change in European history has
long been recognized."'" The relatively rapid escalation in
the volume of available printed books during the late fifteen•
th and sixteenth centuries itself serves to indicate the enormous significance of the new technology of printing and
the attendant book distribution/marketing systems of early modern Europe. Hence, for example, less than fifty years . i.
after the development of movable type in the workshop of Johann
Gutenberg of Mainz in 1454, over 10 million printed books were
in circulation and by the end of the sixteenth century approxi- 2 mately 150-200 million printed book had been produced. This
is even more impressive when we take into account the lessor:-
than 100 million people in Europe in this period,.only a minority of whom could read. Clearly, the availability of
such printed material played a central role in the diffusion of ideas among the literate elites — the clergy, university scholars and students etc., contributing to the circulation of theological and philosophical treatises, to the spread of
Protestantism, and eventually to the success of Enlightenment thought and the sciences. At the same time, the high volume and proliferation of books also point to the development of a growing popular market for printed material among the semi- literate masses, especially guildsmen, artisans, merchants,
- 1 - and others. In the process, the medium of printed books and
pamphlets contributed to the diffusion of craft skills, new
agricultural techniques, market information (merchant hand•
books) , geographical data (guidebooks) and other practical
information. Similarly, the proliferation of printed
material also eventually contributed to the spread of literacy
itself — a veritable self-generating market of books and ':U
other printed materials.
The modern history and geography of Europe thus owe' much
of its technological impetus to the invention of movable type,
and to the development of book distribution and marketing
systems including book shops, fairs, and libraries. Indeed,
bookshops were particularly instrumental to the process not
only because they served as a principal means of distribution,
but also because they themselves often served as printers
and binderies. Furthermore, the role of bookshops in the
printing, binding, and marketing of books ultimately inferred various economies of scale. The costs of production and marketing of printed materials, including not only capital outlays for the production of various qualities of movable type, but also such other inputs as the quality of paper, binding materials, and so on would, of course, be reflected
in the cost of books, as well as in the volumes of production and in the extent of distribution. With the expansion of
literacy and the growth of popular literature, the demand -
for- -low-priced, commercial editions rapidly
- 2 - increased in many parts of the European continent.
In China, when printing was first developed in the Tang
dynasty (Ai'.D. 618-907) , the bookshops produced all the printed
books. Government publishing did not develop until the
Five Dynasties (A.D.906-960). Even in the Song period (A.D.
960-1279) when government publishing was further expanded,
commercial publication still dominated the book market. While
government publishing concentrated on the Confucian classics
and literary works, bookstores produced a.'large proportion of
their books for the use of the common people. Different
editions of merchant manuals, books on farming, medicine, weaving and legal documents were published for practical use by people in different occupations. Moreover, bookshops also published a large number of popular novels, plays, songs,
stories and religious works.
Indeedi, the earliest printed books were produced by book•
stores to meet the enormous religious^ demand by the common people for a large number of devotional works, charms, reli- .. gious images and stories. The earliest surviving book of today, the DiamondSutra, was probably printed by a bookshop in "Sichuan. In the Five Dynasties, a large number of calendars, glossaries, books on yinyang and divination texts were produced and distributed in Sichuan and the lower Yangtze area. These popular works which were so important in the daily life and religious fervor of the people, were largely ignored if not
- 3 - suppressed by the ruling class. Without the bookshops' production and distribution of these popular books, the semi- literate people would be severely affected, even children's elementary texts and many practical works could not have been produced. In addition to these popular and religious works, bookshops also produced large numbers of low-priced Confucian texts and their commentaries, encyclopaedias and other refer• ence books for the less well-to-do examination candidates.
The development of book markets from Tang to early Qing experienced significant structural changes. In their early years of development, bookstores were part of the paper-making or funeral-offering shops. Most of the books they sold were produced by their family members. In the Song and Yuan periods, many bookstores in regional urban markets not only expanded their scale of production but further developed their marketing capacity. In this period it was not unusual for a bookstore to hire more than ten workers to print one book.
The printing of the Buddhist Tripitaka even employed over
140 block-carvers and printers. Some bookstores also began to market their books beyond their regional limits. In fact, most of the books produced in Jianan and Jianyang were dis• tributed mainly to book markets in other macro regions. Book• stores also became more differentiated in their production and marketing of books. Some bookstores specialized in the publi• shing of popular literature, calendars, children's elementary texts and practical guidebooks while others published and
- 4 - marketed large numbers of expensive, high quality Confucian
classics, dynastic histories and literary works for the elites.
Gulin Shuwu in Luling was famous for its specialization in the
publishing and marketing of medical books.
Most bookshops produced and marketed their own books in
the early years of development. In the Ming and Qing periods,
bookstores in Beijing and Hangzhou were noted for their selling
of books that were published by other regional book centres.
Many Suzhou bookdealers bought books from Guangdong but sold
them as Suzhou editions. The marketing strategy also became
more sophisticated in the Qing period. Some of the bookstores
published their books in one shop but marketed them in differ•
ent regional branches. This no doubt expanded the inter•
regional book trade and encouraged the distribution of books
to a much wider regional network.
In their early phase of development after the invention of
printing, book markets were concentrated in the two regions w with the greatest density of population: the lower Yangtze
and Western Sichuan. Most of the books produced in this
period were almanacs, astrological work and rudimentary dic•
tionaries. The reasons for the concentration of early book markets in Sichuan and the lower Yangtze area were manifold.
The density of population, and the strong religious fervor
of the common people in both regions clearly contributed.
Moreover, as Gernet suggests, the development of the book
- 5 - trade in these regions, especially after the Tang period, was
encouraged not only by the concentration of wealth in both
regions, but also by the concentration of merchants and .'\. ..'<<. 3 cities.
The relationship between urban development, mercantilism,
and the book market system of imperial China can also be partly
defined in terms of the growth of regional metropolitan-
market centres as discussed by G. William Skinner. Skinner
noted that specialized retail shops and specialized services,
such as printers and block-carvers,were found only in regional 4
cities and metropolis. The concentration of urban population
and the active commercial and cultural activities in these
regional metropolitan centres created a demand large enough to
support these specialized services and specialized markets.
In his City in Late Imperial China, furthermore, Skinner
strongly suggests that in the mid-eighteenth century, given
its pre-industrial transportation networks, its predominantly
agrarian population, and its highly focused regional market economy, no empire-wide or "unified urban system" emerged
to integrate the various regional economies of China.
Skinner further argues that even though cities like "Peking,
Soochow, Canton, and Wuhan... performed important extraregional
functions (,)...none exhibited the centrality needed to 5
integrate a Chinese system of cities." In other words, the highly regionalized market economy of books and other printed material, focused on Sichuan and the Jiangnan region,
- 6 - closely followed the pattern set by the larger regional market economy of imperial China.
On the other hand, however, as noted by Gilbert Rozman,
"the birth of a national market can be traced to the Ming period." Indeed in the case of book markets, it is clear
that by Ming times a relatively well integrated national marketing system had emerged with Beijing at the uppermost end of the marketing hierarchy. The explanation for this phenomenon can be traced, moreover, to other non-commercial
factors, not the least of which is the close correlation between the expansion of book markets and the systematization of the empire-wide, scholar-official examination network.
Indeed, the development of book markets is perhaps the most obvious (but as yet little analyzed) case of the overlap between commercial and administrative functions of the late imperial Chinese city, for book markets not only served the needs of independent scholars, craftsmen and the like, but also and most emphatically served the immediate resource requirements of the candidates for the imperial examination system—the principal route to success in the elite governing hierarchy of imperial Chinese society.
During the Tang dynasty, degrees were offered in any one
of several fields, including classics, letters, law and others.
By Ming times, this range had narrowed considerably, examinat•
ions had become standarized and consisted chiefly of Confucian
classics in their orthodox interpretation, defined by the Song philosopher, Zhu Xi. In the Qing examinations, subjects were mainly topics selected from the Confucian classics. The first part of the examinations required the writing of essays on questions based on the Four Books and the composing of poems.
The second part consisted of questions on the Five Classics. 7
The third part consisted of discussion questions. With the almost complete domination of the Confucian classics in the examination questions, there is a great demand for standard
Confucian texts by the examination candidates. In the Five
Dynasties and the Song period, private publishing of the
Classics were forbidden. Subsequent dynastic rulers also paid special attention to the publication of accurate, standard
Confucian classics. By standarising the Confucian classics, the ruling class attempted to interpret the Confucian thoughts in their own orthodox way.
To the imperial government, the examination system was to bring under control the free ranging thought of the leading social group. In the Qing dynasty, the constant drilling in traditional Confucian moral principles and the writing of formalized essays kept the minds of the gentry so occupied that they had little time for independent thought and study.
Their thoughts were channelled into the lines of official i.<-'.<: ideology in which the aspects of authority and discipline in the Confucian tradition were emphasized. The principles of loyalty and service, which were fundamental parts of this doc• trine, were stressed not only in the examination themselves but also in the schools, which prepared students for the. examination' system. - 8 - In short, the development and expansion of the examination system accentuated the importance of book markets throughout the empire. Beginning with the Tang Dynasty a regular system of examination was organized to recruit a substantial number of officials from among examination graduates. The subsequent dynasties relied heavily on a series of public, competitive examinations to recruit state officials. In Song times, the scholar-of f icials ., had become clearly established at the pinnacle of the Chinese structure—with simultaneous access to power, prestige and wealth. By Ming times, examinations at three !. levels—prefectural, provincial and metropolitan—led to three successive degrees: shengyuan, juren and jinshi. (See Appendix
IX) The increasing importance of examinations in the entrance into officialdom created tremendous demands for Confucian texts and other reference works for examination purposes. The expan• sion of the production of books in Song and Ming periods by bookstores corresponded to the rising importance of the examination system in society.
It is, then, one main thesis of this study that the origins and development of book markets in China not only reflected, but also contributed to the expansion of the traditional re-; gional, inter-regional, and eventually empire-wide urban market economy of imperial China. Moreover, they became a principal medium for the rise and dominance of the scholar-official elites of imperial China, and—in this sense—played a major role in shaping the character of the principal component of the urban social fabric of Confucian China. A study of book printing - 9 - and marketing in imperial China is, in short, thus also a study in the changing role of the city and its dominant class--the urban gentry. And, whereas this becomes especially evident in urban cores of the late imperial period, it is no where more clear than in the singularly important case of the book markets of the imperial capital itself, Beijing, and in the main book market of old Beijing, Liulichang.
The thesis will basically be divided into two sections.
The first section describes the historical developmental pattern of book markets in China from the Tang dynasty to the early Qing period. The thesis begins with an examination of book publish• ing in the Tang dyansty because it is from this period that the earliest printed material is available from archaeological findings. The section ends with the mid-eighteenth century when traditional publishing and marketing systems underwent dramatice changes with the introduction of Western technology.
In this section, the first chapter examines the origins and development of book publishing and marketing in the Tang period and the Five Dynasties from archaeological and documentary ; • sources. The second chapter deals with the expansion of book markets in regional urban centres in the Song and Yuan periods.
The last chapter of section one further explores the geographi• cal and functional changes of book markets and the emergence of a national book market in the Ming and Qing periods. The second section of the thesis discusses the development of the national book market in Beijing. The first chapter scrutinizes the social, urban and economic transformations of Beijing before the mid-eighteenth century. The second chapter concentrates on - 10 - the analysis of the factors that contributed to the development of Liulichang--the most famous book marekt of Beijing and China.
In the analysis of the development of book markets in China there are problems any researcher must encounter. Archaeological evidences on printing and printed books are, in the first place, scant. The origins of printing in China is still a controver• sial subject amongst the historians. On the other hand, book markets were considered by scholar-officials to be at the lower end of the economic structure, very few of them made detailed studies of their development. Even in their studies of rare editions, Chinese scholars always focused on the quality of printing, calligraphy and literary style, not on the publishers or booksellers. Many of the commercial publishers who sold a large quantity of popular works were rarely mentioned by these scholars. Another major difficulty in the study of book markets is that many of the books published and distributed by the book• shops did not bear the name of the publisher. The fact that rare editions of Song, Yuan and Ming publications are not easily available outside China further adds to the problem.
In short, the data base for this thesis is necessarily incomplete. Nevertheless, the data that is presently availa• ble is sufficient to indicate various major trends in book publishing and marketing over the centuries, and a focus here on Liulichang—the most famous of the book markets—permits a detailed analysis of the evolution of at least one major book market. Clearly, however, this thesis must be considered an initial step toward a more complete understanding of the economic and social contexts of book markets in China.
- 11 - Chapter II. The Origins = -and' Development-of Book:Markets
The marketing of books has a long history in China which can be traced as far back as in the Later Han period (A.D.
25-221). In the biographical section of Wang Chong, the official history of .Later Han mentioned that Wang always visited the market in Luoyang and was able to memorize the 9 books that were selling there. In the period of the Six
Dynasties (A.D.265-581), Liang Renfang also mentioned the presence of bookstalls in his poetry to Liu Jushi. Even the Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty (A.D.502-557) had ordered Zhao Mengjian to buy books from the market.^ All these indicated the presence of bookstalls well before the
Tang Dynasty when block printing was first developed.
However it was not until block printing was well deve• loped and greater number of books were being produced that book markets became more fully developed. Moreover we have to note that the printing houses in its early period were also bookstores selling books that they printed. This inti• mate relationship between printing and bookselling cannot be underestimated when we consider the fact that it was in the
11 bookstore where printing was first developed and practised.
The question when block printing was first developed in
China is still a mystery. The difficulty of dating the begin• ning of block printing is complicated by the fact that the
- 12 - evolution of the art was so gradual as to be almost impercep• tible. The printing of books slowly evolved from the early efforts at reduplication by means of seals, stamps and rub• bings from engraved tablets. The earliest well defined block print survived today is a Buddhist charm printed in Japan in A.D.770. Carter and others maintain that the technique of printing in China must have been developed well before
A.D.770, long enough for someone to take this art across 12 to Japan. The earliest printed book, the Diamond Sutra, printed in A.D. 86 8, was discovered in Dunhuang. The book consisted of six sheets of text and one shorter sheet with woodcut, all neatly pasted together so as to form one continuous roll sixteen feet long. Not only the excellent technique but the size of the sheets as well led Carter to believe that-this is not a primitive piece of printing like the charms from Japan. In referring to the Diamond Sutra,
Carter points out that:
The printed book is a highly developed product. It is evident that the feverish activity in devising new ways of redupli• cation, which was going on in the Buddhist monasteries and elsewhere before this time, must have culminated in some sort of block printing before 770, and long enough before that date to have been by that time carried across to Japan. Perhaps the nearest approach to an approximate date that can be given would be the reign of Ming Huang (712- 756), the time when China's cultural 1 o achievement reached its height. J
At the end of the text of the Diamond Sutra is the - 13 - statement that the book was "reverently made for universal free distribution by Wang Jie on behalf of his two parents on the fifteenth day of the fourth month in the ninth year 14 of Xiantong (May 11, 868)." Although we do not know much about Wang Jie except this statement, Liu Guojun maintains that the work Wang ordered to print was finely produced and certainly was not a work done in the early period of printing. Liu assures us that printing must have developed somewhat a hundred to one hundred and fifty years before this work was produced and most probably between the eighth and the ninth centuries — that is, during the period of Impress
Wu and Xuanzong. (A.D.684-755).16
While the Diamond Sutra bears the date of 868, the three other roll books found at Dunhuang have all been assigned with a fair degree of probablility to the ninth century or the opening decade of the tenth century. Those of the single sheet, as well as a folded book and a seven page charm dated 17 from 947 to 971. These sheets are far more primitive in printing than the rolls. Aurel Stein thus suggested that the books were importations, probably from the province of
Sichuan, while the single sheets were of local manufacture.
Besides the archaeological evidence from Dunhuang, we also have a documentary source which indicates the origins of printing in China. Based upon the writings of a Ming histor• ian, Shao Jingbang (1491-1565), Zhang Xiumin argues that the origins of block printing in China could be as early as
A.D.636. In his Hongjian Lu, Shao told us that a manuscript
written by the Empress of Taizong, Nuze, was printed . 18
and distributed in the sixth year of Zhengguan (A.D.636).
Zhengguan was the period when Tang's economic and military
strengh reached its highest level. Cultural activities were
also greatly enhanced with the rise in material living.
Although Shao did not give his source of information on the
printing of Nuze, Zhang Xiumin assures us that Shao was a
highly creditable historian and suggests that printing in
China was quite possibly developed in this "Golden Age" of
Tang.
Thirty-three years before the printing of the Diamond
Sutra, Feng Xiu (767-836), in a memorial to the throne, confirmed the existence of book markets in Sichuan, Jiangsu
and Anhui. Feng Xiu's memorial was recorded by the official history, Cefu Yuangui, which was compiled in early Song, as
follows:
On December 29, 835, the imperial commis• sioner of Eastern Sichuan, Feng Xiu proposed in a memorial that an imperial edict forbid the printing of calendars by wood blocks. The two Chuan of Jiannan (modern Sichuan) and Huainan (Lower Yangtze valley) print all calendars by means of wood block and sell them in the market place. Each year, before the Bureau of Astronomy has memorialized the throne suggeting the promulgation of the new calendar, those printed calendars are already everywhere. That is contrary - 15 - to the rule of respectfully handling (the new calendar which has to be approved by the Emperor). Consequently an order (on December 29, 835) was issued forbidding (these private printings).20
The development of Sichuan as a major book market in the
Tang period was further confirmed by an early and best known reference to printing — Liu Pian Jiaxun. Liu Pian accompan• ied the Emperor Xizong into temporary exile in Sichuan during the tumulous years of the late Tang dynasty. In his preface to Jiaxun, Liu gave us an account of the printed books that he saw in Sichuan:
In the third year of Zhonghe (A.D.8 83) which was the third year in which the imperial chariot had been in Shu (Si• chuan) . I was then a member of the Secretariat. One day in summer, on one of my holidays (taken every ten days), I was browsing the books by the Southeast of the second enceinte (of the city wall). These books consisted mostly of works on divination of dreams, geomancy, the nine (heavenly) palaces, the five planets, and various (other) themes of the Yinyang (school); there were also dictionaries and (other books) of lexicography. For the most part they had been engraved on blocks and printed on paper. (But the ink) had blotted, one could not (always) make out every• thing . 21
Another reference to Sichuan as a major printing and bookselling centre is in a collection of Buddhist rolls brought back to Japan in A.D.8 65 by the monk Shuyei who had stayed in Changan (present Xian) for three' years.- - One
- 16 - of the printed rolls is Tangyun, a rhyming dictionary, produ•
ced in Sichuan. Another dictionary, Yupian, was also publish- 22 ed in Sichuan, by the same printer.
Song writers, with reference to the origins of block
printing, often mentioned Sichuan as the place where printing
was first practised. Ye Mongde (1077-1148) in his Shilin Yan-
yu quoted Liu Pian's preface to Jiaxun to prove that Sichuan
in the Tang dynasty had already developed the art of block 23
printing. In his second volume of Yijue Li'ao Zaji, Zhu Yi
(1098-1167) maintained that "Printed words do not exist before the Tang dynasty. It was in late Tang that Yizhou 24
(Sichuan) began to have print blocks." Wang Yinglin (1223-
1296), in his Kunxue Jiwen also mentioned that:"Block printing did not develop until the late Tang period and most of the books printed were mathematical, dictionary and elementary ,.25 works.
One of the earliest printed works that still remain in
China, after the secret removal of valuable documents by
Aural Stein and Paul Pelliot in 1907 and 1908, is a Sanskrit scripture, Tuoluoni Jing. It was discovered in a Tang tomb excavated near Wangjiang Lou, east of Chengdu in Sichuan.
A statement at the"beginning of this sutra clearly tells us that it was distributed by a bookstore in Chengdu of Sichuan.
The statement reads: "Sold by the zhimapu (funeral-offering shop) of Bian's family in Longchi Fang of Chengdu Xian in
- 17 - Chengdu Fu."^" From this scripture we can tell that printing
was so well developed in the late Tang period that not only
books in Chinese but that books in other language were also
produced in China. In addition to Bian's family, there were
also other known bookstores in Sichuan, such as Guo's family
and Fang Shang's family. (See Appendix I). One of the books
printed by Guo's family which still survives is an incomplete
copy of the Diamond Sutra. At the end of the book is a
statement which reads: "A true printed copy of Guo's family 27
in Sichuan." Another statement of the book indicates that
the sutra was circulated by an eighty-year old man on the
twelth day of the third month of dingmao. As dingmao is the year 907, we can tell that the printed copy of Diamond
Sutra, from which the eighty year old man copied, was produced before the third month of that year in Sichuan.
Another printed work, which was taken away by Stein, is a calendar published by Fang Shang's family in 882. The re-' mains of this calendar is only 26cm by 8cm but it was printed in thick black ink. It has the title: "Calendar of Fang
Shang's family in Chengdu Fu of Jiannan Sichuan (Western
Sichuan)"29
It was not only in Sichuan that book, publishing was very active, Sikong Tu (837-908) also informed us that a printed copy of the Vinaya (or manuals of discipline) in Jingai Temple in Luoyang was burned during the suppression of Buddhism by
Wuzong in A.D.84 5. Xiang Da suggests that Sikong Tu1s - 18 - petition to raise funds for the reprinting of this 800 sheets
Buddhist work was made during his stay in Luoyang between 871
and 879. This suggests that printing had already been deve•
loped in Luoyang as early as the 8701 s.
Besides Sichuan and Luoyang, book production in the lower
Yangtze area was also mentioned by a Tang author, Fan Shu.
In his Yunxi Youyi, Fan pointed out that:
The president (of a board) He Gannie had given more than fifteen years of arduous study to the cannibar of the dragon and tiger (part of the yinyang cult). When he was in charge of the west bank of the Yangtze (Jiangxi and Hunan), he sent invitations to a large number of magic• ians. He composed the Biography of Liu Hong and had several thousand copies printed. He sent copies of this to those, both in the court and within the four seas, gave themselves up to alchemy.31
In Wu Tingxie's Tang Dai Fangzhen Biao, He Gannie was 32 recorded as the Commissioner of Jiangxi from 847 to 849.
Li Shuhua suggests that the Biography of Liu Hong was probably published during this period.
Wang Dang, in his Tang Yulin, also noted that there was
"controversy over the accuracy of privately printed calendars" in the lower Yangtze area when the Emperor Xizong took refuge 33 in Chengdu in 8 81.
Why bookselling and printing was concentrated in Sichuan - 19 - and the lower Yangtze area could be due to the fact that they were all located within easy access of paper-producing areas.
Guangdu, not far from Chengdu, was very famous for its paper 34
production during the Tang period. Most of the paper used by the central government of Tang was also acquired from
Guangdu. Secondly, the Yellow River region had been devasta•
ted by war after the rebellion of An Lushan. It was only in
Sichuan and the Yangtze area where economic production still
prospered that culture continued to develop. Sichuan was
able to become one of the most important book production and distribution centers not only because of its economic pros•
perity but also because it had twice been established as a
temporary capital -- the political and cultural center -- of
Tang.
Most of the books printed and sold in this period, perhaps with the exception of Buddhist literature, were popular works used by the common people. Very few of the
literary works were printed and sold for the scholar-officials.
Liu Guojmn points out two significant aspects of this period of printing and bookselling: First, in this early period of block printing, the books sold were those needed by the common people such as calendars, dictionaries and elementary texts;
Secondly, those engaged in printing were book-dealers, who were very enthusiastic to use new methods of production so as to realise profits from duplicating large quantities of books 35 for the general public. The demand for scholarly works and Classics was comparatively small and the bookdealers there•
fore were not interest in the production of these books.
Another reason why the Classics were not printed until the
Five Dynasties was that the scholar-officials showed little
interest in a technique that common people had invented.
Books produced by scholars were still continued to be produced by the laborious method of copying by hand.
The printing of the Confucian classics and scholarly works did not begin until the Five Dynasties, more than 150 years after the development of block printing and long after printed calendars and other popular books were available to the general public. It was in Sichuan that the marketing of printed books first originated, and it was through the selling of printed books in Sichuan and the lower Yangtze region that the idea of printing and selling the Confucian classics was first inspired.
Feng Dao (882-954) and Li Yu were the first to recongnise the usefulness of this new art of book reproduction for dupli• cating the Confucian classics. In 9 25, Later Tang conquered the state of Shu and held it for nearly nine years. It was during this period of conquest that Feng Dao and Li Yu saw the selling of books in Shu and Wu (the Lower Yangtze region).
In his epoch-making memorial of 932, Feng proposed to the emperor to print the Confucian classics -- the first time the Confucian classics were ever printed — and the request - 21 - was granted. In a condensed version, the Cefu Yuangui
recorded the memorial by Feng as follows:
During the Han dynasty, Confucian scholars were honored and the Classics.were cut in stone. In Tang times also stone inscrip• tions containing the text of the Classics were made in the Imperial School. Our dynasty has too many other things to do and cannot undertake such a task as to have stone inscriptions cut and erected. We have seen, however, men from Wu and Shu who sold books that were printed from blocks of wood. There were many different texts, but there were among them no orthodox Classics. If the Classics could be revised and thus cut in wood and published, it would be a great boom to the study of literature.3 6
Emperor Mingzong of Later Tang thus ordered the National
Academy to select for each Classic a commission of five or
six specialists who were to revise the text. A government board headed by Ma Gao was appointed to examine and revise
the work of these commissions. The Academy then selected
skilled calligraphers to prepare the final copy and finally 37 appointed careful workmen to cut the blocks. The editing and printing of this work lasted for twenty-one years.
Finally, Tian Min (879-971) in 935, presented to the emperor the completed edition of the Classics and their commentaries in one hundred thirty volumes -- included the Nine Classics:
Yi jing, Shujing, Shijing, Yili, Zhouli, Li j i and the three commentaries of Chunqiu; in addition Xiaoj ing3 8, Erya, Wujjng Wenzi and Jiujing Ziyang were also printed. - 22 - It is true that the printing of the Nine Classics under
the sponsorship of Feng Dao made possible a wider distribu•
tion of the Confucian classics to students of literature.
However, the chief purpose of printing did not make litera•
ture more accessible to the masses but standarised the
acceptable texts. For more than a century after Feng Dao,
the private printing of the Classics was forbidden — all
such printing must be done byo the government and must give 39
the orthodox accepted version. The standarization of the
Confucian texts for the use of the civil service examination candidates in the whole empire, from the Five Dynasties down to the Qing period, facilitates the development of a national market -- the book market of Confucian classics.
While Feng Dao was active in the production of the Nine
Classics in the central empire, book production in the state of Shu (Sichuan) was increasing. The rapid advance of print• ing and bookselling in Sichuan during the middle years of the tenth century was largely due to the efforts of a farsighted statesman Wu Zhaoyi. Wu was a scholar who endeavored to 40 provide literary works for poor students. After he became the minister of Shu in 944, Wu published Chuxue Ji, Baishi
Liutie and Selected Works of Prince Zhaoming with the help of his students Gou Zhongzheng and Sun Fengji. Wu1s publishing of educational works was commended by Sima Guang, a well known
Song historian, who wrote in his Zizhi Tongj ian: "...He (Wu,
Zhaoyi) petitioned the king to have the Nine Classics printed. - 23 - The king granted his petition. From this thime there was a 41
literary renaissance in Shu." Wu1s publishing of the Nine
Classics in Sichuan was probably undertaken in 944 and con• cluded in 953. An early suggestion by Wang Mingqing that Wu's publishing of the Nine Classics was modelled by Feng Dao was 42 flatly rejected by Wang Guowei.
Book production in Sichuan was highly active, in addition to Wu Zhaoyi, who made a great profit from bookselling, He
Ning published several hundred copies of his literary work.
In the biographical section, the official history of the Five
Dynasties recorded that:
He Ning was fond of well decorated carts and clothings. He composed essays in great quantities but neglected about qualities. He had a literary work of over 100 juan and had it printed for dis• tribution for the whole country.43
In 923, A Buddhist monk, Tan Yu, also published his master Guan Xiu's work Zhanjue Ji which contained over 1000 poems. A Ming writer, Cao Xuequan, also mentioned that calendars were on sale in Sichuan in the final years of
Later Shu (934-965).44
In addition to Sichuan, the lower Yangtze area and even
Shandong had been mentioned as places where book publishing and marketing activities were present. The Emperor, of South• ern Tang (937-975) had a strong interest in literature with collections of over 60,000 juan of books. Books published by Southern Tang included Shitong and Yutai Xinyong. There were also calendars printed in the lower Yangtze area by
Nantang and distributed as far away as Sichuan. Liu Zongyuan
in his Jinhuazi Zabian also mentioned that there were copies of legal documents printed and available in Shandong in the 45 period of Shengyuan (937-942). Printing was also apparently well developed in Hangzhou in the later period of the Five
Dynasties. In September 1925, Leifang Pagoda in Hangzhou collapsed and scrolls of printed Buddhist sutra, the Baofie
Yinj ing, were found in the debris. The first lines of the text tell us that the printing of the sutra was done at the command of Qian Hongchu, who was the ruling prince of the state of Wu and Yue during the period 948-978 and a strong supporter of Buddhism. The sutra further records that 84,000 46 rolls of the sutra were printed in A.D.976.
The extensive use of block printing in the period of the
Five Dynasties could be further proved by documents found in
Dunhuang. There were remnants of rhythm dictionary printed in this period in addition to many single paged devotional prints dated in the tenth century. A buddhist woodcut printed in 949 bear the block-cutter's name Lei Yanmei -- the first known block cutter in China's history. Lei was a block cutter in
Dunhuang and so indicated that as early as the Five Dynasties, the art of printing and book production had reached this far western part of China. - 25 - The publishing and marketing of books in the late Tang
and the Five Dynasties were thus characterised by the politi•
cal instability in Changan (Sian) and Luoyang while Sichuan was comparatively a flourishing kingdom. Large number of distinguished scholars, poets and artists also came to Sichuan
as refugees from the Tang Court. The political stability and
cultural continuity no doubt give an impetus for Sichuan to become one of the first places to develop the art of printing.
In addition to Sichuan, the Yangtze area,, Luoyang, Shandong and even Dunhuang, also had evidences of book printing and
selling in this period. Most of the published works in this period were calendars, sutras, elementary texts and other popular works demanded by the common people. The printing and selling of the Nine Classics and other literary works did not begin until Feng Dao's request to the emperor in 932.
With the development of government and private book publishing
in the Five Dynasties, commercial publishing and marketing of books did not subside but further expanded in the Song and
Yuan periods.
- 26 - Fig. 1. The Distribution of Bookstores in the Song and Jin Dynasties, 960-1279
- 27 - Chapter III. The Rise of Regional Book Markets
After a period of more than 60 years of disunity, China was finally reunited by Zhao Kangyin in 960. During the early
Song period, the economy gradually recovered and commerce rapidly developed. With the rising prosperity of Song society, cultural activities also flourished. In the area of book production, not only did the types of books and the fields of studies rapidly increase but the art of production itself reached its height in the Song period.
Book markets in the Song period no longer limited them• selves to Sichuan and the lower Yangtze area but spread all over the empire. In Northern Song period, the national capital, Kaifeng, was the major book market. In Southern
Song period, as pointed out by Liu Guojun, over 170 book 47 production centres were known. Book markets in this period extended to Meishan in Sichuan; Hangzhou, Jinling, Ningbo,
Quxian in Zhejiang; Jianning in Fujian; Pingjiang in Jiangsu;
Jian, Shanyao in Jiangxi; Guichi, Shexian in Anhui; Jiangling in Hubei and Guangzhou in Guangdong. However, Kaifeng.' in north• ern China, , Chengdu and Meishan in Sichuan, Hangzhou in
Jiangnan and Jianning in Fujian were clearly emerged as regional book publishing and marketing centres. (See Figure 1)
The gradual restoration of national unity after 960 open• ed up China's long inhibited commercial capacity. Located at - 28 - the juncture of the Grand Canal and the Yellow River, Kaifeng's
importance as a trade entrepot grew rapidly. Its commerce was complemented by the growing production of its workshops and the growing population which was estimated at over one million people. Its role as the national capital further encouraged its development as the dominate political and economic centre of Northern Song. Kaifeng became the market place not only for its immediate residents but also for more distant places in both northern and southern China and even foreign countries. In Kaifeng, books were not only produced for local consumption but were exported to other parts of the country.
In Ye Mengde1s Shilin Yanyu, he mentioned that books were produced in the capital of Northern Song, Kaifeng, but the 48 quality of paper used was lower than those in Hangzhou.
There were also indications that books from Fujian, Sichuan and Hangzhou were exported to Kaifeng. Many of these books were carried to the capital by the candidates who were going 49 to take the imperial examination. From a few imperial decrees prohibiting the export of books and documents across the frontier to Liao, the country at war with Song, we learn that there were bookstores in Kaifeng producing and distri• buting such prohibited works. An imperial decree in 1040 partly reads as follows: There were reports that unscrupulous people and some bookstores printed and sold secret documents concerning frontier military matters. The Governor of Kaifeng was au• thorized to investigate and encourage people to report on this.50
In a memorial to the throne, Ou Yangxiu reported that:
Lately there are a lot of printed books available as bookstores and booksellers have not been well regulated. I have seen copies of Songwen, which talks about the current political affairs of the state, sold in the capital. If this book was circulated to the barbarian states, it would cause embarrasement to our government.51
Ou further requested the Governor of Kaifeng to investi• gate and burn the prohibited books as well as to order the bookstores not to publish or sell any more unauthorized works.
The demand for books was no doubt very high in Kaifeng as it was not only an important political and administrative centre but also a centre of culture. Many schools were established in Kaifeng, including the National Academy, the
National University, School of Law, School of Art, Mathematics
School, Medical School and others. There were more than 3,800 students enrolled in the National University alone. Kaifeng was further enriched by thousands of candidates coming for the imperial examination held every three years.
Although we do not have many names of bookstores in - 30 - Kaifeng, we learn from Meng Yuanlao1 s. Dong j ing Menghua Lu
(1150) that book-.markets were well established in the city.
Books were sold in the daily market at Panlou Jiudian, located 52
on the north side of Panlou Street, east of Dongjiao Lou.
The market there opened daily in the morning. In addition to books, there were also clothing, paintings, precious stones,
jade and other goods on sale. Another book market in Kaifeng was located in one of the most famous periodic markets in the capital — the Xiangguo Monastery. Trade took place five times a month in the Xiangguo Monastery. During the market days, merchants from far away places attended the market bringing in all sorts of goods and buying the supplies they needed. According to Meng Yuanlao, bookstalls were set up during the market days behind the Buddhist Hall in front of 53 the Zisheng Gate in Xiangguo Monastery. Outside the Monas• tery, on the main thoroughfare of the east gate, there were also a few bookstores located beside the shops selling caps 54 and belts to the scholars. A well known bookstore which, was located in Xiangguo Monastery but later moved to Hangzhou was Rong Liulang Jingshi Shujipu.
The conquest of Sichuan in 9 65 by Song brought the pub• lishing business of the province and of the central empire together. Wu Zhaoyi, the patron of book production in Sichuan, was brought to the imperial capital. His printing blocks were used to produce books for circulating to the whole empire.
In fact, pne of the first books produced by the Song govern- ment, Taiping Guangji, was printed by one of Wu's student,
Gou Zhongzheng, in Chengdu. By the end of the tenth century,
the National Academy was entrusted to print the dynastic histories of Song Shi, Nanqi Shu and Zhou Shu which were based on editions printed in Sichuan. But the most voluminous work done in Sichuan was the whole Buddhist canon — the Tripitaka.
This collection consisted of 5048 juan in 130,000 blocks and finished in 983. In 1195-1200, the reprinting of Taiping Yu-
lan in 1000 juan employed over 140 block-cutters and printers in Sichuan. This large number of workers indicates that book marketing and publishing business have already been well developed in the province of Sichuan in this period.
Meishan, less than 100 kilometers south of Chengdu, was another major book market in Sichuan. The development of
Meishan was influenced by Chengdu as many of the block cutters and printers from Chengdu also worked in Meishan. Both Wang
Chao and Yuan Ciyi not only participated in the printing of the government-sponsored Chengdu edition of Taiping Yulan but also the Meishan edition of Suwending Wenji. As Wang Chao was also one of the block-cutters for a Meishan bookstore, Xian- yang Shuyinzhai, Su Bai suggests that block-cutters and printers were only temporarily employed by either the govern- 55 ment or the commercial publishers. A further proof of the temporary employment of the block-cutters and printers is evident in the printing of Houshan Shizhu, which had eleven printers, four of whom came from the same family. Su Bai - 32 - argues that it is not possible for a family to have most of
its working force engaged as professional printers and the printers must have only been temporarily hired to do the printing work.
Gu Tinglong suggests that the rise of Meishan as Sichuan's; major book production centre was due to the tremendous effort 57 of Jmg Xianmeng in promoting book publishing there. Jing was a transport commissioner in Sichuan during 1142-1145 and was a renowned book-collector. In 1145, he personally edited seven official histories, Song, Qi, Liang, Chen, Wei, Northern
Qi and Zhou, before sending them out to print in Meishan.
Under Jing's initiation, the Classics, Zhouli, Chunqiu, Lizhi
Mengzi, Shiji, and Sanguozhi were also published in Meishan.
The publishing of these books further encouraged book pro• duction and marketing activities in Sichuan.
Two of the most well known bookstores in Meishan, Xian- yang Shuyinzhai and Wanjuan Tang, had produced more than ten literary works of Tang Scholars, as well as Tangliu Xiansheng
Wen, Guochao Erbaijia Mingxian Wencui, Shiqishi Ceyao and others. In addition to those in Meishan, bookstores such as
Guangdu Peizhai, Shuyin Zhai and Ye Chang were well known in 5 8
Sichuan In the Sourthern Song period, the rise of the bookstores in Linan (Hangzhou) and Jianan gradually obscured this earliest major book market of China.
- 33 - As early as the Northern Song period (.960-1127) , Ji.anni.ng
(Jianyang) in Fujian had already been developed as an important 59 book market. Some writers suggest that Jianning had been an important book market as early as the Tang period but no 6 0
concrete evidence seem to support this argument. Once it
established itself in the Song period, Jianning in Fujian
became one of the major book markets of China till the end
of Ming, for a period of more than 400 years. Su Bai attribu•
tes the development of Jianning as the major book market to
its geographical location. Su points? out that Jianning
located on the communication routes' between Fujian and Jiangxi
as well as between Fujian and Zhejiang.^^ This advantageous
location is further supplemented by Jianning's flourishing
paper production which is essential for book production and
marketing activities. However, Mao Chunxiang argues that
Jianning's development as a major book market is due to the
presence of a noted Song scholar, Yang Shi, who was teaching in 6 2
Pucheng, not far from Jianyang. As Yang had many followers
and students, Mao argues that this gathering of intellectuals
provided a further stimulus to the book production efforts in
Jianyang.
Although books produced in Fujian have not been widely
appreciated by book collectors, its importance is primarily
traced to its large output. A comparative account of dif-.:
ferent editions of books produced in Fujian and other provinces was made by Ye Mengde (1077-1148). In his Shilin Yanyu, Ye pointed out the wide distribution of books originated in
Fujian:
At present, of all books printed throughout the empire, those of Hangzhou are considered the best, those of Sichuan come next, and those of Fujian are the worst. The quality of printing in the late capital (Kaifeng) did not seem to be lower than that in Hang• zhou but the paper used was not so fine. In Sichuan and Fujian, softwood is much used for cutting printing blocks, the object of which is their easy completion, with a rapid sale for the books. Hence the workmanship is not good. Fujian editions are spread all over the empire, and that is on account of the ease with which they are got ready.63
The two most prominent book markets in Jianyang, a dis• trict in the prefecture of Jianning, were Masha Zhen in Yong- zhong Li and Shufang Zhen (literally "Book Market") known also as Shulin in Chunhua Li. In his Jiahe Xianxue Cangshu Ji, the philosopher Zhu Xi mentioned that: "Books produced in
Masha of Jianyang are used throughout the empire, no matter 64 how far it is." Fangyu Shenglan also said: "Both Masha and Chunhua districts produce books and are called centres of 65 books." There were at least 16 known bookshops: in Fujian with the majority in Jianan. One of the bookshops with a history extending from Song to the end of the Ming dynasty was Yu's family. The trade was handed down from one gengera- tion to another but had operated under different names. Two of their most noted bookshops were Qinyou Tang and Wanjuan
Tang. Even the emperor Qianlong in Qing period sent an offi• cial, Zhong Yin, to investigate the history of Qinyou Tang. - 35 - A descendant of the Yu family, Yu Tingxiang, told Zhong Yin
from his clan record that his ascendants:
... had established their book publishing business in Jianyang as early as the Northern Song Period. Yu's family imported paper from other provinces and stamped "Qinyou" on them. As book publishing had not yet been well popularised and Qinyou Tang used good paper and woodblocks for printing, this was why Jianan (Qinyou Tang) books had been so popular. The name of the bookshop "Qinyou" had long been used. In the Lizong period (1225-1264), Yu Wen- xing had an alternative name, Qinyou Jushi, which was taken from the name of the old bookshop. The workshop in which Shaoqing- tang Shuji was published by the Yu family of today was said to be the old site of Qinyou Tang.66
Qinyou Tang and Wanjuan Tang together published more than eighteen works in some 270 juan. Though most Masha editions were regarded by bibliophiles as poor in quality, books pub• lished by the Yu family were well produced and highly priced and were considered as comparable to editions sold in Hangzhou.
Other Yu publishers in Jianan included Yu Tangqing and Yu
Gongli. Liu Guojun points out that there were at least thirty- three bookshops in Jianning, but we do not have all their names. The most well known ones included Huang Sanbalang Shu- pu, Yu Pingzhai's Wuben Shufang, Dan Guangzu's Yueya Shutang and others. (See Appendix II).
Bookshops in Fujian generally operated on a much larger scale than those in Sichuan and Hangzhou. Most of the books
- 36 - printed in Hangzhou were done by family members of the shop owner. Even when extra block-cutters were needed for the printing of books, only one or a few of them were hired.
However, Yijing Tang in Jianning hired more than 29 workers to print the dynastic history of Former and Later Han in 1208.
The larger operation of the bookshops in Jianning therefore necessitated a bigger market outside the vicinity. To facilitate the transportation of books to distant markets, they used paper made from young bamboo which was lighter and yellowish in colour. In addition they tried to squeeze in as many characters as possible onto one printing block, and to cut down the number of volumes so as to lower the price of the books they sold. To market their much larger output of books, bookshops in Jianning had to rely less on direct retail sale but more on the book traders who sold books at 6 7 far away towns and markets.
After Kaifeng fell into the hands of Nuzhen in 1126, the
Song emperor took refuge in Hangzhou (then called Linan).
Hangzhou itself was a city of multiple functions. It was at once the capital, since it contained the Imperial Palaces and the offices of the central government, the seat of a large prefecture, and also the seat of two sub-prefectures. In addition, it was an important centre of trade. Gernet believes that the population of Hangzhou must have been less 6 8 than 200,000 before 1126. Nevertheless, as recorded in Mengliang Lu, the two sub-prefectures, Qiantang and Renhe, - 37 - had 104,669 households between the period 1165 and 1173.03
If the current average of four to five individuals per family
is accepted, a total population of just below half a million was recorded then. By 1241-1252, a total of 111,336 households were registered. The year 1270 further reported to have 70
186,330 families, that is, a total population of 900,000.
The figures thus provided strong evidence of a sudden increase
in population during the years immediately after 1126 and a rapid growth of population thereafter.
With the disintegration of the fang (ward) system, markets sprung up in all the main thoroughfares of the city of Hang• zhou and the city gates. In addition to large numbers of shops and pedlars selling rice and pork, there were nearly 200 shops selling salted fish. -There were another fifteen specialized markets selling vegetables, fresh fish, crabs, clothing, flowers, olives, pearls and precious stones, oranges, herbs, and books. The book market, "Shufang", was located in Juyuan
Pavilion.
As a major centre of trade, Hangzhou not only engaged in inter-regional trade but also foreign trade. Passion for luxury and pleasure was particularly strong in Hangzhou. It was there that the high Court, the officials and the rich merchants had their residences. Gernet even claims that "•ho 72 other town had such a concentration of wealth." He further comments that there was "an excessive proliferation of shops - 38 - ih Hangzhou." Well-to-do families; did not hesitate to buy
a business for a son who failed in the imperial examination.
These shopkeepers-by-accident were known in the town by the
name of "guanren" (madarin) and they were apparently occupied
in the more exclusive trades. The most common occupation
amongst them were booksellers, dentists, or vendors of special
caps and clothing worn by scholars. As noted in Mengliang Lu,
there were bookseller Zhang guanren, dentist Fu guanren, and
cap-seller Xu guanren.
Bookshops in Hangzhou were not well developed in the early period of Southern Song. Many bookshops then were only part of the business of the paper-making shops or zhimapu
(paper funeral offering shop) .• This was indicated in two works of the early Southern Song period. A statement at the end of Wenxuan Wuchen Zhu reads: "Printed in the zhimapu of
Zhong's family in the east side of the Maoerqiao River in
Hangzhou." Another statement in a Korean reprint of Song edition of Hanshanzi Ci reads: "Printed in the paper-making shop of Guo1s family in Cheqiaonan Dajie in Qiantang Gate in 74
Hangzhou." Su Bai suggests that bookshops in Hangzhou developed only after block printing had been widely used in
Zhejiang and that after large numbers, of block-printers were trained -- in the middle or late Southern Song period. The censorship of books had also gradully relaxed in this period and this encouraged the production and the marketing of books by the bookshops. Liu Guojun points out that there were over thirteen
bookstores in Hangzhou while Mao Chunxiang suggests that there were twenty. A well known bookshop was Chen's family whose
shop was located in the south of Luqin Fang in Hangzhou. From
the middle of the thirteenth century on, Chen Qi and his son published almost .all the literary works, poems and fictions of Tang and Song writers. Over 100 volumes of Tang works and
a large number of Song works were thus published and sold in
Hangzhou by Chen's family. Many of the books published by them were of very high quality as they used good quality paper and ink and their books were regarded as the best commercially produced editions. Books published by Chen was known as "Shupeng" editions. Many of them had been stamped as: "Published by Chenshi Shujipu in Pengbei Dajie in Linan Fu" or "Published by Chen's family in Muqin Fang of Pengbei Daijie in Linan Fu." Chen Qi, whose bookstore : was known as Yunju
Lou, was not only famous as a commercial bookseller but as a highly literate poet. His son, Xuyun, had books stamped:
"Published by Chen Jieyuan Shujipu in Muqiu Fang of Pengbei
Dajie in Linan Fu." Chen's bookstore lasted from the 1220's till, early Yuan period.
The bookshop of Yin's family which was located in front of Taimiao also published many fiction and literary works. In addition, there were also bookstores which printed and sold selected Buddhist works, such as Jiaguanren Jingshupu in the east of Zhonganqiao Nanjie and Wang Niansanlang's family in Pengqian Nanjie of Xijing Fang. Some of these printed Budd• hist works were finely done and the woodcut in these books were the best samples at that time. Most of the works printed by these bookshops were, however, done by family members alone.
This was why many of their books did not contain the names of block-printers or cutters. Even when outside labor was needed, only a few were hired. Rarely more than ten block-printers would have been engaged in one book. In the printing of Cen- jiazhou Ji, Chen's family hired only one block-printer, Zi
Wen. Although there were instances where more than ten people were hired to do the printing job, this still could not change the small scale book production system in Hangzhou in the period of Southern Song.
From an edict to censor books in 1193, we can tell that
Wuzhou in Zhejiang had also been developed as a major book publishing center in the Southern Song period. In the chapter on law and punishement, Songhuiyao Jigao recorded an imperial edict in 1193 which put Wuzhou together with Sichuan, Hang• zhou and Nanjing as important places where officials had to censor and destroy unauthorised works produced and sold 7 6 by the bookshops. Zhouli Zhu printed by Tang's family in
Wuzhou Shimenxiang and Meihua Zishenpu printed by Shuanggui
Tang in Jinhua were both famous works of the Song period that survived. Yiwu Xian seemed to be the most important centre of book marketing in Wuzhou and there were works published by bookshops, such as Chongzhi Zhai of Jiang's family and Gui Tang of Wu' s family, which survived.
In addition to Wuzhou, Pingjiang was also an important book marketing centre. Its development was possibly due to
its proximity to Hangzhou and a more direct influence by
Hangzhou was indicated by the works published there. Many of the known block-printers from Hangzhou were also recorded as printers in works produced in Pingjiang. In the Jiading period (1208-1124), block-printers from Pingjiang had become
so numerous that a number of them were hired by bookshops in 77 places as far away as Guangdong.
With the increase in the number of bookshops, books published in the Song period had greatly expanded from the
Classics to books on geography, history, medicine, agricul• ture, commerce, industry, mathematics, poems, fiction,
Buddhism and Daoism as well as other popular works. The production and distribution of these books greatly expanded people's knowledge of these fields, such as in agriculture, science and mathematics. Practical agricultural treatises were published, written in simple languages and often illus• trated with woodcut pictures of tools and appliances. It was of course, the educated and the well-to-do landlords who primarily benefited from contacts with officials and read the instructions which they promulgated as well as the more detailed technical manuals. Not only were older texts, such as the Qimin Yaoshu ( Essential Technique for the Common People) - 42 - written by Jia Sixie in the sixth century, reprinted. New
works, outstanding amongst those were Chen Fu*s Nongshu
(Agricultural Treatise) and Lou Shou's Pictures and Poems on
Husbandry and Weaving — the first illustrated work, were 7 8 also published.
In a request to print Wang Zhen's Nongshu (Agricultural
Treatise), the Jiangsu educational authorities in 1313 con•
firmed that bookstores had printed agricultural manuals in
the Southern Song dynasty. The request reads partly as
follows:
Although the bookstores have previously printed such works as Qimin Yaoshu and Nongshu, no book has gathered matters together completely as the present one.™
In addition to agricutural works, Song bookstores also published works on elementary mathematics, techniques of abacus, such as Yang Hui's Mathematics for Daily Use, which was printed in 1262.
It was not only the commercial publishers who actively engaged in publishing new scientific and technological works, the imperial government of Song also published works on medi• cine, agriculture, law codes and mathematics. The two print• ings of 1,500 copies made in 1273 of the Essentials of Agri- culture and Sericulture constituted one of the largest runs.
- 43 - This gives us some idea of the number of copies printed of
each book in that period.
In this flourishing book publishing period, both contemporary and old literary works were printed and distri• buted in large quantity. This no doubt helped the preserva• tion of many old texts and rare works. The importance of the civil service examinations for the entrance into officialdom led to the largenumbers of books published for the use of the examination candidates, such as dictionaries, commentaries on
Classics and literature. The much larger output of books of all kinds in the period also much facilitated the book collec• tions of government and private libraries. Many of the book collectors had a library of more than 10,000 juan, such as
Song Shou, Li Fang, Ye Mengde, Zheng Qiao and others. Along with the increased demand for printed books, printers were encouraged to perfect their act. Instrumental in the preser• vation, diffusion^ and popularization of knowledge, the book• shops, with the art of printing, helped to spread knowledge
81 to a much larger portion of the masses than ever before.
The three alien dynasties which coexisted and engaged in continuous wars with the Song dynasty were the Liao, Xixia and Jin. To a different degree, the three aliens were influ• enced by the high culture of Song and modelled Song institu• tions .
- 44 - The Liao empire (.907-1125) rose as early as the close of
the ninth century in the northern part of Manchuria. They
finally fought their way to Beijing in 938 and later captured
Bianliang (Kaifeng). In 1055, an imperial decree ordered that
schools be established throughout the Liao empire. Commen•
taries to the Classics and the historical works Shiji and
Hanshu were distributed to schools. Unfortunately the Liao
government forbid the export of books and no specimens of
their works were discovered until recently.
In 197 4, over 160 specimens of Liao manuscripts, sutras,
Khitan Tripitaka, printed books and paintings were discovered
in the Fugong Monastery in Shanxi. The Khitan Tripitaka was
probably printed between the year of 1031 and 1064 and has
less than 1000 volumes. The discovery of this 12 juan of
Khitan Tripitaka provided an excellent example for the study
of Liao printing and culture. Another major finding from
these Liao printed books was that the majority of them were
printed in Beijing. This indicates that Beijing, the southern
capital of Liao, became a major book publishing center as 8 2 early as the twelth century.
Xixia or Tangut, a tribe of Tibetan people, set up a
strong kingdom in northwest Manchuria and East Mongolia. In
1032, they established their capital in Ningxie. The Tangut people admired the Chinese culture so much that they culti• vated the study of the Confucian classics. Li Yuanhao, who reigned from 1032 to 1048, was so interested in Chinese litera•
ture that on one occasion he procured a number of books from
the Song Court in exchange for 50 horses. Schools were
established after the Chinese model, including an Academy of
Learning founded in 1145. Li Renxiao, who reigned from 1139
to 1193, purchased from the Jin people not only books on 8 3 Confucianism but Buddhism as well.
After the Nuzhen or Jin overpowered the Khitan in 1125,
they invaded the Song empire and captured the/capital, Kaifeng,
in 1126. They took all the books as well as printing blocks
from the National Academy of Northern Song and transported
them northward. A government printing office was further set up at Pingyang, known also as Pingshui, in Shanxi. The Jin
National Academy (restored in 1151) and the Hong Wen Yuan
(founded in 1194) together published over 30 works in Chinese 84 and 15 works in Nuzhen language.
Pingyang was not only /flourished in government publishing, it was also the dominant book market for private and commer• cial publications. As noted by Sun Yuxiu:
(Pingyang) was elevated to become the site of a Governor's Office in 1128. Since Pingyang had also become the leading cul• tural and intellectual center in northern China, an official printing office was set up there. This greatly encouraged the growth of commercial bookstores in that place. In the Yuan period, book
- 46 - market in Pingyang continued to grow, Ping- yang was thus as prominent as Masha book market in Jianyang.85
Located in the Southern Circuit of Hedong (Southern part of
Shanxi), a far removed place from the center of war, Pingyang
was a place enriched with natural resources, and many scholars
and students resided there. In addition to having high
quality white paper produced there, Pingyang was further noted
as the site of the National Academy, where many famous scho•
lars worked, and a highly productive government printing
office. These factors no doubt encouraged Pingshui to deve•
lop as the major book market in the Jin and Yuan periods.
Even in the Jin dynastic history, books were mentioned as 8 6 products of the area. Known bookshops in Pingshui included
Shuxuan Chenshi, Li Ziwen, Zhang Qian, Zhonghe Xuan of Wang's
family, Hui Ming Xuan of Zhang's family, Ji's family, Liu Min- 8 7
zhong and others. (See Appendix III). Some of them such as
Zhonghe Xuan and Ji's family had flourished not only in the
Jin period but continued on to Yuan times. A Yuan edition of
Xinke Yunlue collected by Wang Shizhen had an ink stamp which read: "A new edition printed by Zhonghe Xuan of Wang's family in Pingshui in the year of 1306." This indicates that Zhong• he Xuan had been established for at least 77 years throughout 8 8 the Jin and Yuan period.
Next important to Pingyang in the Jin period was the book market in Ningjin Xian which was located in the western circuit of Hebei. The roost famous bookshop was the Jing family. Jing
Hu's grandfather had already started a publishing business in
Ningjin as early as the Five Dynasties. In 1213-1216 when the Mongols invaded the Jin empire, Jiang's family hid the printing blocks of the Five Classics, Taihe Luyi Plan, Guang- yun and others in a deserted place. After the evasion, Jing excavated the blocks out and had them printed. The printed books sold by the Jing family were highly popular north of the Yellow River because the printing was well done and the , 89 price was low.
The provision of books in Jin was further facilitated by the smuggling from the south. Although the Song government had laws governed the publication of books on political and military affairs, smuggling of these books to Jin were often made by merchants who were encouraged by the high profits. In the second year of Jiatai (120 2), a Song government decree disclosed that a group of merchants, Dai Shiliu and others, attempted to smuggle military and political books, Benchao
Shishi and other works, to Jin and were caught by the officials.
The decree further ordered that local officials should ensure that books on military and political affairs published by bookstores should first be screened and approved by the local authority and the unauthorized blocks and printed books should be destroyed.9^
With the production of books already begun in the Liao
- 48 - period, book marketing activities in various provinces were further developed in the Jin period. The book market in
Beijing was no doubt encouraged by its development as the national capital and the political and cultural importance attached to the capital. In Beijing, Jiu Wudai Shi, Kongshi
Zuting Guangji and Zhengguan Zhengyao were published. Markets in the Xiangguo Monastery in Kaifeng continued on as in the
Song time to open on the third and eighth day of every xun
(cycle of ten days). During these market days, books were sold there. In the publication of Dili Xinshu, a book used for the civil service examination, we can tell that the production and marketing of books had been quite extensively developed throughout the Jin state. More than seven editions of Dili Xinshu were produced. The National Academy and commercial bookstores in Gutang, Yimen, Puban, Pingyang, all had different editions for sale. In Pingyang, several 91 different editions were printed for sale there. Book markets in the Jin period thus had already been distributed all over the modern provinces of Hebei, Shandong, Shanxi, Henan and Shaanxi, in nine of the nineteen circuits of the Jin adminis- 92 tration.
In 1210 the Mongol leader, the great Genghis: Khan attacked the buffer state of Jin, and in 1224 destroyed their capital at Beijing. In 1227 he destroyed Xixia, leaving only one hundredth of the population alive. Three years later
Genghis died, but still the Mongol hoardes advanced, and in
- 49 - 123 5 they turned to southern China,. After forty years of resisting, the Mongols took over the Southern Song in 1279 and called themselves the Yuan Dynasty,
The Mongolian rulers made use of the public education system and the civil service examination to keep the Chinese scholars preoccupied so that there would be no manifestation of discontent and revolt against the foreign rulers. The
Yuan dynasty had a more or less extensive system of education.
In addition to the National Academy and academies in the circuits, local schools were numerous. In 1286 there were
20,166 local schools and in 1288 over 24,000 schools were established throughout the country. Moreover, more than forty academies, institutes of higher learning, were also recorded 93 in different parts of the empire. The civil service examination was also introduced, at the suggestion of Yelu
Chucai (1190-1244), even before the consolidation of the
Mongolian empire in 1271. However, no examination was given until 1284 due to continuous military campaigns. Since 1313, sixteen triennal examinations were held for the highest degree of j inshi. Local examinations were also given at irregular intervals. Despite the fact that the examinations were poorly administered, they furnished an incentive to study and created a demand for books. Books in the Yuan dynasty were actively reprinted by the government from the Song printing blocks but new works were also produced in far greater quantity by both the private and commercial publishers. This - 50 - contributed to the rapid development of book markets through•
out the country.
Special offices to edict and publish books under official
sponsorship were also established during the Yuan dynasty.
Again, at the suggestion of Yelu Chucai, the Institute of Com•
pilation was established in Beijing in 1236 and the Institute
of Literature was founded in Pingyang in the same year but
moved to Beijing in 1269. This move firmly established Bei•
jing as the centre of Chinese culture for many generations to
come. In 1273, the Bishu Jian was created to take care of
all books produced for the Yuan government. Another office,
Xingwen Shu, was established in 1290, first under the Bishu
Jian and later in 1293 under the Hanlin Academy. Xingwen Shu
from then on played a very significant role in the printing
and distribution of books. Established in the Capital of Yuan,
Beijing, Xingwen Shu in 1273 had a staff consisting of one
supervisor, three deputy supervisors, four proofreaders, one
secretary, one recorder, 40 woodcutters, one foreman, 39 94 workmen and 16 printers. From the structure of Xingwen
Shu, we could have a better idea of a printing establishment where division of work was apparent. Not only was the work of block-cutting, printing and calligraphic writing handled by different people, there were also a recorder, foreman and supervisors to facilitate and coordinate the printing of books. Works on the Classics, philosophy and history were thus produced in Beijing for the use of the whole nation. The first of such works produced by Xingwen Shu was believed to be a 1290 edition of Zizhi Tongj ian, a celebrated histori• cal work by Sima Guang.
Not only was the central government engaged in the publishing of books for the use of students and scholars, local government units were also encouraged to reissue old works as well as to publish " new books. Scholars could sub• mit their writing through the circuits to the Hanlin Academy for approval. If accepted, the material was referred to the local educational authorities for publication. Many books were thus published by the local schools. An important innovation in the financing of education and publication was also adopted. Lands and farms were allocated to various school districts and proceeds from the sale of farm produce were used as running expenses for the schools and as stipends for the faculty and students. The residue of the school fund was further allocated to defray printing expenses.
Because of this provision, many provinces, notably Jiangzhe
(covered parts of modern Zhejiang, Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Anhui and Fujian) and Jiangxi (covered parts of modern Jiangxi and
Guangdong) together with their local administrative units, printed a great number of books for the use of their students.
One of the most ambitious projects was launched in Jiangzhe province in the early years of the fourteenth century. A co-operative scheme was undertaken by the different schools in the province for the publication of the seventeen official
- 52 - dynastic histories but only nine were actually published. A similar project to publish the seventeen dynastic histories was also planned in the province of Jiangxi and seven of them 95 were published by 1332.
The number of copies of each impression was suprisingly small in Yuan period. Even such government publications as the Liao and Jin dynastic histories printed in 1345 and the
Song dynastic history printed in the following year had only 96
100 copies printed. In the publishing of Qiujian Xiansheng
Wenji, only 20 copies were printed in 13 22. Another example was the publication of Fuzhou Tongzhi in 1322 which was in• tended for distributing to schools in the north. Only 50 copies were issued for this work which has over 10,000 blocks.
Wu suggests that the small number of copies of each edition was due to the limited demand for such literary works from the insignificant number of scholars in the country. In addition, the supply of books was primarily intended for local use and the blocks kept safely in storage for subsequent 97 impressions of any number of copies desired. But there were also instances when a more commonly used practical guide, such as the Essentials of Agriculture and Sericulture had two print• ings of up to 1,500 copies in 1273. Blocks for books published by the government were stored in public depositories where they were available for additional copying at cost. For books printed by the various district schools, the blocks were in• variably stored on the premise- 5s3 an- d available to anyone who wanted to make a copy.
The large number of editions printed of some works
compensated for the small number of copies printed in each
run. A dictionary, Daguang Yihui Yupian, had no less than
five different editions in the Yuan period. Another diction•
ary, Guangyun, had seven different editions, produced by both
official and commercial publishers in the Yuan dynasty. One
of the most popular books in the Yuan period was Libu Yunlue
published in eight different editions by bookstores within
a mere sixty year period.
From the different editions published by differnt
publishers, we can tell that blocks were often transferred
from one publishing house to another. The dictionary Libu
Yunlue had eight different publishers: Huiwen Tang, Qinyou
Tang, Zhonghe Xuan, Yishan Tang, Rixin Shutang, Yuqing Tang,
Xingqing Shutang and Xinyan Shutang. There were also ins•
tances where commercial publishers changed the imprint from
the former publisher to their own. In 1312 Qinyou Tang
published Dugongbu Shi with designation of the date, 1312, in
a bell shaped stamp. The blocks were later acquired by Guang-
qin Tang. All designations of the Qinyou Tang were effaced
and changed to that of Sanfeng Shushe and Guangqin Tang, except 99
the one at the end of the twentieth-fifth juan. The set of blocks of the Dushi changed hands another time and was acquir•
ed by Wang Liang. Besides Dushi- 54 , - Wang also acquired the blocks of Shiji and Li Taibai Shi.j i from Guangqin Tang and
changed the imprint to that of his own.100
Many Song scholars, reluctant to serve under foreign
rulers, founded private academies of their own. The Yuan
authorities also encouraged the establishement of new
academies wherever they considered desirable. As early as
1238, the Taiji Academy was established in Beijing, Another
institution which figured prominently in Yuan publishing was
the Xihu Academy (West Lake Academy) in Hangzhou. It was
established in 1291 on the site of the former National
Academy of the defunct Song dynasty. There were over 200,000
printing blocks stored there. In 1324, the Xihu Academy
published the Wen Xian Tang Kao in 348 juan and in 1336
Guo Chao Wen Lei in 7 0 juan was published. Another excellent
example of publishing by the richly endowed schools in the
Yuan period was the Complete Works of Qiujian Xiansheng
published by the Jiaxing schools. Ye Dehui in his Shulin Qing-
hua gave a long list of works published by local government units, schools and academies in each province in the Yuan period -- five in Anhui, twenty-three in Zhejiang, three in
Hubei, twelve in Jiangxi, fourteen in Jiangsu. By comparing
it with Wang Guowei's Liangzhe Gukanben Kao, we find numerous omissions by Ye."'"^"'" But by using Ye's list as an indicator, we may safely say that the modern province of Zhejiang led in
the number of books printed officially and that it was followed in the order of importance by Jiangsu, Jiangxi,
- 55 - Fujian and Hubei.
While Zhejiang led in the number of government publica•
tions in the Yuan period, Fujian led in commercial printing
with the largest number of bookshops. Both provinces were
administratively under the Jiangzhe province during the Yuan
times. Of the seven districts in the Jianning circuit,
Jianyang and Jianan led in the number of book publishing
houses. K.T. Wu suggests that: "In Jianan alone there were
forty-eight private publishers, each with at least one title 102 to its credit." (See Figure 2 ).
One of the most productive bookshops in Yuan period was
Qinyou Tang which had already been well established in the
Song period. Qinyou Tang of Yu Zhian published no less than
seventeen works including Classics and literary compilations
in a period of forty years. In addition there were also two
famous bookstores of the Yu family Qinde Tang and Shuanggui
Tang. In Jianan, there were also two Rixin Tang, one belonged
to Liu Jinwen. Gao1s family had only one known published work while Liu had sixteen books to his credit.. Another bookshop,
Cuiyan Jingshe of Liu Junzuo, published more than, twelve
important works in the Yuan period. The firm Zongwen Tang of
Zheng Tianze in Jianan was noted for its long history — a period of over two hundred years, from 1330 to 1537. The
Cuiyan Jingshe also had a history extending from 1314 to 1469, more than one hundred and fifty ears. Yu Pingzhai's Wuben
- 5.6 - Shutang also published six known works during the Yuan and
four more works down to the Ming dynasty. In addition,
Nanjian Shutang in Masha and Guangqin Tang of Ye *s family
also extended their book marketing activities from Yuan to
the Ming period.103 ^(See Appendix IV)
Some educational authorities, instead of publishing
the books themselves, would occassionally commission a busi•
ness firm to do it for them. Yang Zhihang, Commissioner of
Education in Zhejiang in 1326 ordered Zhang Cuizhong to have
Shishu Tong published in Jianyang. Zhang later contracted
Qinyou Tang of Yu Zhian to do the printing for him which took
three years to complete. In fact, most official publications 104 in Jianan were printed by Qinyou Tang.
In addition to Jiangzhe, Jiangxi province in the Yuan
period was also flourished with bookstores. Lu Ling and
Jianchang were the two important book marketing centers in
Jiangxi with famous bookshops such as Gulin Shutang of Hu's
family, Taiyu Shutang, Zhuping Shutang and others. While most of the publishers printed and distributed a great variety
of books, there were a few who specialized in certain types
of books.
Gulin Shuwu of the Hu's in Lu. Ling specialized in the publishing of medical books. It had published more than five medical books, such as Huangdi Neijing Suwen and Huangdi Nei-
- 57 - jing Lingshu Jing. Another noted commercial publisher,
Yuansha Academy, despite its title as an "academy", speciali• zed in the production and distribution of reference books of an encyclopedic nature. One of the well printed work by
Yuansha Academy was the Gujin Yuanliu Zhilun. It is an encyclopedia intended for candidates taking the civil service examinations. It furnished them with a resume of current events and the history of social and political institutions.
Just as Jianyang in the modern province of Fujian was the commercial publishing centre in the south, Pingyang in
Shanxi was indisputably the centre in the north during both the Jin and Yuan dynasties. As mentioned above, the Insti• tute of Literature was established in this northern city as early as 1236. Many notable books emanated from the book• shops in this area. Books such as Xianxie Kuisou Shu and
Zhenghe Zhenglei Bencao were distributed by Shu Xuan of 104
Chen and Huiming Xuan of Zhang Cunhui. However, Pingyang was gradually displaced by Beijing after the Yuan capital moved to Beijing in 1267 and the Institute of Literature also moved there in 1269.
Books produced by the business firms in the Yuan period 105 were considered by Ye Dehui as generally of low quality.
The books published were primarily medical books, examination aids, and encyclopedic compilations. The Yuan government only concerned with ways and means of keeping discontented - 58 - scholars occupied. As long as the scholars remained "docile and subservient", the Mongol rulers adopted a laissez-faire policy regarding book production. But the lack of governmen• tal encouragement no doubt led to the comparatively poor scholarship revealed in the content of the books produced.
A Japanese bibliographer, Nagasawa Kikuya, listed a total of
220 titles published by 107 private and commercial publishers 10 6 in the Yuan period. Although some of the books listed should come under official sponsorship, we nevertheless can gain some ideas of the kinds of books issued by the private and commercial publishers. Categorised under the traditional classification system, Nagasawa included seventy-nine Classics, thirty-two History, fifty-six Philosophy and fifty-three Bells- lettres. Of the Classics, twenty-nine are lexicon or rhyming dictionaries. Under philosophy, there are five books on herbs, twenty books on prescription and fifteen encyclopaedias. The scholars themselves were generally content with mediocrity and conventionality in the Yuan period. This was why Ye Dehui had the opinion that the low cultural level of the Yuan period is indicated by the low quality of the books published.
- 59 - Pig. 2. The Distribution of Bookstores in the Yuan Dynasty •12 6 0-136 8
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- 60 - Chapter IV. Book Markets in the Ming and Qing Periods
The Mongol Dynasty was overthrown by Chinese rebels from
central and south China. Zhu Yuangzhang was finally able to
occupy Beijing in 1368 and proclaimed himself emperor of Ming.
He set up his capital at Nanjing and in less than four years
not only recovered all the territories held by the Tang
dynasty at the height of their power, but further extended his
control over the Trans-Baikal region and Manchuria as well.
Nanjing was chosen as the capital because it lay in the area
of rebel strength and near the centre of population and wealth.
Southeast China continued to prosper and many new walled cities
were established there during the Ming period. Nanjing gained
new importance after it became the national capital. In 1403
the new Ming emperor moved the court north to Beijing. Nan•
jing thus lost its political pre-eminence but economically it
continued to flourish. Nanjing's population of more than one million people in Marco Polo's time must have exceeded that
of Beijing.
When the Ming general Xu Da (1332-1385) captured Beijing
in 1368, he appropriated great quantities of government property, including books and wood-blocks, which he trans• ported to the new Ming capital of Nanjing in the south.
Among them were many valuable works, including some which the
Mongols had acquired during the Song time, as well as numerous blocks made under the order of Mongol officials in
- 61 - various circuits. The damaged or incomplete sets were sub• sequently repaired by the Ming government. As Nanjing, in the circuit of Jiqing, was already well known for its publi• shing activities, substantial amounts of materials left over from the old dynasties fell into the hands of the Ming authority. The most outstanding works published by the
Southern Academy in the period of Jiajing were the Thirteen
Classics and the Twenty-one Dynastic Histories.
One of the voluminous encyclopaedia not only in China but in the world was Yongle Dadian, compiled under the patronge of the Emperor Yongle. The Yongle Dadian, consisting of 22,927 juan, was completed in 1407 in 11,915 volumes. Over
2,000 scholars and officials had participated in the compila• tion of this monumental work. This encyclopaedia not only preserved large number of lost works but included also numer• ous popular works such as drama and fiction. Unfortunately only 300 volumes of Yongle Dadian survive today.
Ming scholarship on the whole was considered superficial with most Ming writings and compilations uninspired and largely 10 8 made up of platitude. The introduction of the so-called
"eight-legged essay" in the Hongwu period only served to in• still Ill-understood classical allusions and stereotyped opinions in the minds of the scholars. Moreover the temps of
Ming life was favorable to the life of connoisseurship.
Although there were intermittent wars on the Mongolian border and Indo-China, in addition to the inroads, of Japanese pirates along the coastal areas, the interior of the empire was at peace during the greater part of the period. Material pros• perity reached new heights and labor was cheap and plentiful.
Consequently, the industrial arts especially those of porce• lain and metal work, and printing were highly developed.
Many scholars were disgusted by the corrupt politics of the
Ming court and sought to retire into private life. Various societies for philosophical speculation and artistic appre• ciation were formed. A large number of these were in such centers as Suzhou and Hangzhou, where, far removed from the mainstream of political corruption and revolting incompetence of the central government in the north, they were inclined to acquire and enjoy art works of various kinds. However, their published works, though by no means meager, was far less well collated and edited as Song editions.
Private publishing became popular in the Jiajing period and flourished from Wanli till the end of Ming. Suzhou had been one of the most important publishing centers during the latter part of Ming dynasty when a large number of scholar- printers lived there. Some of the best examples of private printing originated in this area. Writing in Jiajing period,
Lu Shen (1477-1544) spoke slightly of the printing in Jianyang but praised that of Suzhou. He said: "But artisans in Suzhou 109 follow the standard of old works (i.e. Song editions)." Gu Chun, another scholar in Suzhou was noted for his fine - 63 - edition of the collected works of six famous philosophers, the
Shidetang Liuzi. Yuan Jiong, whose Jiaqu Tang issued a number
of fine works, such as the Werixuan Liushenzhu. One of the
best specimenss of Ming printing was a philosophical treaty,
Wang Chong Lunheng printed by Tongjin Caotang of Su Xianke.
Another collector-printer in Suzhou was Guo Yunpeng, whose
studios Jimei Tang and Baoshan Tang printed a great number
of literary works as well. In She Xian of Huizhou, We Mian-
xue's Shigu Tang had a sizeable collection of books. Wu
also published many books, including books on medicine. One
of his best known editions was a collection of 20 philosophical
treatises, Ershizi Quanshu.
However, the most prominent private publishers in the
Ming period were Mao Jin and Fan Yin. Mao Jin (1599-1659),
a native of Chang Shu, had his Jigu Ge used both as a library
and printshop. A total of 20 printers were hired by Mao and
over 10,000 blocks were cut. In the course of his career,
Mao collected over 10,000 books and printed no less than 600 works. The most important included the Thirteen Classics,
the Seventeen Dynastic Histories, the Jindai Bishu, a large number of literary works and a series of plays. Unfortunately
Mao's work had always been cirticized for containing many mistakes in collating and proofreading. Yet because of the large volume of books that he printed, they could be found in book markets everywhere in China and even in many libraries of today. Because of the large consumption of paper by Mao in
- 64 - the production of large numbers of books, two special varieties of paper were made in Jiangxi, the thicker one known as Mao- bian and the thinner one called Maotai — the terms are still used today. Mao's enterprise was not very successful finan• cially in the Qing period and was forced to dispose of his property as well as his print-blocks which were soon dispersed and deteriorated.1"1'0 In contrast to Mao, Fan Yin (1506-1585)'s famous library, Tianyi Ge, published very few books. Best known of his published works is the Ershizhong Qishu.
For the greater part of the Ming period, the largest commercial output came from Jianyang, a district in the prefecture of Jianning in Fujian. During the Qing period, however, Jianyang ceased to be a marketing and publishing center of importance and the trade there eventually died out completely. This was probably due to keen competition from other book markets such as Suzhou, Nanjing, Hangzhou and
Beijing, which gradually grew in importance in the Wanli period.111 (See Appendix "V ).
Fujian has been well recognised as one of the most important commercial publishing and marketing centers of books. A Qing scholar, Chen Shouqi, who is a native of
Fujian, mentioned that "book publishing in Jianan and Masha had become prosperous in the Song period and continued to develop in the Ming period. Between 50 to 60 percent of all books distributed in the country come from my native county. - 65 - Zhang Xiumin argues that in the Song and Yuan periods, most of the bookstores in Fujian were located in Jianan. Out of the thirty-six bookstores in Jianan and Jianyang, twenty-nine were in Jianan in the Song period. In the Yuan period, twenty-two 113 out of twenty-seven bookstores were in Jianan. However, book publishing and marketing activities in Jianan declined during the Ming period. This left Jianyang as the major book market in Fujian. A local gazette of Jianyang Xian in Jia- jing period (1522-1566) recorded that books were published in two districts: Masha and Chonghua. Masha was destroyed in the Yuan period, so only Chonghua still existed. In 1499, bookstores in Jianyang were again damaged by fire and almost all the print-blocks were destroyed. Fortunately, books could still be published from chonghua and book production was revived to a lesser extent in the Jiajing period. The local gazette further recorded that the book market in Chonghua district opened on the first and sixth days of every ten day period. During the market days, large numbers of merchants and pedlars visited the numerous bookstores at Shufang Street.
Zhou Hongzu recorded 365 different titles published in Jianning and the local gazette of Jianyang recorded 451 in 114
1545. Zhang Xiumin even suggests that over one thousand different works were published in Jianyang from 1545 to the end of the Ming dynasty. This large numbers of books produ• ced in Jianyang no doubt contributed to its development as one of the most productive book markets in China. - 66 - The books produced in Fujian, however, had always been
criticized as being poorly printed and edited as well as
having used cheap materials. Jianyang produced a special
kind of bunyun woold used for making printing blocks. Its
softness made printing easy but it often made broken or blurred
impressions. For this reason Fujian books had always been
considered by bibliophiles as of poor quality. Xie Zhaozhe,
in his Wuzasu, also maintained that books were produced in 115
great quantity in Fujian but the quality was very poor.
Another Ming writer, Lang Ying, who was a native of Hangzhou,
another important centre of printing, severely criticized
the commercial publishers in Fujian:
(The printing of books) has been abused by publishers in Fujian because they are moti• vated by profits only. Whenever they hear of good works selling at high prices they reprinted them. Although the number of juan and the table of contents are essen• tially the same, a great deal of material has been deleted. The buyer, not recog• nize of this trick, gets the work at only half price and falls unwittingly into their trap.116
Nevertheless some works of very good quality were
produced in Jianyang, especially prior to the fifteenth
century. Many creditable works were produced in Masha by
Liu Hong in Ming times. His workshop, Shengdu Zhai, turned
out fine editions such as Songzi Jian and Shiqishi Xiangj ie, which were so well executed that other book dealers were
tempted to remove all of Liu's designations in order to pass - 67 - it on as a Song edition, Liu wa,s further entrusted with the publication of Shantang Xiansheng Quanshu Kaosuo by the local gentry of Jianyang, Because of the excellent work he produced,
Liu was even exempted from local conscript labor for one year as a reward.
Besides Liu Hong, another bookshop of the Liu family,
Anzheng Tang in Jianyang, also issued a number of creditable works in the period of A.D.1500-1600. Together with his son and grandson, Liu Chaoguan and Liu Shuangsong, Liu Zongqi's
Anzheng Tang published more than twenty-four works from 1429 to early seventeenth century. Liu Zongqi was a highly regarded publisher in the family and his books were sold at high prices. Anzheng Tang not only issued books on medicine, classics and history but also collectanea and many literary works. An interesting note at the end of his work, Shiwen
Leiju Hanmo Daguan, gave us an idea of book prices at this time, a piece of information seldom given: "Blocks repaired and printed in the fourth month of 1611 by Anzheng Tang. Each 117 copy is to be sold at the price of one tael." Books issued by Anzheng Tang was so well executed that in some cases, with notes of indentification removed, they had been taken for those of the Yuan period by many bibliophiles.
While the Liu family was the leading bookseller and publisher in Masha, the Yu family in Shufang held a similar prominent position as early as the Song period on. The most
- 68 - noteworthy was their whorkshop Qinyou Tang which had been very prominent since the Song period. In the Ming period, Yu family became even more famous with at least twelve bookstores.
The Yu family had declined slightly in the early years of the
Ming period but became prosperous again in the Wanli period.
Many books were published by the Yu family in the Ming times.
The noted examples included the publishing of Huangming Ying- lie Zhuan by Yu Junzhao, Gangjian Lichao Zhengshi Quanpian by Yu Siyuan, Xihan Zhizhuan by Yu Shiteng, Huangming Zizhi 118
Tongj i by Yu Xianyuan and many others. Another bookstore of the Yu family in Jianyang which had been established in the Song period was Yu Xiangdou's Shuangfeng Tang. Yu and his son, Wentai, were famous for their publishing of illus• trated novels, dramas and popular manuals in the seventeenth century, such as Xihan Zhizhuan, Nanyou Ji, and others.
Some of the works produced in Jianyang was so poor that occasionally the local government had been prompted to intervene. A decree was issued in 1532 by the office of the provincial judge in Fujian, which read partly as follows:
The Five Classics and the Four books are the most indispensable for students. The older editions were well printed; but now profes• sional printers, who aim at nothing but profits, issue pocket editions in small print and with many errors... (Many examples at this point.) This is harmful not only to beginners but many cadidates for degrees have been disqualified because of the mistaken
- 69 - texts they have used, which is indeed a serious matter. This office deems it necessary that all works published in this province, for circulation over the whole of the empire, be carefully collated to rectify the errors committed by the above printing establishments.
... (Carefully collated standard texts) are to be printed and distributed to all printers as a guide. All works must be checked before they are sold. Names of the block carvers are to be. placed at the end of the books to make possible the tracing of any mistakes committed. Booksellers should not deviate from the standard text issued by the officials.
Anyone who disregards this regulation will be punished and will have his blocks destroyed. No lenience will be shown. All printers are required to file a statement promising to comply with this regulation .. . •'•^
This proclamation of 1532 later appeared in many of the books printed in Jianyang during the Jiajing period, such as the Zhouyi Jingzhuan and Liji Jishu.
While the Yu family had the longest history in book publishing, a few of the bookstores in Fujian also had a long history which could be traced back to the Yuan period, such as Cuiyan Jingshe, Rixing Tang, Guangqin Tang, Zongwen Tang and Wuben Tang. Many of them continued to publish high quality literary works as well as books for the general public.
Cuiyan Jingshe published ShiTin Guangj i, Maiyao Bikuo and others. Rixin Tang published Tuj ing Bancao and Zongwen Tang 120 published Wulin Shu, Chuxue Ji, and Yiwen Leiju.
- 70 - Another bookstore which specialised in the publication of Yinyang and medical books was Xiong Zongli's Zhongde Tang.
He published more than fifteen medical works during the
Chenghua period (1436-1487). Not only were older works such as Neijing Suwen, Xiaoer Fangjue reissued by him but new books were published, such as Yuanyi Yaoxing Fu, Furen Liangfang.
His descendants also published Tuzhu Nanjing and Tuzhu Maijue during the Wanli period. A 24-juan Mingfang Leizheng Yishu
Daquan, compiled by Xiong Zongli was reissued in Japan to 121 become the first Japanese printed medical book.
Although the Ming government also published books on
Classics and history, the demands of the people was far from being met. Bookstores in Jianyang, Nanjing, Beijing, Suzhou,
Hangzhou and Huizhou compiled a great number of novels, dramas and books with illustrations. Tn Jianyang there were also elementary texts published by the bookstores for the beginners, such as Tianxia Nanzhi, Qianjia Xing, ShengTu Fameng and others.
Books for examinations were also increasingly produced by the commercial publishers. There were standard texts, commentaries, studies, explanations for the Four Books and the Five Classics which aided students taking the civil examinations. There were also over 60 literary collections of both early and con• temporary writers published by the Jianyang bookstores. Such works like Sanguozhi Yanyi, Shuihu Zhuan, Xixiang Ji were produced in large quantity. Books for daily use were also easily available in Jianyang where ShiTin Guangji, Jujia Bi-
- 71 - yong and others, were published. Neo-Confucian works were
produced side by side with books on law and regulation.
Moreover, Jianyang book publishers: put out a large number of
books for practical use, such as Sunwuzi Binfa for military
purposes, Xiangming Suanfa for caculation, Tianjia Li for
studying agricultural seasons, Luban Jing for carpentry and
also medical books which had more than fifty different
. . , -i 122 titles.
In the early period of Ming, book publishing centers
were still in Fujian, Hangzhou and Sichuan. Writing in the
Jiajing period (1522-1566), Liu Shen in his Jintai Jiwen
pointed out that there was no more publishing done in Hang•
zhou while edition from Sichuan and Fujian became far less
popular than in the early Ming period; only Suzhou editions
could have been compared to the old editions printed in the
Song and Yuan periods. In the Jiajing period, Huzhou and
Shezhou in Anhui rapidly developed as important publishing
centers. Talking about book publication in Wanli period,
Xie Zhaozhe. pointed out that: "The quality of printing in
Hangzhou has declined much. Nanjing, Wuxing, Xinan were the
three places where the art of carving and printing are at 123
least as good as Song editions." Xie continued to note
that the quality of printing in Hunan was just average. Book•
stores in Jianyang were very productive but they used very poor quality paper and blocks and that recently Wuxing and
- 72 - Nanjing also declined to the same situation as those in
Fujian. Hu Yi.nglin in Wanli period also contended that:
Books printed in Suzhou and Changzhou are the best, next to them is Nanjing, Hang• zhou placed in the third place. Recently books produced in Huzhou and Shezhou are of very good quality and competed with high-priced Suzhou editions. Books now rarely available in Sichuan and Fujian editions are poorly printed.124
Mao Chunxiang further suggests that quality printing in
Suzhou and Changzhou prevailed in Jiajing period but was
replaced by Wuxing and Xinan in the Wanli period. Why Anhui
could have developed as a high quality publishing centre was
explained by Mao as there were many wealthy merchants in Anhui
and they provided a good financial backing for the collecting
125
and publishing of books there. Another possible reason
was that many highly skilled block-cutters and printers re-'
sided in Anhui, such as Huang Jun, Huang Yingtai, Huang Ying- 126 rui, Wang Zhongshen and Wang Wenyi.
Many of the block-printers in Anhui, however, moved to
Suzhou and Nanjing in the Wanli and Chongzhen period. Their migration contributed to the development of Suzhou and Nanjing
as the dominant book publishing and marketing centres:. Suzhou
was particularly noted for the production of many high quality works as it had many skilful block-printer, such as Zhang Shi,
127 Wu Yao, Wu Shiyong, Huang . Zhouxian and Huang Jinxian. Talking about book publishing, Hu Yinglin commented that:
There are three printing centers: Jiangsu, Zhejiang and Fujian. In the Song Period, Sichuan edition was the best but now rarely available. Hebei, Guangdong, Shaanxi, Hu• nan and Hubei also had numerous books printed but not as prosperous as the above three mentioned places. The best quality books come from Jiangsu while Fujian led in quantity. Zhejiang is second to them in both quality and quantity. The Jiangsu editions are the most expensive while the Fujian editions are the cheapest. Zhejiang again placed second in terms of the value of books published.128
Athough books were published in Suzhou, Nanjing, Hang• zhou, Huizhou, Yangzhou and Jianan, according to Hu Yinglin the four principal book markets were: Beijing, Nanjing, Suzhou 129 and Hangzhou. Books published in Beijing were rare but it was one of the major commercial centers of China with large numbers of merchants bringing in great quantities of books.
Many valuable books could not be kept by the descendants and were sold in Beijing. The large number of scholar-officials and wealthy families residing in Beijing no doubt contributed to the prosperity of the book market there. Hu further noted that books printed in Beijing were three times as expensive as those printed in Zhejiang because of the high cost of paper there and high transportation costs involved in bring• ing in books produced in the south. This is why Liu Hong had a bookstore in Jianyang for book production and another branch store in Beijing for selling books only.1^0 The selling of books had already become a regular feature in the periodic - 74 - markets and the annual fairs of Beijing in the Ming period.
Most bookstores in the capital city were located at the right hand side of Darning Gate, the entrance of the Ministry of
Rites, and at the west of Gongchen Gate. (See figure 3).
Hangzhou, as Beijing, published very few books but its central location facilitated the collection of books from
Suzhou and Fujian. Most of the book merchants there where active in securing, by any means, the books that could not be kept by descendants of famous scholars and book-collectors.
Books were also brought from Hunan, Hubei, Guangdong, Guangxi and Sichuan. Many scholars and officials from Shaanxi, Hebei also placed their books there for sale. During the provincial examination period, a far greater number of books were placed in the bookshops in Hangzhou for sale. As described by Hu
Yinglin, bookstores were located at the main thoroughfares and in the periodic markets:
Most of the bookshops are located outside Zhenhai Lou within the vicinity of Yong- jin Gate/ in Bijiao Fang and Qinghe Fang. All of them are the main thoroughfares. During the provincial examinations, book• stalls were set up in front of the exami• nation Hall. On the fifteenth day of the second month, they will move to the Temple of Tianzhu when it is the birthday of Budda. At the beginning of the fourth month, they will move to the grave of Yue Fei where tourists frequented. Most Buddhist literature are sold in the Temple of Zhaoqing and the booksellers are Budd• hist monks. There are also a few book• stalls which located at the back lanes, occasionally they have a few rare books too.13 2 - 75 - Freom Hu'a descriptions of bookselling in Beijing and
Hangzhou, we can tell that book merchants were quick to respond to new opportunities for selling books. Not only did they have permanent stores located on major thoroughfares but they also set up mobile stalls in periodic markets, temple fairs and even graveyards, whereever selling oppor• tunities were present.
In contrast to Beijing and Hangzhou, Nanjing and Suzhou were famous not only as book markets but also as important book publishing centres. Wu maintained that: "There is no evidence that the transfer of the capital to Beijing curtail- 133 ed printing in that city (Nanjing).."
Book publishing in Nanjing had begun as early as in the period of the Five Dynasties. It was then the capital of
Nantang(937-975) and books, such as Shi tong, Yutai Xinyong, were published. In 1291 the local gazette of Jiankang
(Nanjing) recorded that 67 different titles were published.
There were not only Confucian classics but also books on medicine, literary and historical works. In the Yuan period, the official history of Tang was published in the circuit of
Jiqing and in 1344 Jingling Xinzhi was issued. With the founding of the capital in Nanjing by Zhu Yuanzhang, population much- expanded and commerce rapidly developed in Nanjing.
As recorded in the local gazette, the population of
- 76 - Nanjing in 1297 was 95,000 and by 1356 when the Ming founder first made his base there, the population of the city was about 100,000, Within two decades, after Nanjing became the imperial capital, it was to expand tenfold. Force recruit• ment of population for the city was apparent in the early
Ming period. Some 45,000 "wealthy households from rich regions to the east — around Suzhou, Huizhou and those prefectures adhered to the rebel leader (Zhang Sicheng) — were moved to Nanjing in 1381" to fill out the population and to punish them for having resisted the founder in supporting a rival. The adult males were assigned as laborers and craft• smen in various government work projects. Another 14,000 households of the "wealthy of the realm" were conscripted to become the well-to-do of the city, to be listed on the popula• tion registries as "wealthy households". Another record referred to 20,000 craftmen households moved from Zhejiang to fill specialized labor and building jobs. Giving an average of five people in each household, we get about 395,000 new residents in Nanjing.
By 1391, Shangyuan and Jiangning, the two counties making up the area including the capital and its environs, had the following population: Shangyuan had 38,900 households or
253,200 individuals and Jiangning had 27,000 households or
220,000 individuals. These figures did not include the military, official and the imperial families. As it was estimated that there were more than 200,000 military personnel - 77 - in Nanjing, the total population of Nanjing declined after
the relocation of the capital to Beijing in 1421. Most
accounts said it was reduced "by one half" which is not a
precise expression but certainly the decline was substantial.
In Nanjing, the Southern Academy set up by the Ming
government not only collected all the print blocks from the
schools in the circuit of Jiqing but also print blocks from
the West Lake Academy. Over 271 works were published by the
Southern Academy as recorded by Zhou Hongzhou. Not only were
books of Classics and history published but also books on
agriculture, construction, mathematics, hydrology, medicine
and elementary texts were issued. The Southern Academy was
not only a publishing house, it was also the institute of
higher learning. Over 9,000 students were enrolled in the
Academy in 1420 with students from Korea, Japan and Thailand.
As pointed out by Hu Yinglin, most of the bookstores were
located at the Sanshan Street and in front of the Imperial
School. Some of the bookstores thus had names such as
"Sanshan Shufang" or "Sanshan Shulin". A total of fifty-four
bookstores were listed by Zhang Xiumin and he estimates that
the number of bookstores in Nanjing was fewer than in Jianyang 136 which had over sixty but more than those in Beijing. In
Nanjing the Tang family had the largest number of bookstores —
twelve, while the Zhou family came next with seven stores.
The Tang bookstores published many books on medicine, Classics, - 78 - music, literary works but far more numerous was the publishing
of dramas. Tang Kuixi's Fuchun Tang alone had published one
hundred dramas with some thirty of them still surviving today,
such as Sangu Caolu Ji and Guanbao Fenj in Ji. In addition
to Fuchun Tang, other famous Nanjing bookstores, such as Shide
Tang, Wenlin Ge, Guangqing Tang and Jizhi Tang had also
published many dramas. It was estimated that over 200 to 300
dramas were published by Nanjing bookstores alone in the Ming
period.
The earliest known book publisher in Nanjing was Wang
Juzhi who published Yasong Zhengyin in the early Ming period.
Zhongde Tang in 14 3 5 published Jintong Yunu Jiaohong Ji
which was the earliest Nanjing drama surviving today. Another
bookstore in Nanjing, Laibin Lou, was famous for its publica•
tion of the Tripitaka. Besides drama, bookstores in Nanjing
also published large numbers of novels which were in great
demand by the people. Wanjuan Lou published Sanguoji Zhuan
while Siyou Ji had more than one edition published by Rong-
shou Tang and Shide Tang. Daye Tang also published Xij in;
Jizhuan Tiping, Dongjin Jizhuan Tiping and Jianshan Tang
published Jingshi Tongyan. Most of the Ming drama and novels
published by commercial publishers had large numbers of illu•
strations. In Jianyang edition, illustrations were usually
in the upper part of the page with the text below. Illustra•
tions in Nanjing editions became full page or even two pages with one large illustration. There were also a large number of medical books published by the Nanjing bookstores such as
Fuchun Tang's Furen Daquan Liangfang„ There were also his•
torical works produced by Nanjing commercial publishers, such
as Dayou Tang's Huangming Baoxun. Although book publishers
in Nanjing did not publish as many books as their counterparts
in Jianyang, Nanjing was more famous for its large output of
dramas.
Suzhou was one of the earliest book publishing and book•
selling centres in China. In the Five Dynasties, in Feng
Xiu's memorial to the emperor to ban the selling of calendars
in the market, Suzhou was mentioned as one of the places where 13 8
unauthorized calendars were on sale. In 1978, three North•
ern Song Buddhist sutras were discovered in Ruiguang Pagoda
in the city of Suzhou. This discovery further proved that
book publishing had been well developed in Suzhou in Northern
Song period.
The population of Suzhou in the Song period was estimated at about 300,000. It was estimated by Mote that Suzhou in the sixteenth century probably reached the half-million mark 139 in population. The two phased agricultural revolution especially benefited the Suzhou area. It first began with the introduction of quick-ripening rice in the Song period and later the introduction of crops from the New World after the sixteenth century. The increased producivity of agricul• ture and use of subsidiary crops freed the farming population - 80 - to engage In secondary production and distribution activities.
Commerce, craft industry and finance were all expanding in scope and volume. The production of luxury goods and the growth of textile industries, at first silk and later cotton industry, were important products of the Suzhou region. The aggregation of raw materials and the distribution of finished products further made Suzhou the hub of a circle of growing satellite cities -- Wujiang, Kunshan, Wuxi, Changshu -- all of which grew into the 100,000 class after the sixteenth 140 century.
In addition to its prospering industry, Suzhou also fostered the arts of China -- the literary arts above all, but also music and painting, calligraphy, the craft arts, decorative arts and the minor arts that contributed to its elegant life. Moreover, Suzhou sustained learning, the mechanism for achieving social status and official status.
It lavished wealth on gardens and art collection and religious institutions. The Suzhou dresses, mansions, food, pleasure boats and festivals were reported to be the finest in all
China.
Cities were organizational modes in the network of marketing and distribution. Yet in the case of Suzhou, as
Mote points out, the commercial and banking concentration was outside the city, in the suburbs in the west of the city walls, extending some distance along the Grand Canal. As for craft
- 81 - industry, silk, weaving was: concentrated within the northeast corner inside the walls, but cotton weaving was dispersed outside the city. Specialized markets for products such as fish, fruits, vegetables and certain manufactured goods were located in market towns, ten to fifteen miles away. "All the process in manufacturing and publishing books continued to be characteristically rural village activities, as were their supporting craft industries such as the manufacturing of 14 2 paper and ink."
Although Suzhou in the Song and Yuan periods was not yet a major book market, its closeness to Hangzhou certainly contributed to its development as a highly sophisticated regional publishing center. Many of the famous Song block- printers, such as Zheng Ding, Liu Yuanda and others, actually 143 came from Suzhou. In Ming period, Suzhou had become not only a very important book publishing but marketing centre as well. There were over forty bookstores in Suzhou. Most of them were located near the Chang Gate, the northwestern gate of the city wall, and in front of Wuxian. Books published in
Suzhou were comparable in quality to the books published in Beijing. In fact many booksellers in Beijing originated from 144 Suzhou. Hu Ymglm further maintained that the quality of books produced in Suzhou were the best compared with other 145 publishing centers.
Many of the Confucian classics, their commentaries and - 82 - government regulations were published in the early period of
Ming. This certainly was due to the introduction of the
"eight-legged essay" in the civil service examination. In the Zhengde and Wanli period (1506-1619), many Song and Yuan editions were issued. During and after the Wanli period, dramas and novels became very popular and were printed in large numbers. Many of these popular works contained very finely drawn illustrations and were in great demand by the common people.
The publication of these dramas, novels and popular works however, were strongly suppressed by the authorities.
A Ming Suzhou magistrate, Tang Wenzheng, proclaimed that the novels and popular works published by the bookstores contained lascivious words and pictures, which badly influenced the general public and no other books, except the Thirteen Classics and the Twenty-one Dyanastic History, were allowed to be published. All the print-blocks of prohibited books would be destroyed by fire and the compilers, block-printers and book• sellers would all be severely punished.14^
In another instance, book publishing and marketing of
Classics and dynastic histories were also prohibited. At the end of the Commentaries to the Thirteen Classic, a proclama• tion by a government office in Suzhou was recorded partly as follows:
- 83 - This offtee has published the: Thirteen Classics, the Twenty-one Dynastic His• tories, the Shij i and other literary writings. Unscrupulous persons repro• duce them for profit, with blocks poorly cut and the texts defective. They are sold at a low price for ready profit. Distant book-dealers have been frequently deceived; and students, have also been misled. A few of the culprits have accordingly been punished but a number of them are still at large. Henceforth those who continue to infringe the rights of this office will be prosecuted. AIT dealers of forged works and those altered titles published by this office will also be punished.147
In Guangdong, the selling of books was also subjected to strict control and some books were even totally banned. It was recorded that a governor of Nanhong Fu in Guangdong declared that there were four kinds of books that should be banned from being sold in the bookstores:
Firstly, Books on current affairs which could badly influence the scholars. Secondly, books on operas which teach las• civious ideas to people. Thirdly, books on Buddhism and fourthly, books on Daoism which promote superstition. All these books had already been banned earlier. The county officials should get all book• stores to sign an agreement not to sell these books again. If they ever sell these books, they would be severely puni• shed and they would not be allowed to open any bookstores again. Outsiders should not be allowed to bring in these books. The frontier officials should frequently checked the travelling merchants to pre• vent them from smuggling these banned books in.148
- 84 - Books, pub.lis.hecl in the Ming period have many commendable
characteristics: but there were numerous defects which were
summarised by Wu as:
In the first place, the Ming printers were inclined to delete portions of the text and to alter either the titles or the contents at their own pleasure. If there were any gaps, they also — an even more dangerous proceeding — supplied the passages from their imagination. Secondly, the books were not carefully proofread, and errors were many. Thirdly, the Ming publishers were fond of using old forms of characters which were no longer current, merely to display their seemingly profound erudition. Making extravagant claims, they very often stated that they had based their editions on those issued in the past.149
Even an outstanding collector, like Mao Jin, published
books which contained many mistakes as we have noted earlier
in the chapter. This neglience and seemingly callous indi•
fference to accuracy are attributable, on the whole, to the
superficiality of Ming scholarship.
In summary, more books were published in the Ming period
than in any of the previous dynasties. Books published extended to many fields and became far more popular even among
the common people. This was no doubt due to the government encouragement of education and the popularity of the civil service examination system. As a 13 6 8 statute stipulated that all books be exempted from taxes, Zhu Yuanzhang, the first
Ming emperor, even ordered that Confucian texts be distributed freely by the government to northern provinces where books were not easily available.
As the "eight-legged essay" was indispensable for the civil service examination, the successful jinshi papers were first printed by commercial publishers in Suzhou and Hangzhou in the sixteenth century. Not only did bookdealers in the north buy a large number of them, even Fujian bookshops reproduced them at a profit. In 1587, the printing of the j inshi papers became an orthodox practice with the Supervi- sorate of Rites suggesting its publication and served as examples for prospective examination cadidates.
In the Jiaqing period, the reproduction of Tang and
Song works were popular and after Wanli period, dramas and fiction were produced by many Nanjing and Fujian bookstores.
Important book markets in early Ming period in Jianyang,
Hangzhou and Suzhou were competing severely with Beijing and
Nanjing which developed as regional book markets after the
Wanli period. The function of some of the bookstores in the Ming period, especially notable in Beijing and Hangzhou, had also been transformed from actively engaging in both publishing and marketing to become bookselling alone.
Devastated by both the powerful eunuchs and internal rebels, the Ming court finally succumbed to the Manchus in
1644. To win the support of the Chinese, the Manchu rulers
- 86 - adopted moat of the Ming institutions and revived the civil service examination early in the Qing period. Many of the scholars, however, did not wish to serve under this alien dynasty and spent their time and effort, instead, on the study of solid scholarship. There were four main directions of learning in this early Qing period as suggested by Liang 151
Qichao. Firstly, in order to correct the late Ming error of "no learning", scholars studied ancient books and they studied as prerequisite philology, the semantics of techni• cal terms, regulations and institutions, etc., and out of this study emerged the School of Empirical Studies in the mid-Qing period. The second area was the studying of the causes of success and failure in ancient and modern historical records, geography, strategic; forts and passes, and other matters of practical statesmanship. This study was largely held by the various great masters who were all elderly survivals of the previous dynasty and had a concealed bitterness towards the alien dynasty and planned to restore the Ming court. Thirdly, with the introduction of Western learning into China by Matteo
Ricci and others, the method of scholarly research had changed from without, first in astronomy and mathematics, later in other subjects as well. The fourth direction of learning was the turning back of the abstract to the concrete with some scholars looking for the concrete in writings and some in action.
Although the Manchus were considered uncivilized barbar-
- 87 - ians by the. Ming loyalists, the early Manchu rulers, neverthe• less had great enthusiasm for Classical learning and literary compilations. Emperor Kangxi. was well known as a dedicated patron of learning and was well versed in Chinese Classics.
In 1679 he called for a "Boxue hongru" special examination to recruit the most learned men to compile the official history of Ming. In Kangxi's period, several monumental works were compiled, such as Kangxi Zidian, Peiwen Yunfu, a Complete Work of Zhu Xi and the Quantang Shi. But the most significant and monumental work under the sponsorship of Kangxi was the compilation of the Gujin Tushu Jicheng. This grand encyclo• paedia in 10,000 juan was edited by Chen Menglei and printed in 1728 by copper :movable types.
During the reign of Qianlong, the emperor himself had great respect for learning and reintroduced the special examination for erudite men as in the Kangxi period. He authorized the editing of many historical and literary projects such as, Xu Tongdian, Xu Wenxian Tongkao, Xu Tongzhi,
Huangchao Tongdian, Huangchao Tongzhi and Huangchao Wenxian
Tongkao. The greatest compilation in the Qianlong period, and indeed in the whole history of China, was the Siku Quanshu
(The complete Library of the Four Treasuries) which contained
79,070 juan. There is no doubt that the compilation of Siku
Quanshu greatly benefited the scholars as it collected all important works in one library but more significant was its; preservation of large numbers of rare works which could not - 88 - otherwise have survived. Unfortunately, in the process of selecting books: for the S iku Qu a n s hu, many books which contained a nationalistic content or were popular literary works or were books for daily used by the common people were rejected or suppressed. This led to much speculation of the political motive behind the compilation of this monumental collection. The compilation of this work not only increased the demand for reference works and dictionaries but contribu• ted significantly to the development of the book market in
Liulichang which was conveniently located near the route between the Inner and Outer city of Beijing. The development of this important book market will be discussed further in subsequent chapters.
In addition to participating in government sponsored literary projects, many scholar-officials also engaged in private publishing. The first important book of the Qing period was the publishing of Tongzhitang Jingjie by Xu Qianxue.
Many of the literary works of Qing scholars were finely printed, such as Yuyang Jinghualu. There were also cases where bibliophiles were hired to edit works such as Shi11ju
Congshu of Wang Pielie and Zhibuzuzhai Congshu of Bao Tingbo.
Many bibliophiles had works of their own published too, noted examples included Baoj ingtang Congshu of LuWenshao, Jingxun- tang Congshu of Bi Yuan and Ping j inguan C o ng shu of Sun Xingyan.
From these noted examples of works, we can see that Qing Scho• lars were particularly fond of the publishing of "congshu"
- 89 - (collectanea), ,
The economic recovery, political retrenchment, rapid increase of population and lower labour cost all contributed to the large scale development of book publishing in the early
Qing period. Not only were books for the elite published in large quantity but the production of popular works for the common people were also expanded.
"As producers (authors, patrons, printers) and consumers, the highly literate Chinese elite continued to dominate the 152 book market." This elite book market was actively engaged in the trade of rare books, characterized by high prices and occassional bankruptcies among wealthy men competing to build personal libraries. Many of these connoisseurs were men of great learning. These scholar-publishers not only boasted of having "one hundred Song editions under one roof" but often contributed to learning by carefully selecting and editirig- rare works for reprinting. Nanjing, Suzhou and Hangzhou remained as the major centers of quality commercial book publishing in this early period of Qing. In fact, Confucian texts had now become available in far greater quantity and editions than ever before. The general cultural advancement brought about by this reproduction. of books probably facilitated the initial stages of social mobility of the poor in the Ming period but the Qing reproductions of specialized and expensive works, beyond the reach of the poor, gave the - 90 - well-to-do an advantage in their studies and preparation for
153 the higher civil service examinations in the Qing period.
Bookstores in the Qing period, however, were not limited to the production and marketing of expensive and elite-orien• ted books, popular works and cheaper editions were published and sold by many bookstores in a much larger quantity. The advent of large scale publishing since the Song dynasty had a significant impact on literature and the "consumers" of literature. Poetry, formerly the exclusive sphere of degree holders and officials, was now also written by merchants, bookdealers and even farmer's sons — the semi-literates.
The printed editions of vernacular fiction from the Song and
Yuan periods, with their copious use of illustrations and simplified characters, must have attracted a fairly wide read• ership. Vernacular fiction had an especially lively develop• ment in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, culminating in the novels of the eighteenth century. Besides the dramas,
Qing publishers printed versions of street entertainment connected with the theatre, such as the Tanci verses from the
Suzhou region and the Guci from the Beijing area. Short stories, ranging from detective tales and ghost stories to accounts of heroic knightserrant were published in late Ming and Qing periods. Collections of jokes, essays, travelogues and even salacious pseudo-histories of the imperial household were also written and offered for sale. The vast range of commercially printed literature for amusement was paralleled books were now printed in Nanjing, Suzhou and Hangzhou. Fu•
jian books were seldom transported to the north while Sichuan
having been devastated by war was without any book production.
Wang also acknowledged that books produced in the capital,
Beijing, were not of high quality and that only Lli from Shimen
and Xu Qianxue had produced books which were closer in quality 155
to the Song editions. Ye Dehui, in his Shulin Qinghua,
also confirmed that "in Wang Shizhen's times, book printing
in Nanjing, Suzhou and Hangzhou had already surpassed Fujian
and Sichuan. In the Qianlong and Jiaqing period, most of the
books edited by Lu Wenshao, Bao Tingbo, Wang Shizhen and Ruan Yuan were published by Liu Wenkui and Liu Wenkai in 156 Nanjing." (See Figure 4).
Bookstores in the Qing period developed reginal branches.
An interesting statement which was stamped on the title page
of Dongxi Han Yanyi, printed by Juwen Tang, read that:
Books of old and recent publication on sale at Shancheng Tang in Suzhou, Hang• zhou, Zhe jiang and Fujian.-'-57
From this statement we can tell that Shancheng Tang must
have been a large bookstore with branches in Jiangsu,
Zhejiang and Fujian although whether its hadquarter was
in Suzhou or Hangzhou had yet to be determined. From other
sources we also learned that Shancheng Tang also printed books. Thus Shancheng Tang not only engaged in the printing - 92 - by an equally diverse group of materials for aid in self-
improvement and practical affairs. Morality books articula•
ting popular religious sentiments and prescribing meritorious
behavior for individuals were readily available in the book•
shops. Baojuan (precious scrolls) were also distributed by
some bookstores in secret as they were banned by the govern•
ment. Popular encyclopaedias were all the more popular in
the Qing period for various practical and specialized uses.
Two of the more educational popular works for beginners
published by the bookstores were the arithmetic books and
the character glossaries.
The producers of cheap popular editions were much more
dispersed than the elite-oriented publishers. In Liu Ts'un-
yan's study of 130 Chinese popular fiction in the libraries
ob British Museum and the Royal Asiatic Society, he discover•
ed more than eighty bookstores existed in the late Ming and
early Qing period, covering a wide area included Suzhou,
Hangzhou, Nanjing, Yangzhou, Shanghai, Jianyang, Guangzhou, 154 Fushan, Fusha and Beijing. (See Appendix VI).
In tracing the development of book markets in China,
Wang Shizhen was suprised by the rapid changes of their
geographical locations since the Song times on. Wang pointed out that Liu Shen had already recorded the shift of book markets from Hangzhou, Sichuan and Fujian in Song times to
Suzhou in Ming period. Wang further commented that most
- 93 - and marketing of its own books but books published from other
bookstores were sold there too. Another bookstore, Saoye
Shanfang,-first set up its headquarter in Suzhou during the
Ming period and set up a regional branch in Shanghai during
the Qing period. Other bookstores which were actively engaged
in both publishing and marketing of books included Fuwen
Tang, Dawen Tang and Laohuixian Tang. In addition to some
bookstores which opened regional branches in different cities
to market their books, some bookstores employed the tactics
of producing different editions of one popular work under
different names. In her study of Huiwen Tang's Xiuxiang
Chunqiu Lieguo, Liu Xiuye discovered that its content was the
same as Fuwen Tang and Baijing Tang's Dongzhou Leiguo Ji.
Liu thus suggests that the three different publishers were
in fact the same bookstore. They just used different book- 158 store names and book titles to attract more customers.
Nagasawa Kikuyu also pointed out that Xuwan in Jiangxi
and Makang in Guangdong were also major publishing centers in 159 terms of quantity produced in the Qing period. Other
printing centers, such as Nanchang in Jiangxi, Changsha in
Hunan and parts of Yunnan were also active in early Qing
time.
Bookstores in Beijing, on the other hand, catered to the elite market and the publishing of expensive editions.
Some even argued that most of those bookstores in Liulichang;
- 94 - as recorded by Li Wenzao, rarely published works of their own
but concentrated on the collecting of books from the Jiangnan
area and the selling of books published by other bookstores.
There were already more than thirty bookstores in Liulichang
as described by Li Wenzao in 1769. We can be sure that more
bookstores would be opened once the compilations of the Siku
Quanshu began four year later. How and why this major book
market of Beijing and indeed of China could have developed
will be further studied in later chapters.
In contrast to Beijing which was surrounded by low-level
central places with infrequent periodic markets, within
fifty miles of Suzhou were at least forty locations with daily
markets or with commerce mainly in stores. Within its fifteen
mile walled circumference and its immediate surroundings,
Suzhou had at least 500,000 people which possibly increased
to as many as one million before the Taiping Rebellion.1^0
Canals within Suzhou were connected by water gates for river
transport connecting every one of China's national and regional
marketing centers. As the capital city for three counties
and China's most populous province, Suzhou ranked as one of
the two or three most populous cities in China and served as
the main marketing center for the richest region of China.
While the Beijing book market was noted for its selling of expensive and rare editions, some Suzhou bookstores had been noted for the selling of large quantity of unorthodox
- 95 - Confucian classics, dramas, songbooks and fictions. The
distribution and printing of these popular literatures which
were often subjected to government censorship if not totally-
banned. A proclamation to ban the "lascivious paintings"
after a visit to the book quarter by a Suzhou prefect in
1838, Yu Qian was quite sentimental in his expression:
Since I took over the office in Suzhou, many of the bookshops that I visited had lasci• vious books and pictures to sell. Many of them not only published such works themselves but also exchanged with outside traders. These lascivious books and pictures were also rent and sell for profit and to inflame people with lust. The filth extends into the women's quarters, increasing evil and licentiousness. There is nothing worse than this. The pictures that stimulate heterodox licentiousness are worse than lewd books, since books can only be understood by those with a rough knowledge of letters, while the pictures are perceptible to all.162
This proclamation to ban "lascivious paintings" also
tells us that these books came from two sources: bookstores
that printed the books themselves and traders who brought
them into the city from elsewhere. In an agreement dated
1837, sixty-five Suzhou bookstores agreed to turn in banned books and the woodblocks from which they were printed for compensation by the government office. Outside traders bringing in such books were threatened with punishment. The frequent announcement of prohibitions in many areas suggests that official controls were ineffective. The dissemination of popular printed materials in the cities continued and bookstores and rental agencies were full of lascivious - 96 - works.- It was not only in. the cities that "lascivous" books were present, the availability of the Song books that could "spread their poison very broadly" in the countryside were cautioned by the officials too. In Wang•-. Zhizhen1s record of bookstores in Suzhou area, more than forty-five known store names were mentioned which included not only book• stores with permanent structures and bookstalls with temporary structures set up during market days or fairs or in less desirable locations, but there were also "book boats" from other towns.
In face of strong government control of their publishing activities, the book publishing merchants in Suzhou formed their own ••huiguan , Chongde Shuyuan, as early as in the tenth year of Kangxi (1671). In Daoguang period, a Chongde Gongsuo was further established by the printing industry. As some of the leading figures in the Gongsuo were from different counties and regions, this led to Ho Bingdi*s suggestion that the Gongsuo was no longer based on place of origin but rather 16 3 it was a trade oriented guild.
Despite occasional evidence of higher technical skill, many books produced in Makang, Guandong were printed by unskilled female labour. The quality of books produced there was therefore poor and the price was low. From an account of the procedure for printing in a local gazette, we also noted that many of the books produced here were faked as Jiangsu imprint:
Now woodblock editions cut at Makang vir• tually encircle the forest of letters. Women and children can all do it; the men only carve the text on the blocks, accor-' ding to the hand-written manuscript. The rest is done with female labor. Because of their cheapness, the books go every• where. When the Suzhou merchants come into Guangdong to sell to the shops, they pick up Makang imprints. Books they wish printed do not bear an imprints when done. The books are taken to Jiangnan and sold there with a Jiangsu imprint. Those with• in the empire who see them take them to be Suzhou Books.^^
Makang, however, was not the only place where books were produced cheaply, Jianyang in Fujian in earlier periods and
Hsu-wen in Jiangxi also employed unskilled female labour in 165 their printing of the popular works. Cost advantages of cheap labour, paper, and ink also encouraged the establish• ment of clusters of printing houses in Hunan and Fujian.
The cost of book production had always been kept low ever since block-printing developed.- The major expenses involved in printing included the cost of raw materials, such as paper, ink, and woodblocks, and the cost of labor for "transcribing, carving, printing and binding. There were almost no major capital costs, no foundries for casting type and no complicated machines for printing or binding. The small capital outlay thus permitted the existence of large numbers of small scale
- 98 - workshops, usually consisting of family members only. The
woodblocks themselves, once carved, could last for as many
as 30,000 printings and could be stored for future reprinting.
Blocks were sometimes . also sold to other book publishers or 16 6
rented for a short period of time. Raw materials were a
relatively minor factor in the cost of producing a book.
Prices varied according to the quality of paper, ink and wood
from which blocks were carved. Pear wood was the standard
material but occasionally publishers resorted to a softer
wood that was easier to carve to lower the cost but it
produced a blurred imprint. Ink and paper were relatively
small components of the total cost. The ink used in a 1773-
74 printing of a Jiangsu clan genealogy cost 0.22 taels per
catty or 5.8 taels in total, out of a total cost of over 300
taels. Papers, purchased for the same purpose, cost 1.6 cash
for a large sheet out of which several folios could be cut.
Cost for carving woodblocks depended on the size and
style of the character used. In one example from the 1840" s
the cost was sixty-eight cash per 100 characters. Since the blocks had to be carved regardless of whether 10 :or 10,000
copies were to be printed, the relative expense of a book
fell as the number of copies to be printed rose. According
to Ye Dehui, the cost of carving woodblocks gradually increa• sed during the Qing period from twenty cash per 100 character
in the late seventeenth century to fifty cash per 100 charac• ters in the late 1870's.1^ Rawski, however, argues that
- 99 - most of this increase reflected the inflationary trend of 169 this period and the real cost rose very slightly.
Furthermore, costs could be reduced by using unskilled female labor, at a sixteen to twenty-three percent reduction from the normal wages.
Even in the Song and Ming periods,cost of book produc• tion was not high. A 1,300 pages Dayi Cuiyan costed 1,500 cash for printing and binding and rent of plate 1,200 cash. 171 The selling price of the book was set at 8 ,000 cash. In
1183, the printing of the 160 pages Hanjun by Xiangshan county school cost 100 cash for renting the woodblocks and
160 cash for labor and ink. It also used 160 sheets of paper and two sheets of extra heavy paper. The selling price of 172 this work in two volumes was 600 cash.
The labor cost for the printing of books was very low in
Ming times. Ho Donghai once mentioned that it only cost a little over 100 taels of gold to print the Thirteen Classics with commentaries. The printing of Yuzhang Luo Xiansheng
Wenji in 1554 recorded that it cost twenty-four taels of silver to cut and print eighty-three blocks (161 pages). This 173 amounted to only 0.15 tael per page. Even up to the late Ming period in the Chongzhen era, it only cost Mao Jin in 174 Changzhou twenty cash for every 100 characters cut.
Most records about book prices in -the ^Ming.-.-and' Q,ing -periods - 100 - are for the rare book market, which was especially alive in
Suzhou, Hangzhou and later Beijing. From the prices that
these book-collectors paid for their Song and Yuan editions,
we nevertheless can gain some idea of the book marketing
structure.
In Ming period prices for the Song and Yuan editions were considered ten times lower than in the Qing period by Ye 175
Dehui. An inventory of Mao Jin's collection of 500 titles, which listed the price he paid for each, provided us much information on the pricing structure of rare books in the seventeenth century. Rawski maintains that "the price he
(Mao Jin) paid for such rare books shows relatively modest level of expenditure: many of Mao's books were purchased for 17 6 a few hundred cash." The most expensive book he bought was Songci Yibaijia for 100 taels but the average price he paid for print books was only 4.9 taels. The price that
Mao Jin paid to the booksellers had already been quite generous as there was a saying "there was no other'business 17 7 better than selling books to Mao's family." In his description of Mao Jin's library collection, Taam Cheuk-woon also provided us some information about the price of books and the generosity of prices paid for books by Mao Jin: For a printed Song edition, the owner of this house will be willing to give as much as 200 cash per leaf; for a. manus• cript copy, as much as 40 cash per leaf. For one good, modern edition, if others
- 101 - offered 1,000, the owner here will be willing to pay 1,200 (cash),178
Books, particularly rare editions, became more expensive as early as the Kangxi period. Wang Shizhen, once mentioned that Qian Muzhai paid 1,200 tael for a Song edition of Former and Later Han Dynastic Histories. In Juyj Lu, Wang also mentioned a Song big-character edition of Tongjian Jishi Benmo was brought to Beijing by Zhejiang bookdealer and asked for
120 taels but nobody bought it. Even the practical work of
Yingzao Fashi was sold for 40,000 cash. In a postcript to
Bintui Lu, Wang Wenyuan mentioned that in the sixty-first year of Kangxi (1772), a book dealer Wang Jiesan brought five volumes of Song works to Beijing and asked for ten taels but
Wang could not afford to buy them. In the Qianlong and Jia- qing period (1736-1820), price for rare books rose ten times and most of them were owned by the wealthy families. Song editions, such as Gongyang Jiegu in twelve juan, published by Yu
Renzhong were sold for 120 taels; Chunqiu Fanlu in seventeen juan, was sold for 100 taels; Dongjing Menghua Lu, in ten 179 juan, was sold for twenty-four taels.
Books for the elite market were indeed very expensive and, in many cases unaffordable, for an average scholar.
Smith observed that in rural Shandong, the cost of Chinese books was "practically prohibitory to teachers who are poor" and that a good edition of the Kangxi Dictionary might cost
- 102 - as much as a village teacher's annual salary.xou
Fortunately there were also cheaper editions of books available to the poor students and the general public. Most of these cheaper works were produced by the commercial publishers — the bookstores. In contrast to the expensive
Kangxi Dictionary which we mentioned previously was a high quality edition with clear type and no false characters, there were also cheaper pocket dictionaries available for general use. These shorter works not only cost less to transport but could also be inexpensively printed by semi-skilled workers. Popular fiction and other materials produced for the mass market were cheaper, less well printed and edited, and usually on lower poorer quality paper in order to cut down cost. But the price for such editions were rarely re• corded. A Ming edition of the novel Investiture of the Gods in twenty juan sold for two taels, was considered a fairly high price. Popular encyclopaedias, which were often 100 juan or more in length, were said to have cost one tael in the sixteenth century. Rawski has the opinion that subsequent editions of poor quality books may have cost only one-tenth 181 of this sum. A copy of Zazhi which is very short, may have cost less than 100 cash. In a study of Li Ciming's annual expenditure on books, the price for the scholarly works of better quality books were low and henceforth the popular 18 2 literature continued to be inexpensive in the Qing period.
The lower price of books coul- 10d3 be- further supported by the fact that printing costs in the Qing period were maintained at a low level.
The marketing of books in urban areas seems to have been dominated by merchants from the lower Yangtze centers and
Jiangxi. As already noted, it was Suzhou merchants who exported Guangdong books out of the province. The central location of Suzhou as a book entreport may explain why the
Beijing book quarter of the eighteenth century was dominated by merchants from Huizhou, Suzhou, and Jiangxi. It was not until the late nineteenth century that book traders from
Hebei emerged as an important element in Beijing's Liulichang book market.
In the Ming and Qing periods, bookstores in the regional urban markets continued to expand. Suzhou, Hangzhou, Nanjing and Beijing emerged as the most important publishing and marketing centres. It is clear that inter-regional trade was very active between these four major book markets. Some Suzhou bookdealers even went as far south as Guangdong to purchase books. An extensive regional book marketing network is clearly evident in this period. Although the elite book mark- ket tended to concentrate in the urban metropolis, popular literature were published and marketed in many parts of the country, such as Guangdong, Huanan, Jiangxi and even Yunnan.
However the most significant development in the book market system in this period is the emergence of a national book market in Beijing.
- 104 - - 105 - 4. The Distribution of Bookstores in the Early Qing Period, 1644-1850
- 106 - Chapter V, The Transformation of the Landscape of Beij ing and Liulichang
In Liao times, Liulichang was still largely a sparsely
populated rural village, located miles away from Beijing,
then called Nanjing (the Southern Capital). (For a chrono•
logy of Beijing, see Appendix VIII). However, by the mid-
eighteenth century, Liulichang was absorbed into the urban
area and was famous for being market of books. How then did
this transformation, from a rural village to an urban market,
take place? Moreover, in what way did the development of
Beijing affect these landscape changes in Liulichang?
Beijing has a long history of more than three thousand
years, with settlements developed there even', before the 184
Zhou dynasty (1030 B.C.-722 B.C.). Beijing was then called
Ji, the capital of an independent kingdom, Yan. Ji stands on
the northern edge of a great plain, circumscribed by mountains
in the west, north and northeast, and was further flanked in
the east by marshland. The south to north route therfore had
to go through one of the three natural passes: Nankou, Gubei- kou and Shanhaiguan. Ji, the old site of Beijing, conveniently
located at the focal point of these three passes, had the added advantage of being away from the potential flood of the Yong- ding River.
In 221 'B.C., the first emperor of Qin completed his con-
- 107 - quest of the other six kingdoms and hrought about the first
unification of China, The kingdom of Yan and its capital, Ji,
were destroyed by Qin. However Ji was later rebuilt and
became an important military base in the contest between the
Han and the nomadic groups in the northeast from the begin•
ning of the Qin dynasty to the end of the Tang dynasty. To
the Han ruling class in this period, the city of Ji was either
used as the base for their military campaign to the northeast
or acted as the garrison town to protect the North China
plain from the intrusion of the nomadic people. To the nomadic
intruders, Ji was always their first target in their invasion 18 6
of the south. Ji, however, was not only important in the
military contest between the Han and the nomadic groups, in
peaceful fime, Ji also served as an important centre for the communication, trade and cultural exchange between the two 187 groups.
After the fall of Tang, a nomadic Mongol group, called
Khitan Tartars, rose as the dominant state in the north. This
is the Liao dynasty (937-1125). In 938, the Mongol rulers of
Liao built their capital on approximately the same site as
Tang's Youzhou, calling it Nan j ing - (See -F-xg. 5';) , the Southern
Capital, to distinguish it from another capital in their 18 8
Manchurian homeland in the north. The location of Liao
Nanjing was partially based on a tombstone found in Liulichang which was located east of Nanjing. The circumference of the 189 city of Nanjing was measure-d 10as8 thirty-si- x li. Fig. "5 The Transformation of Beijing from Liao to Qing
N 1
0 2 Km
Liao Nanjing J~" "j Yuan Daidu t i I I
Jin Zhongdu Ming-Qing Beijing
Source: Hou Renzhi, Lishi dilixue de lilun yu shijian (Shanghai: Shanghai Renmin Chubanshe, 1979), p. 207.
- 109 - This important finding did not only mark the historical development of Liulichang but was also highly significant to the historical geography of Beijing, The tombstone was discovered by Meng Hao, who was the supervisor of the imperial kiln factory in Liulichang in the thirty-fifth year of Qian- long (1771). Meng was investigating a murder case in Liu• lichang when the grave of Li Neizhen, an Imperial Clerk 190
Grandee of the Liao dynasty, was discovered. The inscrip• tion oO the tombstone not only mentioned his official titles in the Liao state but also recorded that Li Neizhen: "died on the first day of the sixth month in the tenth year of Baoning
(978) in his private residence "Lulong Fang", at the age of eighty. On the eighth day of the eighth month of the same year, Li was buried in Haiwang Village of Yanxia County, east 191 of the capital." A more detailed description of the dis• covery of the grave of Li Neizhen could be found in Zhu Yun's essay "Record of the Transfer of the Grave of Li Neizhen in
Liao Period." Zhu further described that: "Li was buried in the east of the capital — Haiwang Village of Yanxia County.
This is where the present Liulichang is located. The place is now a crowded area with markets there. There are also many famous and highly successful people living somewhere 192 around this area." In Liao period, Haiwang Village, or
Liulichang, was thus essentially a rural village, sparsely populated and located outside the southern capital of Liao.
It was then far from being a crowded market as Zhu Yu men• - 110 - tioned above. The city of Ji itself did not experience many changes
from the Spring and Autumn period (7 22 B.C.-48Q B.C.) to the
end of Tang. Even when the Liao emperor established its
southern capital in the old site of Ji, there were no large
scale alterations or rebuilding of the city. The founding of
the Jin dynasty, however, not only expanded the city in size
but further elevated its status to become the capital of the
dynasty. The Jin people, another group of nomadic Tartars,
originated from the Amur River in the far north and are in
fact the forefather of the Manchus who conquered China five 193
hundred years later. In 1151, Jin Emperor Wan. Yanliang
decided to move the capital from Heilongjiang to Yanjing, the
old site of Liao's southern capital, where more land was
available for the increasing population and served by a better
transportation system. Wan subsequently ordered Zhang Hao
and Kong Chanzhou to design and expand the eastern, western
and southern sides of Yanjing. The capital city was cons•
tructed in a square shape and had a palace city built inside
it. (See Fig. 5). The circumference of this new capital was 194 about 18,690 metre as reported by Yan Wanru.
The new capital was renamed Zhongdu in 1153 and hence forth became the administrative centre, of the Jin empire.
Although the official history of Jin did not mention the
location of markets in Zhongdu, Yan suggests that the market of Zhongdu was possibly located in the northern section of the city. He points out that Liao Nanjing had markets located
- Ill - in the north and Xu Kangzong, a Song official, who had visited
Jin also mentioned that the market was in the northern section 195
of Yanjing, before the rebuilding was completed. Yan
further suggests that the market in Zhongdu was located in
a government designated area and subjected to taxation. The
market system was thus different from Song's Kaifeng where
shops sprung up in all parts of the city and was more closer
to the Tang system of having the market in the back of the
palace city.
Zhen Jun in his Tianzhi Ouwen (1905) mentioned that in
Jin times, Haiwang Village was called Haiwang Zhuang, which 197
was three li from the Jin capital, Zhongdu. Zhen further
suggested that the present Haiwang Park was located not far
from the old site of Haiwang Village.
The Jin dynasty and Zhongdu did not last for too long.
In 1214, Jin Emperor Luanzong escaped to Kaifeng from the
continuous threat of the Mongols. In the following year,
the Mongol invaders stormed into Zhongdu, and the massacre
continued for a month. The palaces and the whole city were
devastated by looting and fire was set by the Mongols. It
was not until forty-five years later in A.D.1260 that the
Yuan Emperor Shizao (Kublai Khan) visited Zhongdu, then
renamed Yanjing. In 126 4, Emperor Shizao took the advice of
Liu Bingzhong and decided to rebuild Yanjing as the capital, which was to be called Zhongdu. Because most of the palaces - 112 - in Zhongdu had already been damaged, Emperor Shizao abandoned
the idea of rebuilding Zhongdu and decided to move the capital
to a new site in the northeast of Zhongdu. This new capital 198
was named Daidu (See'-''Fig.5 ), the Great Capital, in A.D.1271.
Why was Daidu selected as the site of the Yuan capital? Hou
Renshi argues that it was because "the new site of Daidu has
a better access to sources of water, which included large
areas of lakes and streams (from the River System of Gao Liang).
The water system not only provided a very nice scenery and
environment for the new palaces but also facilitated the water 199 transport system for the new capital."
When the city was planned, the distribution of the population was also studied. "At that time, the inhabitants of the old city (Zhongdu) were ordered to move into the new city. The official class and the wealthier families moved first. Each family was, in accordance with tradition, assigned eight mu (See Appendix IX) of land. If a family possessed more than eight mu or if they were unable to build upon it, others were allowed to settle on it."^°° A group of these units was called a fang (ward) and Beijing has a total of fifty fang. Although it is believed that Daidu had less than a half million people, it was still a tremen• dous problem supplying the needs of these large numbers of
Mongolian rulers, wealthy families and local residents.
The Mongol rulers did not hesitate to reroute some of the rice surplus of the Yangtze region to Daidu. This large amount of - 113 - supplies to Daidu from the south had only been possible '•::< •
through the extension of the Grand Canal and the improvement
of sea transport to north China. Daidu, then, was primarily a
center of consumption by a large part of the ruling minority
with comparatively less active commercial activities as in
, t — 201 Hangzhou or Kaifeng.
In order that the tibute grain could reach Daidu without
going through the difficult land route, Tonghui Canal was
constructed in 1293 to connect Lake Jishu in Daidu and Tongzhou.
The construction of Tonghui Canal not only enabled the grain-
carrying ships from the south to go into Daidu directly and be
moored in Lake Jishu but also encouraged the development of 202
commerce around the Bell and Drum Tower and Xiejie market.
In later year, Jinkou Canal was reopened to increase the flow
of water into Tonghui Canal in order to cope with the rising
demand for grain transport. Unfortunately these two water
systems, Tonghui and Jinkou, were both disrupted during the reconstruction of the city wall and the palaces in the early
Ming period.
In the building of Daidu, the Palace city was first built, then the Imperial City and finally the city itself. The circumference of Daidu was measured as 28,600 metres, in rectangular shape. All the major streets were regularised, running either from north to south or from east to west, with only one major exception, the Xiejie street. The major streets - 114 - had a width of twenty-five metres while the hutong (lanes)
were six to seven metres wide.
Markets in Daidu were dispersed in all parts of the city
in contrast to the fixed east and west markets in Changan in
the Sui and Tang dynasties. However the three major markets
were located in the eastern, western and northern parts of
Daidu. The most properous market ;was Xiejie market in Rizhong
ward, which was the most busy commercial district of the city.
Another major market, Yangjiao, which was located in the
Mingyu ward and Xianyi ward (which is the present day Xisi Pa-
lo'u.').'; , specialialized in the trade of cattle, horses, asses,
sheep and camels. The third major market, Jiao, was located
in Nansun and Xianyi districts, in the northern part of Daidu.
The Jiao market, situated right at Lake J is hui. where the Grand
Canal terminates, no doubt greatly benefited from its easy 20 access to water transport and the trade with southern China.
In addition to these three major markets, there were also
smaller markets which specialized in a specific type of goods,
such as the vegetable market outside Heyi Gate, leather and cap market at the Southwest Zhonglou Street, goose and duck market at the West Zhonglou. The stationery and book market was located at the Shengqian street.
The large scale construction of Daidu and the building of large numbers of new palaces and government buildings
- 115" - - sharply increased the demand for construction materials. Four
kiln factories were therefore set up in the vicinity of Daidu
and one of them was for the manufacturing of colored glaze
products. A Qing writer Ruan Kuishang mentioned that the kiln
factory in Liulichang could produce 30,000 pieces of glazed
tiles and bricks in one operation. This showed that the
factory had a very large production capacity. From then on
207 the place was called Liulichang (glazed tile factory).
Raw materials for the manufacturing of glazed tile and
other colored glaze products consisted of a white colored,
fine-grained soil which could be excavated from Xishan, about
twenty miles west of Daidu. This white colored soil was then
transported to the kilns in Haiwang Village through the water-
2 08 ways that connected the two places. In Yuan times, Liuli•
chang was well connected with small rivers all the way to
Xishan where the raw materials necessary for the manufactur•
ing of glazed tiles were acquired. These materials were then transported from Xishan to Liulichang through the water• ways that still existed. Li Ciming in his Taohuasheng Jiean
Riji confirmed that:
Before the building of the Outer City in Ming Jiajing period (1522-1566), there were water• ways here (Liulichang). Flowing west was Qingchang River, in the southwest was Zhangjia Bridge, and in the south there was the Hufang Bridge and the Panjia River. South of the bridge in Liulichang was Liangjia Park which could be connected to Liangshui River. The place (Liulichang) was well connected with waterways.*u
- 116 - The large scale construction of Daidu in the Yuan period required a lot of building materials which could be available from Xishan. Guo Shoujing once suggested to the emperor to reopen the Jinkou Canal for carrying building materials from
Xishan to the capital. Jinkou Canal was constructed in the
Jin period to allow grain carrying ships from the south to reach the capital directly. In 1171, a branch of Luguo River in Mayu Village, west of the capital, was led to flow ..through 210
Xishan to connect Tonghui Canal. (See Fig.6). Unfortuna• tely the flow of Jinkou Canal was not steady enough. The ;-• steep gradient made its flow too rapid after heavy rain and too muddy during the dry season. The grain transport therefore could not depend on the flow of Jinkou Canal and had to resort 211 to the land route. Upon the suggestion of Guo Shoujm, the
Yuan emperor in 1266 ordered Zhang Rou and the Minister of the
Board of Works, Duan Tianyou, to: "open Jinkou Canal and lead water from Lugou in order to carry the rocks and lumbers from 212
Xishan." After the reopening of Jinkou Canal, the unsteady flow of the canal threatened to flood the cities of Daidu and the old city of Jin Zhongdu. Guo therfore decided to close the canal again in the Taide period (1297-1307). In 1342,
Boluo Tiemuer and Fu Zuo again suggested the reopening of Jin• kou Canal and the construction of a new canal from Jinkou to
Tongzhou to facilitate grain transport to Daidu from the south.
Despite strong objections from Xu Youren, the new canal was constructed in two months. -However 117 - , the flow was too strong and muddy for transportation purposes and damaged several Fig. 6 The.Jinkou Canal, Tonghui Canal and Liulichang in the Yuan Period.
Source: Hou Renzhi, Lishi dilixue de lilun yu shijian (Shang- hai: Shanghai Renmin Chubanshe, 1979), p. 292.
- 118 - houses. Boluo and Fu were executed for their mistakes.
Although factories were built in Haiwang Village in the
Yuan period, it was still a thinly populated area outside the southern wall of the capital city. In addition to the streams and waterways that cut through Liulichang, the excavation of soil for the kiln left many pits and cavities. Because of these streams and pits, bridges had to be built for communica• tion within the locality. That is why so many place names in
Liulichang have a connotation of bridges, such as Zangjia 214
Bridge, Hufang Bridge, etc. Wu Changyuan also mentioned in Qianlong period that before the building of the city wall in Ming period, the Xuanwu area had many pools. Even archa• eological findings in this area testify that in Ming times underground water was about one metre deep only and thus suggests that Liulichang was then a area with lots of water , 215 ponds.
In 1356, the rebellion against the Yuan dynasty led by
Zhu Yuanzhang captured Nanjing and established the capital of the Ming dynasty there. Zhu further led his troops to Daidu in 136 8 and defeated the Mongolians there. Daidu was renamed
Beiping and designated as a provincial capital rather than as the national capital. Due to constant threat from the Mongo• lians and the reduced population of the city, a new city wall five Li south from the northern wall of Daidu was built and 216 the southern wall was extended for another half of one l_i. .. - 119 - In the first year of his reign, 1403, Emperor Yongle decided to revitalize Beiping and renamed it Beijing, the northern capital, in contradistinction to Nanjing, the south• ern capital. Why Yongle chose Beijing as the capital was probably because he had ruled the Beijing region earlier and it was in Beijing that his power was more secure. A strate-: gical interpretation of choosing Beijing as the capital was that the defense of the Ming empire required the stationing of large numbers of soldiers along the northern borders.
Beijing was therefore ideally suited as the intermediate point in the line of supply from the rich agricultural areas in the south to the border garrisons. Rozman further suggests that it was certainly logical for Ming rulers to move its capital to Beijing, which had not been under the firm control of a centralised Chinese government for more than 500 years, in order to reunite the military, civilian and bureaucratic
forces.r
From the third year of Yongle on, palaces were built in
Beijing and were completed in 1420, one year before Emperor
Yongle moved the capital from Nanjing to Beijing. During these fourteen years of large scale construction of palaces, large amounts of glazed tiles and other construction materials were manufactured and used. There were five big factories set up for the manufacturing and supply of the construction materials: Shenmuchang, Damuchang, Heiyaochang, Liulichang, and Taijichang. Both Shenmuchang and Damuchang were responsi-
- 120 - ble for collecting lumber and Damuchang also had to collect reeds. Each of these two factories had 1,000 soldiers ; assigned to work as labourers. Liulichang was for making glazed tiles and other colored glaze products for the use of the imperial households. Heiyaochang was for making bricks and tiles. Taijichang was for storing firewood and reeds. There were also five smaller factories: Yingshan Suo for woodwork, Baoyuan Ju for goldwork, Wensi Yuan and Wang- 217 gongchang for silk-making, Pizuochang for leather-work.
Along with the large scale building activities of the palaces in the imperial city, there was an influx of new residents in Beijing. In 1403, well-to-do families of the capital prefecture, Suzhou and ten other prefectures and also of Zhejiang, and nine other provinces, were ordered to take residence in Beijing. In 1404, more than 100,000 farni-*. lies from the prosperous Shanxi province were ordered into
Beijing. Large numbers of people also moved from other parts 218 of the country into the capital in this period.
After Yongle moved the capital from Nanjing to Beijing,
Mongols invaded the outer area of Beijing several times. For the sake of protecting the imperial city, suggestions were made to build an outer wall to surround the whole Beijing city.
Because of the lack of funds, only the southern portion of the city was built with an outer wall which was completed in 1564.
The outer wall is twenty-eight li long and has seven gates. The
- 121 - southern section was given priority not-only because the Temple of
Agriculture and the Temple of Heaven had already been built but also because the area between Zhengyang Gate and Xuanwu 219
Gate had a great concentration of population. The building
of this outer wall in the southern portion of the city changed
the rectangular shape of Beijing. (See "Fig.5 ) . Moreover,
this new residential area consisted of many narrow and crooked
lanes which were in total contrast to the straight-lined, well 220
planned streets in the Inner City. The southern extension
of Beijing also cut off a section of Tonghui River wich was
connected to the Grand Canal. Grain carrying ships from the
south could no longer moor in Jishui Lake and the major market 221 in Yuan times, Rizhong ward, declined in late Ming period.
A Ming poet, Wu Meicun, who lived in the Weiran Hutong,
about half of one l_i southwest from Liulichang, mentioned that
Liulichang was then sparsely populated with very few houses.
Wu could even see Liulichang from his house. In his poem
"Dushi Oushu Ci", Wu mentioned that Liulichang was located
at the west side of Hufang Bridge and was a factory manufact•
uring colored glaze products. Liulichang has not yet developed 222 as a market of books.
In many Ming writings about Beijing, such as Chen Bang's
Wanshu Zaji (1593), and Liu Dong and Yu Yizheng's Dijing Jing-
wu Lue (16 35), there was nothing mentioned about Liulichang's
development as a market center. Although Liu and Yu had
- 122 mentioned about the "shop of Liulichang"in their Dijing Jing- wu Lue, the shops were for selling some of the colored glazed 223 vessels and toys during the Spring Festival. This was far short of being a major urban market.
- 123 - Chapter VI. The: Rise of Liulichang as the National Book Market of China
As early as the Liao period, Beijing was a major book publishing centre. In Jin and Yuan times, book publishing and marketing activities were further developed as Beijing was then the capital. In Ming Wanli period (1573-1619), the selling of books had already become regular in the periodic markets and the annual fairs. Hu Yinglin described the locations of different periodic markets in Beijing in his
Xiaoshi Shanfang Bicong (1589):
Most bookstalls in the capital city are at the right hand side of Darning Gate, the entrance of the Ministry of Rites, and at the west of Gongchen Gate. During the examination period, bookstalls are set up in front of the examination centre. On the fifteenth day of the second moon, they move to the Lantern Fair. On the first, fifteenth and the twenty-fifth day of every month, the bookstalls are moved to the Temple of the City God. The Lantern Fair is at the east side of the city while the Temple of the City God locates at the west side. Both are the major trading .... centres of the city. Trade in the Lantern Fair lasted for three days annually while in the Temple of the City God, trade takes place three days monthly. During this trading period, goods of every sort are present and book is one of them.224
In Ming Suizhen period (1628-1643), markets in Beijing did not experience much significant change as indicated in
Liu Dong and Yu Yizheng's Dizing Jingwu Lue. In the section on "The Market of the Temple of the City Gold", characteris-
- 124 - tics of different markets in the Capital were described and the marketing days were mentioned too:
The morning market locates at around Darning Gate with merchants in residence there and trade takes place every day. The Lantern Fair locates outside the entrance of Dong- hua Gate and the fair lasts for ten days annually. The so-called "internal market" locates inside the entrance of Donghua Gate and trade takes place three days monthly and had now moved to Lantern Market but still called the "internal market." The "Market of the Poor", which locates at the Bridge of Zhenyang, does business daily in the evening for the working people. The Market of the Temple of the City God opens on the first, fifteenth and the twenty- fifth day of each month.225
Although the locations of the major markets in Beijing did not change much during the period from Wanli to Suizhen, the temporary stalls at Darning Gate had gradually developed into permanent stores which opened daily and some of the merchants became resident-merchants. (Figure 6).
Liu and Yu continued to describe in detail the market in the Temple of the City God:
The market of the Temple of the City God opens on the first, fifteenth and the twenty-fifth day of the month, stretching from Jiaofang in the east to the foreground of the temple, with stalls lined up for three li... There were both contemporary and ancient books, bronzes and vessels made in the Shang and Zhou periods; laddie and mirror from Qin and Han periods; Tang and Song's Painting and calligraphy; jewels, jade and silk from Yunnan, Guangdong, Fujian, Hunan and Hubei, Zhejiang...226
- 125 - Liu and Yu further mentioned that on the market day,
the Temple, of City God was very crowded with, people. Out
of every ten people who visited the temple market, six just
looked around, three would have bought something and only
one paid a visit to the City God.
The markets of books that were located at Daiming Gate,
the examination centre, the Lantern Fair and the Temple of
the City God in Ming times had in the early Qing period,
during the Shunzhi reign, moved to Ciren Monastery. The
Monastery was located two li_ south of Xuanwu Gate and north
of the main street outside Guangning Gate. Ciren Monastery was also called Baoguo Monastery which was first built in
Liao times, in the north west corner of Ciren Monastery. The
Ciren Monastery was funded by the mother of Ming Emperor
Xianzong in A.D.1466 for her brother, monk Ji Xiang. Sun
Chengze's Chunming Mengyulu (1631) had recorded Jiang Dejing's
detailed description of the monastery. Jiang mentioned that
there were 120 rolls of famous paintings from the imperial
collections in the monastery. Jiang continued to describe
the Kunlu Pavilion where one could comfortaby enjoy the scenery 227 ... of Xishan. Many poems had described Kunlu Pavilion since
the Ming period until it was torn down for reconstruction in
the Jiaqing period. The monastery contained several hundred
monks and several hundred mu of land and was one of the largest monasteries in the capital.
- 126 - Market days in Ciren Monastery were the same as in the market of the. Temple of the City God which was held on the first, fifteenth, and the::twenty-fifth day of the month. Wang
Shizhen mentioned in his Xiangzu Biji that: "On the first, fifteenth, and twenty-fifth day of the month, hundred kinds 228 of goods all gathered at Ciren Monastery." In early Qing period many rich families and high ranking officials lived very close to Ciren Monastery. Some of them even temporarily resided in the monastery, such as Ku Yanwu and Wang Shizhen.
In the fifteenth year of Shunzhi (1658), Ku was selected as the Inspectorate for the, Board of War and resided in Ciren
Monastery. Li Yindu noted in his reply to Gu's poem that:
"Gu and I had both resided in Ciren Monastery in the previous 229 year (1668), but Gu left the monastery first." A memorial hall for Gu was erected by Ho Shaoji in 184 3 in the western section of Ciren Monastery. Wang Shizhen in his Juyi Lu also mentioned that he had resided in Ciren Monastery in 16 58 when he was assigned to the Board of War. It was also in Ciren
Monastery where he met Liang Riji, who earned a j inshi degree in 1655, the same year as himself.
Not only did those who resided in Ciren Monastery buy books from there, many other famous scholars and officials also visited the monastery and bought books, flowers and other goods there. In his Juyi Lu, Xiangzu Biji, Chibei Outan and
Gufu Yuting Zalu, Wang Shizhen had mentioned quite a few times that he had bought books from Ciren Monastery. In Chibei Outan,
- 127 - Wang noted that: "In the sixteenth, year of Shunzhi (1659), I saw a visiting card, on which was written 'Keshi bai' (From
Madam Ke) in Ciren Monastery. Zhu Kesheng got.it for three gian (See Appendix IX) and composed a poem 'Keshe hang' for 230 this." Wang also once mentioned that he had bought an old edition of Yao Kuan's Xixi Cohgyu in Ciren Monastery in 16 92.
He later edited and supplemented it with the Jigu Ge edition.
On another occasion he bought a copy of Shifeng Gao and also 231 a copy of Huotao Wenji from the market of Ciren Monastery.
Song Luo (1634-1713), a contemporary of Wang and also a famous poet, had bought books, such as Cuihong Shiliuguo Chungiu,
Tianxia Mingshanji from the Ciren Monastery. Zhu Yuzhuan got a copy of Dianya Ci while Sun Sikong bought a pot of plums from the Ciren Monastery market in the early seventeenth cen• tury. An interesting story about Wang Shizhen's endeavor, to go to the book market in Ciren Monastery was told by Kong
Dongtong. Kong mentioned that he had tried to visit Wang several times without success. Xu Qianxue told him to go to
Ciren Monastery during the market days and wait there for Wang. Kong finally had a chance to see Wang in the book market of 232 the monastery.
In his Juyi Lu, Wang Shizhen described his great enthu• siasm for collecting books and spent a large part of his income on buying books:
Having served as an official in the capital for more than twenty years, I have spent all
- 128 - my income in buying books. Once I dropped by the Ciren Monastery and saw books, Shangshu Dazhuan, San11 Jingzhuan Tongjie and Hanli selling there. On the next market day I went back to look for the books but they had already sold to someone else. I was so upset about it and my mind could not get away from it. I felt sick for ten days for this.233
From Wang's essay we can see not only the scholaroffials' endeavor to collect books, but also that they spent a large part of their income on books. This is not only true of Wang
Yuyang but many other scholars as well. Zhang Qingfeng, a
1661 jinshi and an official in the Board of Work, was a great lover of books. Once he even had to borrow money to buy food, when he had spent all the money he borrowed on books in Ciren Monastery. This further illustrated that many of the scholars bought their books from Ciren Monastery during 234 this early period of the Qing dynasty.
The prosperity of Ciren Monastery did not last for too long, it had already been abandoned as the major market of the capital as early as in the 1670's. Dai Lu, in his Tengyin
Zaji, mentioned that:
Ciren Monastery had long been abandoned. Last year the market was set up in the Monastery again but ended after a while. This is because the selling of goods de• pends on the rich families in the city. But the Monastery is too far away from the city and so there are few customers. In the early Qing period, most rich fami• lies were in the western section of the - city, Ciren Monastery was therefore very
- 129 - convenient for the riches to stroll along. After the earthquake, in the past sixty years, the monastery was totally aban- •• doned.235
By the eighteenth century, books were no longer sold in
Ciren Monastery. The. new book markets of Beijing were mainly located at Xiheyan and Liulichang. (See" Fig. 6)vi'SJ-h his *
Xiangzu Blj-i (1705)", Wang pointed out that:
Nowadays most bookstores in the capital located at Xiheyan outside Zhengyang Gate. Occasionally there are also a few book• stalls setting up in Liulichang. The Lantern Fair was first held in Lingyou Gong with a few bookstalls. Since the place caught fire, the Lantern Fair moved to the south of the main street of Zhengyang Gate. However, there were no more books being sold there. On the first, fifteenth and twenty-fifth day of the month, hundred kinds of goods were gathered at Ciren Monastery but only five to six book• stalls were setting up there. In the early days, these bookstalls occasionallyyhad a few rare books but in the past twenty years there was not even one.236
From Wang and Dai, we not only learned that Ciren
Monastery was no longer a major market of books since the late seventeenth century but that its declined was due to the fact that the monastery was located too far away from the residence of the rich families. The earthquake which Dai mentioned was probably the one that occurred in the eighteenth year of
Kangxi (16 79). This major earthquake caused extensive damage to a large number of buildings in addition to a heavy loss of
- 130 - Eig. 7. Book Markets in Beijing in the Ming and Qing Periods
N A
0 i_ Km 1 Darning Gate 5 Temple of the City God 2 Board \o'f. Rites 6 Ciren Monastery 3 Examination 7 Liulichang Centre 8 Xihe Yan 4_ Lantern Market 9 Zhengyang Gate
- 131 - human life. Wang Shizhen in his Chibei: Out'an and Juyi Lu also mentioned that in the seventh month of 16 79, the capital,
(Beijing), experienced a strong earthquake. All residential houses and government offices in Jizhou were destroyed. Tong- 23 zhou was also severely affected with, several hundred deaths.
The official history of Qing, Qingshi Gao, also recorded that:
On the ninth day of the seventh month of 1679 the Capital experience an earthquake; Tong- zhou, Sanhe, Pinggu, Xianghe, Wuqing, Yongqing, Baodi, Guan, all had strong earthquake which had sounds like fast running wheel-carts, or thundering. The sky was darkened. Many houses collapsed and many people were killed. The roads were all cracked with black water run• ning out.
The seriousness of the earthquake was further proved by the large sum of money Kangxi granted to the victims of the earthquake. A total of 10,000 taels of silver was allocated by the emperor in the following month after the earthquake occurred to those who were ^wounded, had died or had houses 239 damaged. During the earthquake the western section of the Outer City of Beijing was also severely affected and many of the rich families moved away from this area. As the market of Ciren Monastery depended on the rich families, the market also gradually declined and this served as an impetus for
Liulichang to develop.
After the western section of the Outer City was destroyed by the earthquake of 1679, the book market in Ciren Monastery
- 132 - moved to Xiheyan and Liulichang in the early eighteenth cen•
tury. But by the 176 0's, Li Wanzao confirmed that Liulichang
had been developed as the major book market in Beijing in his 240 well-known essay "A Record of the Bookstores in Liulichang."
In this essay, Li told us that he had stayed in the capital for
five months and visted Liulichang almost-everyday after lunch.
In his description of Liulichang, we learn that there were two
entrances to this book market, one in the east side and the
other in the west side. In the center was a stone-bridge,
north of which was the kiln factory. From Pan Rongbi, we also
learn that the main entrance to the factory was called Zhanyun
Ge. The factory occupied a large area with government offices, workshops and temples inside the compound. The space outside
the main entrance was used for holding the annual fair where
lots of goods were gathered for sale and where various shows 241 were performed during the Spring Festival. Li Wenzao >,
recorded a total of thirty bookstores in Liulichang, with
twenty-three bookstores east of the stone-abridge and seven
in the west side. The street east of the bridge was narrower
and there were shops selling glasses, pipes, and items for daily use intermingled with the bookstores. The street in the west side was wider and had shops selling curios, calligraphic prints as well as shops providing various services, such as mounting paintings and calligraphy, seal-making, writing
letters and invitations, block printing and stone-inscriptions.
Around the bridge in the center of Liulichang were shops for tooth-filling, lips and eye fixing as well as selling medicine for; various purposes. During the examination period, station•
ery, such as pens, bags for examination papers, ink bottles, 242 paper wight and others, were put on sale there too.
Li Wenzao continued to mention that most books sold in
Liulichang were new editions which were bound by poor quality
covers and had used thin paper. Old edition works were sold
by Jingxiao Tang and Jixin Tang only. Most of the books of
Xianyue Tang were collected from the imperial libraries while
Shenyao Tang sold mostly incomplete works. On :the other hand,
Baoning Tang had a good collection of clan histories, law and
regulations, travellers' log books and guides. A new bookshop
which had just opened for business but owned a large collection
of old edition works was Wuliu Ju. Like Wencui Tang, Wuliu
Ju purchased books from Suzhou and brought them back by ship
every year. The owner of Yanqing Tang, Wei, no longer went .
to Jiangnan in recent years but mainly collected books from .
the rich families in the Inner City. Wei had a good collec-.
tion of books which had stamps of Cao Lianting (1658-1712), 243 superintendent of the Imperial Textile Factory in Nanjing.
There were bookstores in Liulichang that had a long his•
tory, such as Eryou Tang, which had been in business there
since the Ming period. But there were also bookstores, like
Wuliu Ju, which had just started their business. To Li Wen•
zao, Tao from Wuliu Ju, Xie from Wencui Tang and Wei were the most knowledgeable persons about books in Liulichang. Both
- 134 - Tao and Xie were natives of Suzhou while Wei was from Huzhou.
The rest of the other bookstore owners were: from Jinxi of
Jiangxi. Out of the twenty-seven bookstore owners that Li
Wenzao knew, eleven were owned by the Li1s families.
From Li's description, we can therefore see a picture of
Liulichang which had just developed as a highly specialized market of books. We can also be quite sure that when the
compilation of the Siku Quanshu began four years later, Liu•
lichang' s prosperity was further increased and reached its peak during the Qianlong period. But the qestion remains as
to why Liulichang could have developed as the major book mar• ket in Beijing. What were the social and economic factors
that contributed to its development as the famous "Street of
Culture"?
Ever since the Kangxi period, after the Manchus had
firmly controlled China, Liulichang as well as the whole of
China experienced a great surge of population. The holding of an annual fair in Liulichang further increased the popu•
larity of the place. A large number of huiguan were built
in the area in the early Qing period and enhanced the pros• perity of Liulichang as a market of books. No doubt, the compilation of the Siku Quanshu further facilitated the development of Liulichang as the most important market of books in Beijing and China. Furthermore, there is a strong
indication that it was because of Liulichang's convenient location between the government offices of the Inner city and
the residences of these scholar-officials in the Outer City,
that encouraged its development as the most famous book
market in China for some two hundred years to come.
After the establishment of Manchu rule in 1644, China's
population rapidly increased from about 125 million to over 244
200 million in 1750. How did this population expansion
in eighteenth century China come about and what were the main
determinants governing its growth? As James Lee suggests:
"Those who write about Chinese population generally regard
agricultural resources as the single most important explana- 245
tory factor in demographic history." Lillian Li points out
that Ho Ping-t'i places a heavy emphasis on the introduction
of the New World crops to China as the major factor in 246
sustaining the growth of population in China. In Ho's view the introduction of these crops constituted a "second agricultural revolution" — second to the introduction of early
ripening rice in the Song period — which was the most import• ant factor in increasing the food production in the period 247
from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries. Ho's assumption that the increase in food production made possible a growth in population in some sense contains a Malthusian notion. It is also the notion that when population growth exceeds the expansion of food supply, the resultant catastro• phes serve as a deterrent t- o 13furthe6 - r population growth. Ho nevertheless also attributes the growth of population to interregional migrations, the lessening of tax burdens, the
increase in commercial and industrial employment opportunities and the general political stability of the period as essential
factors for the rapid rise of population. The extension of
the settlements into Sichuan, the Yangtze highlands and the i<
Han River system further made possible a wider expansion of
cultivated acreage in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries when rapid growth of population was taking place in China.
The tax burden of the people was greatly reduced by the early
Manchu emperors, not only were large amounts of taxes remitted but that the ding payment was further frozen in 1711 and the
labor services were amalgamated with ding payments. These tax
reductions greatly benefited the common people, especially the
landless class. The growth of population was further en-^
couraged by an increase in the employment opportunities
offered not just by the expanding and more intensive agricul•
ture but also an expanding domestic trade and a highly lucra^
tive foreign commerce as well as some new rising industries
and crafts throughout the late Ming and the early Qing. The
end of the campaign against the three feudatories and against
the Ming loyalists in Formosa in 16 8 3 ushered in a long pro•
longed period of peace and prosperity seldom paralleled in
China's long history. All these social and economic factors
contributed significantly to the rapid growth of population
in early Qing China.
Liulichang in this early Qing period also experienced a
- 137 - great upsurge of population. The rapid increase of population
in Liulichang and the Outer City was greatly accentuated by political decisions in the early years of the Qing dynasty.
In the Shunzhi period (1644-1611), the first Qing emperor ordered the "enclosure of some residential homes in Beijing and segregated the Manchu troops and the Chinese people in different parts of the city. Although some three-fifths of the city area was affected and people were moved around, there were still large numbers of Chinses and Manchus who
lived intermingled in the same section of the city and con-1... 248 flicts arose." In the fifth year of Shunzhi, an imperial decree further ordered that all Chinese officials, merchants and common people, with the exception of adherents of Manchu Bannermen, were to move to the southern section of the city by the end of the following year. Their original property was to be either demolished or sold. They were 249 compensated with a mere four taels of silver. Even people who made pilgrimages to the temples in the Inner City had to do so during the day, and were not allowed to stay overnight.
This segregation policy contributed to the emergence of the
"Tartar City" — the Inner City with the Manchus, and the
"Chinese City" — the Outer City with the Chinese.
Based on the data of 1851, Gilbert Rozman computed the population in the Imperial City of Beijing as 60,000, another
400,000 to 500',.000 in the Inner City and 300,000 to 500,000 250 in the Outer City. The total population of Beijing in - 138 - Qi.anlong period was. estimated at about one million.^""'"1" Rozman further pointed out that: "Land in the southeast and southwest portions (of the Outer City) was not built up, but the north- central area along the wall shared with the Inner City was 252 undoubtedly the most densely populated area in Beijing."
This north-central area, where Liulichang was located, was the commercial centre where thousands of small shops lined on countless intersecting streets. Merchants and artisan house• holds lived in the back of their stores and many pedlars and hired laborers rented lodgings in the crowded courtyards.
Rozman even speculated that:
It is possible that the Outer City's three to four miles of densely settled commercial areas were as crowded as the Cho in Edo, in which approximately 150,000 people smuggled into a square mile... At the very least, the Outer City contained 300,000' inhabitants and it is likely that the actual total reached in excess of 450,000 or 500,000 if densities in built up areas were comparable those in Edo.^5 3
i
Coupled with the removal of the Han Chinese to the Outer
City and the general increase in population, residential housing rapidly developed there. In Liulichang, development of residential housing was already evident in Kan:g'xi < period
(1662-1722). Wang Wenbai, who was an official responsible for compiling the record of residential housing in Liulichang, described the large number of houses crowded together in Liu• lichang in an essay entitled "An Instantly Composed Essay in the Autumn of the Year of Gengchen (1700.) during the compilar- - 139 - tl.on of the. Record of Residential Housing in Liulichang";
Since the Ming Dynasty, population has concentrated around the nine gates of the Capital; The land was distributed to the Eight Banners; The Outer City was Imperial Land where houses were built for people in the Capital; That's why houses in Liulichang was so crowded, located one after another just like fish scale. This concentration of population and crowdness of the houses were due to the conditions of the past sixty years (since the founding of the Qing in 16 44). People from various parts of the empire also gathered around here, scholars and officials also resided in Liulichang.254
From Wang, we not only learn that a great concentration of population had already developed around the city gates
since the Ming times, but also that Liulichang had been
developed as a densely built area in the Kangxi period. Wang's
essay however was not composed for the purpose of describing
the development of Liulichang alone but to raise the concern
for the residents there who were requested to pay their tax based on the units :of houses rather than on the land they
occupied. Wang argued that it was not fair for the residents
to pay tax according to the units they occupied as the small
amount of rent they received was barely enough to support
their families. Moreover, they had corvee to serve which the
common people could hardly cope with.
The rise of Liulichang, however, was due not only to the
- 140 - increase of population but also a substantial increase in the number of residences which housed the scholars and officials.
Zhi Chaozi in his Jiujing Suoji (1970) talked about the resi•
dences of the Han officials and the riches in the early Qing
period:
In the old days, most Han officials who did not have imperial assigned residences and those who did not have to be on duty in the Imperial Palaces usually lived in the Outer City, outside the entrance of Xuanwu Gate. Most of the rich families, on the other hand, lived around the area.-;outside Suiwen Gate. That's why there was an old saying: 'in the east are the riches, in the west are the high-ranking officials.!' No wonder there were so many poems about Xuannan area where many scholars lived were composed.255
Amongst the more than 10,000 high ranking officials
stationed in Beijing, many of them lived near Xuanwu Gate —
an area very close to Liulichang. The compiler of Chunming
Mengyu Lu, Sun Chengze, lived in the west side of Zhangjia
Bridge, south of Liulichang. His house was called "Tuigu 256
Yuan." Another famous scholar, Wang Yuyang, lived in
Liulichang's Huoshen Miao Xijiao Dao. His garden had a vine
tree with flowers sprouted all over. Some of his guests
composed poems of the vine tree. He also had a painting
entitled "Guteng Shitu Juan" (A roll of Painting of the Old
Vine with Poems) from which many poems were composed in later
time. Next to Wang Yuyang was the house of Cheng Jinfang who
was a compiler of Siku Quanshu. Dai Lu even suggested that
where Cheng lived was Wang's old house. Sun Xingyan who was - 141 - then editing Yanzi Chunqiu, also lived in Liulichang in 1789 at Nanjia Dao. His Korean friend, Piao Qijia wrote him a . plaque — "Wenzi Tang" (House for Asking). Piao even suggested that nobody who read less than 5,000 juan of books should 257 enter into Sun's house. Qian Qi, in his Cheng Bizhai Shi- cao also mentioned that he lived in the old house of Zhu Zhuto 258 in Huaishi Xiejie. The Chancellor, Zhu Wenan had a house at Coal Market Street. He even had a plaque "Chaoting Liang- zuo" (Good Assistant to the Throne), awarded by the Emperor
Yongzheng. Chancellor Li Wenzhen's residence was located at the West Pig Market Street and had a plaque awarded by Emperor
Kangxi. Another famous poet, Wu Meicun, lived in.Weiyan Hutong in the north side of Hufang Bridge. Lao Zhibian also mentioned that he met Pang Xueye, an official in the Board of Works, in 259
Liulichang after he moved there. All these examples showed that many scholars and officials desired to live in and around
Liulichang. This was because Liulichang was conveniently located between the Inner City and the Outer City. Moreover, they could easily buy the books they wanted and the materials they needed for writing. Even when they were not buying anything from the market, Liulichang was a place for them to spend half a day, strolling around and reading books. The concentration of large numbers of scholars and officials in the neighborhood of Liulichang greatly encouraged its develop• ment as China's major market of books. Another major event which was held in Liulichang during
- 142 - the Spring Festival and directly affected its. development\was the Annual Fair. The fair originated from the Lantern Fair in
Ming times. The show of lanterns began in the Han period (221
B.C.-A.D. 220) but it was not until the Tang period that the
fifteenth day of the first month was chosen as the day for
showing the lanterns. During the Lantern Festival, the
imperial city was open to the common people. According to Liu and Yu, the Lantern Fair in Ming period extended from the • i. eighth day to the eighteenth day of the first month. Even < <• officials had ten days of holiday to enjoy the festival.
During these ten days, trade took place during the day and
lanterns were lighted up during the evening. As suggested by Rozman, "unlike markets which met a certain number of times every ten days, fairs were annual events drawing large crowds
from greater distances supplemented periodic markets, providing 26 0 a variety of annual needs, luxuries, and entertainment."
The Lantern Fair in Ming times was held outside the eastern •: entrance of the imperial city, the Donghua Gate. Merchants
from different parts of the country were them gathered there and put forth not only luxurious items, such as antique and curio objects from the past dynasties or foreign countries, but there were also daily used items for the common people.
Besides the various kinds of goods on sale in the fair, there was also entertainment, such as music, acrobatic shows, and
fireworks for the visitors. Some high ranking officials also visited the fair in plain clothes. Many of the examination candidates also enjoyed themselves during this festival. A - 143 - large number of the rich merchants even paid a high fee to rent a room in some multi-story restaurants to watch the
, 4- 261 lanterns.
According to the chief editor of the official history of Beijing — Qinding Rixia Jiuwenkao, Yu Minzhong, the
Lantern Fair was no longer held in the Qing period. Annual
Fairs were then held instead in the Flower Market, Pig Market,
Vegetable Market, but the largest fair was held in Liulichang during the Spring Festival from the fourth to the seventeenth 262 day of the first month. During the fair, there were a lot of stalls for selling toys, food, curios, paintings, calli• graphy and books. As early as the Kangxi period, Lao Zhi- bian in his poem, "A Stroll along Liulichang" described the prosperity of Liulichang during the Spring Festival when thousands of wheelcarts lined up along the way to Liulichang.
The place was also lighted up by lanterns and Liulichang was described as:
... showing the greatest prosperity with numerous types of colored glaze products, particularly toys for children and other curio objects. The foreground outside the government kiln factory had many stalls selling vase, curios, paintings, cloth and books. People from all walks of Mfe visited Liulichang and the stalls were very busy in selling their goods.263
In Yongzheng period (1728-1735), Shang Pan's poem,J"A
Miscellaneous Essay in the Spring Festival" further mentioned
- 144— ,. that Liulichang was the place where everyone visited during the Spring Festival. Shang also pointed out, that the place was well connected to every parts of the city and this was why 264 the stalls were so crowded with people;
In Pan Rongbi1s Dijing Suishi Jisheng, (A description of the Yearly Social Events of the Capital), the prosperity of
Liulichang during the Spring Festival could be further illus• trated :
Outside the entrance (of the kiln factory), all sorts of goods and different kinds of shows gathered here during the period from the first to the sixteenth day of the First Moon. Tens of thousands of lanterns were all hung up around the market... Lots of books and other curios occupied the whole street... Large numbers of men and women who were riding their horses or carried by carts, visited (Liulichang) ... 265
Wang Yeqiu noted that bookstalls in the Annual.. Fair of
Liulichang in the late Kangxi period had gradually developed into shops of a more permanent nature and reached its greatest 266 prosperity in Qianlong's time. This development was due not only to the popularity of the fair which had various different types of goods on sale but a more important fact was that Liulichang was "well connected" to all parts of the city and conveniently located close to the main traffic routes between the Inner and Outer Cities of Beijing.
The holding of an Annual Fair in Liulichang which drew a
- 145 - large crowd of people from all walks of life no doubt encour• aged its popularity; but its rising prosperity was also due to the presence of large number of huiguan which housed a large number of examination candidates and officials. In
Beijing and in hundreds of cities and towns-, the associations based on common geographic origins have played a vital economic and social role during the past centuries in China. Such associations are called huiguan or Tandsmannschaften. Most
Western and Japanese scholars accepted the contentions of
Ming writers, Liu Dong and Yu Yizheng, that huiguan was first established in Beijing in the Jiajing and Longqing periods 261
(1522-1572).. However, Ho Ping-t'i, in his Zhongguo Huiguan
Shilun, points out that the earliest huiguan was established in the nation's capital, Beijing, in Yongle period (1403-1424) 26 8 by officials who were natives of Wuhu, Anhui. In the 1919 published Wuhu Xianzhi, Wuhu Huiguan in Beijing was mentioned as: ... located at the upper third hutong (lane) outside the front (Zhengyang) gate. A native -(Wuhu) , -Yu Mo, gave a donation to purchase several houses and a piece of land to establish (the huiguan) in Ming Yongle period (1403- 1424).269
Since Beijing was the capital of the Qing empire, multi• tudes of government offices were located there. Many offi^ ' > cials, either on official business or waiting for appointments to new offices, found it particularly convenient to live in
- 146 - the huiguan which were built and maintained by their fellow- countrymen. It was also in the huiguan that the sense of being alienated in a strange city was minimized. Many of the early huiguan which were formed by officials extended its
"membership" to candidates for the metropolitan examination.
The metropolitan examination was held every third year in
Beijing when five to six thousand candidates who had taken their provincial examinations flocked there to take part in 270 it. With the expansion of local and inter-regional trade in late Ming and early Qing periods, the demand for handicraft and industrial goods led not only to bigger and more sophisti• cated enterprises but also to a sharp increase in the number of merchants. The building of huiguan in Beijing and other cities therefore provided a place of contacts with other merchants from the same region and it was also where protection against discrimination from the local populace was offered.
According to Ho Ping-t'i, there were three ways in which the huiguan were established: Firstly, private donors, like
Yu Mo, bought the land and the buildings for the huiguan.
Although only a few huiguan were established in this way, this was more common in its early period of development. In Kangxi period, Chancellor Li Guangdi (1642-1718) donated his house as Anxi Huiguan. Secondly, there were rich merchants who donated money to build the huiguan. For example in Qianlong period, Duan Yunlong established the Longyanzhou Huiguan.
Thirdly and the most common way is to have the leading official.
- 147 - of the place start fund-raising amongst.. his colleagues and the
native people. There were also cases where merchants lead 271 the fund raising and co-operated/with the officials.
The common belief of late Ming and modern Japanese scho-r
lars was that Landsmannschaften in Beijing were, from their very inception, hostels established exclusively for landsmann of various provinces, perfectures, and counties who went to
Beijing to take the triennal metropolitan and palace examina•
tions. But, on the contrary, Ho Ping-t'i (Ho Bingdi), based on extensive research on the local history of Ming and Qing periods, found that originally there were two types of Lands• mannschaf ten in Beijing, none of which was exclusively for
Landsmann examination candidates. The first type, such as .U
that of Wuhu, was in the nature of an exclusive club, open only to natives of Wuhu who served as officials of the central government. The second type, such as that of She Xian in An• hui province, was launched in 156 0 by merchants of She Xian and partook of the nature of a true Landsmannschaften, open 272 to all Landsmann, officials as well as merchants.
Writing in the Wanli period, Shen Defu, in his Yehuo Bian mentioned that:
Since the capital is the gathering point for (people) from all parts of the country, most counties have their own huiguan here to faci• litate the people who first came here. This is a very convenient method for the people for a long time... By the time I went to the capital again (16 06), our huiguan was finely constructed. However, our county huiguan was - 148 - occupied by the high-ranking officials, the lower level officials and examination candi• dates could not be sheltered in the hui guan. This is in contradiction to the original intention of the building of our huiguan.273
In Chongzhen period, Liu Dong and Yu Yizheng pointed out that:
Huiguan in the Inner City is controlled by the officials while those in the Outer City are residing by the examination candidates.274
Ho Ping-t'i further argues that huiguan did not become hostels for examination candidates until the Qing period. In the 1924 published Records of the Fujian Huiguan, the twenty- two Fujian huiguan in Beijing only began to list the success• ful examination candidates in the early Qing period with the only exception of Shaowu Huiguan. Even the long established
Fuzhou Huiguan did not list the successful examination candi• dates until the Qing period. This evidence led to Ho's con-: elusion that huiguan did not become a residence for examina- 275 tion candidates until the Qmg dynasty.
Owing to the increasing importance of the examination as a major channel of social mobility and also to the fact that various localities vied with one another in producing socio- academic success candidates, the two types of huiguan in Bei• jing gradually changed their functions. Both types of huiguan in Beijing became hostelries for Landsmann examination candi-
- 149 - dates in the first half of the Qing dynasty. However, the existence of huiguan was not limited to Beijing, huiguan also appeared in a number of major cities and even in some actively trading and manufacturing sub-county towns from the Wanli 277 period (1573-1619) onwards. Unlike other cities, Beijing received a large number of examination candidates from all parts of the country. Outside Beijing huiguan were hostels and meeting places for mostly merchants and craftsmen than of officials. Since huiguan houses such diverse activities as religious celebrations, recreational gatherings, mutual protection associations, and burial assistance, they performed 278 a variety of urban functions. Whatever the main functions of huiguan outside of Beijing, they all more or less partook of the nature of general Landsmannschaften, open to all Lands• mann , merchants, craftsmen, officials and examination candi• dates. This was because throughout the Ming and Qing period the concept of social status was flexible and the social status system rather fluid.
Large numbers of huiguan were built in Beijing in Ming and Qing periods. The richly documented history of Fujian hostels in Beijing showed that before the end of the Ming period all prefectures of Fujian except one had established their hostels in Beijing. From the beginning of Qing to 1760, n@ fewer than eight Fujian counties maintained their own
separate huiguan in the capital. Jiangxi, as the pioneer province in providing community chests for metropolitan
- 150 - examination candidates, possibly set up its own huiguan before
Fujian. As the statesman and prime minister Zhu Shi (1665-1736)
testified, the Jiangxi ' province and its various prefectures had
established many such hostels in Beijing in Ming times and
even his native county Gao An alone had two, which gradually 279 became dilapidated and eventually were consolidated in 1723.
Shen Defu, a native of Jia Xing in Zhejian, was impressed by
the number of huiguan in Beijing during the late sixteenth
century. Some northern provinces near Beijing, however, may
have established their huiguan somewhat later than the remote
southern provinces. Shanxi, for example, did not have a hostel for examination candidates until late in the seventeen•
th century, although its enterprising merchants had set up 280
their guildhalls in Beijing earlier. From these examples, we can see that all provinces, many large perfectures, and a
certain number of large counties maintained their huiguan in
Qing times, although it is often difficult to ascertain the precise dates of their founding. In the Ming period, huiguan were present in both the Inner
City and the Outer City of Beijing but that during the Qing period most huiguan were located in the Outer City. Liu and
Yu suggested that huiguan in the Outer City were resided by examination candidates while those in the Inner City were 2 81 resided by officials and gentry class. In Zhu Yixin and Miao Quansun's Jingxi Fangxiang Zhi (1884), they listed 391 28 2 huiguan in Bijing. As suggested by Ho Ping-t'i, half of the huiguan were built in Ming times while the other half were built in Qing period. In his Shucao Qingxia Lu (1792), Wang
Qishu described the rapid development of huiguan in the Outer
City of Beijing during the Qianlong period:
In the past years, different provinces competed to build their own huiguan. the building of these huiguan pushed up much the price of land in the Outer City.283
From Wang, we not only learn that large numbers of huiguan were built in the Qianlong period, but .more important, nearly all these huiguan were located in the Outer City. Wang Yeqiu noted that many of these huiguan were then located around the area between Xuanwu Gate and Zhenyang Gate, where Liulichang was located. Wu changyuan in the Qianlong period further listed twenty-three huiguan in the neighborhood of Liulichang.
These included: Chaozhou Huiguan, Changyuan Huiguan on Yanshou
Monastery Street; Poyang Huiguan on Wuchier Hutong; Hehan
Huiguan at Yangmeizhu Xie Street; Xiangling Huiguan, Sanyan
Huiguan and Zhaoxing Huiguan on Li Tieguai Xie Street; Guang• dong Huiguan in Han jia Pon; Weinan Huiguan,. Chaoyi Huiguan on
Zhangjia Bridge; Xizi Huiguan in Liangjia Yuan; Quanjun Huiguan in Sun Gongyuan; Taili Huiguan, Pucheng Huiguan in Tilaoquan
Temple; Jianning Huiguan, Huizhou Huiguan on Nanlin Hang;
Nanfeng Huiguan on Beilinhang; Guangxi Huiguan, Fengxiang
Huiguan and Hanzhong Huiguan in Qingchang; Qilu Huiguan at
Panjia Heyan; Quanzhe Huiguan and Huaian Huiguan on Heng Street. Based on Jingsi.Fangxiang Zhi, Rozman found
that there were few huiguan in the northern and eastern; areas but there were about 100 huiguan located in the western and central sections of the Outer City and more than 200 in the built up portion of the southern part of the Outer City. n
Rozman suggests that huiguan tended to be located in relatively 285 sparsely populated areas of Beijing. The closeness . of these large numbers of huiguan in the vicinity of Liulichang where large numbers of examination candidates, scholar-offi-v cials and merchants were housed, undoubtedly promoted the business of bookselling and further enhanced the popularity of Liulichang amongst the scholars and officials in this period.
As held by some historians, one of the greatest literary projects in the Qianlong period and directly related to the rising prosperity of Liulichang was the compilation of Siku
Quanshu which began in the thirty-eighth years of Qianlong
(1773). As early as 1772, Emperor Qianlong had ordered provincial-governors and educational commissioners to collect lost works from all parts of the country. Qianlong pointed out that the imperial library had already quite a rich collec• tion of books but it could still be expanded. As Emperor
Qianlong considered that Tushu Jicheng, compiled in the Kangxi period, contained only fragmented pieces of some works and could not be understood in their full context, he therefore proposed that all the works which had not been recorded or known be collected or purchased for the benefit of the literary - 153 - class. In the same decree, Emperor Qianlong specified that books which explained morality, administration and philosophy
should first be purchased; books which were comments on
Classics, and the nine schools of thoughts should also be
selectively purchased; books which collected poems, and essays written by well known literati should be well scruti• nized and collected accordingly; books which were printed by bookstores, such as examination essays, current affairs works and those clan records, correspondence, and the like should be
A' A A 286 discarded.
Qianlong's compilation of the Siku Quanshu, however, was viewed by some analysts as. purely politically motivated. Good• rich placed a strong emphasis on Qianlong's intention to search 287 out and destroy seditious works. In addition to this reason, Zheng Hesheng and Zheng Hechun suggested that the compilation was also motivated by the emperor's attempt to overcome the antagonism of the literati by using them in a great literary undertaking, to show his interest in litera• ture, and to make available Chinese literary works to the
Manchus. The compilation was further encouraged by the rise of the Han Learning which endeavored to do the research on original works and to compile together the fragmentary rare 288 works by scholars in the early Qing period.
As early as 1774, the provincial officials were instructed to inform the people that they must hand over books of a
- 154 - treasonable nature. Those who handed over banned books prom• ptly would be spared of any punishment but those who hid these books would be severely punished. Even the local officials would be reprimanded for their negligence if such works were later found.
Emperor Qianlong's intention of searching out seditious works in the process of the compilation of the Siku Quanshu was clearly indicated in his decree of September 10, 1774, which partly read as follows:
... Now of the over ten thousand volumes submitted by the several provinces none has been singled out as offensive. How is it possible that among such a quantity of books bequeathed by former generations not one should contain a trace of sedition? During the period at the end of the Ming, unauthorized histories were very numerous and in them both defamatory and eulogistic comments (to this dynasty) .were expressed according to the authors' own prejudices. So it is that we must conduct at once a thorough investigation and destruction (of seditious books).290
In a 1777 memorial to the emperor, Sanbao, Governor- general of Huguang, reported that he had handed over 1863 volumes of books to the Grand Council for burning. He also encouraged the expectant educational officials to search out as many seditious books as possible. The sponsoring of this literary project by Qianlong thus provided the means to control virtually everything that was written and to censor seditious
- 155 - references to the Manchus. In this way, suspect and heretical views could be discovered and suppressed and their authors brought to account. According to the Board of War, the destruction of "unacceptable" books took place twenty-four
times between 1774 and 1782, amounting to 13,826 works. Good•
rich, however, suggested that at least 2,320 works were listed
for suppression and 342 works..were listed for partial suppres•
sion. According to Chen Naiqian's Suoyinshi De Jinshu Zonglu,
there were 2,453 works listed for total suppression and 402 292 works for partial suppression.
The compilation of Siku Quanshu took ten years (1773-1782)
to complete and involved hundred of editors, compilers and
copyists. The editorial board of Siku Quanshu consisted of
361 scholars, with Ji Yun and Lu Xixiong as chief editors.
Dai Zhen, Shao Jinhan, Zhou Yongnian and Ji Yun each in charge
of the four branches into which the collection was divided: 293 Classics, History, Philosophy and Belles-lettres.
Wang Fanggang, who was appointed as compiler an the Han-
lin Academy in 1773 and subsequently served as an editor of
the Siku Quanshu, gave us a detailed account of the process of the compilation of this monumental work in his Fuchuzhai
Shiji:
The Office of the Siku Quanshu established in the thirty-eighth year of Qianlong. The collection of books in the Hanlin Academy was divided into three sections: one section
- 156 - O responsible for the compiling of rare works from the Imperial Archives, another section responsible for compiling complete books and articles appeared in the Yongle Dadian; the third section responsible for compiling books from private collectors.294
The Imperial Archival section was responsible for copying books from the Palace libraries, including Maojin Palace,
Lizhao Palace, Zhaoren Palace, Wuying Palace, Jingyang Palace,
Library of the Grand Secretariat and Hanjing Palace. A total of 32 7 works were collected from these palace libraries into the Siku Quanshu and another 418 titles were listed in the bibliography of the Siku Quanshu. The Yongle Dadian section copied a total of 385 works and listed 127 titles. The
section responsible for the private collection had received a total 4601 works from Zhejiang area alone while Jiangsu placed second in the number of books submitted. Yunnan and
Manchuria had the least number of books presented to the Siku
Commission. Sichuan, Guizhou and Gansu were then at war 295 and so did not send in any books. In the process of collecting books for the Siku Quanshu, Emperor Qianlong strongly emphasized the importance of cooperation from the private collectors and famous libraries, such as: Tianyi Ge,
Eryou Ge, Xiaoshan Tang, Tianlai Ge, Pushu Ting, Shugu Tang, and Chuanshi Lou. Many private book-collectors, either to please the emperor or forced to do so, submitted a large number of rare works to the Siku Commission. Ma Yu in
Jiangsu submitted 779 books, Fan Maozhu, Wang Qishu in Ningbo each submitted 500 to 600 works to the throne and were each awarded a copy of Tushu J i Oh en g. Others who had submitted more than 100 works, such as Jiang Zengying, Wu Yuchi, Sun .
Yangzeng, Huang Dengfa, Ji Yun and others, were each awarded
a copy of Peiwen Yunfu. However it was not only the rare works from Song and Yuan were being collected into the Siku
Quanshu, some popular works, such as Yuan Shu's TongjIan Jishi
Benmo and Jia Yi's Xinshu were also purchased from the book•
stores or private collectors to be included into this monu• mental work. A total of 100 popular works were included in
the Siku Quanshu and another eighty-seven titles were listed
in its bibliography.29^
A total of seven duplicate copies of the Siku Quanshu were made, of which four were preserved in northern China while the other three copies were kept in the south. Wenyuan
Palace in Beijing, Wenyuan Palace in Yuanming Yuan, Wensu J? .'.
Palace in Manchuria, and Wenjin Palace in Rehe each received a copy. Wenhui Palace in Yangzhou, Wenzong Palace in Zhenjiang and Wenlan Palace in Hangzhou also had a copy of Siku Quanshu.
The copy in Yuanming Yuan was burned during the invasion of
Beijing by the Allied Forces. The Wenhui and Wenzong copies were destroyed during the Taiping rebellion, while over three- quarters of the Wenlan copy was lost too. The first set of
Siku Quanshu, completed in early 1782, was housed in Wenyuan
Palace. The building was presumably modelled after the Tianyi
Ge library of the Fan family of Ningbo, Zhejiang. But in its reality, its massive proportions have more in common with the
- 158 - adjoining palace structures than with the simple building at 297 Ningbo.
The compilation of this monumental collection, Siku Quan• shu, no doubt benefited large numbers of scholars who could now have access to previously unavailable rare works. Many of these rare works were previously collected in the bookstores or the libraries of book-collectors and access to them was very difficult. Another equally important function of Siku
Quanshu is its role in the preservation of old editions which could otherwise be lost. Some 365 rare works were preserved
from the Yongle Dadian which is the only copy available now.
The Siku Quanshu, however, was not without any defects.
Some critics pointed out that the collection emphasizes far more pre-Ming works than Ming or early Qing publications. In addition, Zhu Xi1s school of thought was considered as the official orthodoxy and books from other schools of thoughts were largely ignored. One of the major criticisms of the collection was its deletion and addition of works accor• ding to the emperor's direction, especially those works that contained unfavorable comments about the Manchu dynasty.
In the process of the compilation of the Siku Quanshu, a
large number of reference works, bibliographies, literary collections, books on history, philosophy, and Classics were
required by the Siku compilers. Moreover, large numbers of
- 159 - rare works had to be searched out from all parts of the coun• try. All these book searching activities could not be succe• ssful without the help of the professionals — the book dealers. Wang Fanggang, in his Fuchuzhai Shi j i, gave us a 1 clear picture of how significant Liulichangwwas in./providing the books, reference works and writing materials for the compilers of the Siku Quanshu:
Every morning the officials went to the Academy where tea and lunch were provided. In the afternoon, the officials would go back to their residences. They would list all the books and reference works that they needed to compile the Siku Quanshu and went to bookstores in Liulichang to ':. look for these books. Book merchants from Jiangsu and Zhejiang were extremely busy in getting the reference books for these officials. The largest bookstores are Wu• liu Ju and Wencui Tang.299
The demand for books for the compilation of the Siku
Quanshu was so great that bookstores in Liulichang had to go as far away as Jiangsu and Zhejiang to look for the books these compilers wanted. These tremendous book trading activi• ties in the Qianlong period certainly further enhanced the prosperity of Liulichang and firmly established Liulichang as the most important book market in China for more than two hundred years.
- 160 - Chapter VII. Conclusion
With the development of block printing in the Tang period, the number of books produced by printing increased tremendously and books became far more readily available to the common people. This method of book production was first practised and carried out in the bookshops. Without the bookshops, calendars, glossaries and elementary texts could not be produced in quantities large enough and priced low enough to satisfy the demands of the common people. The first surviving printed book in China, the Djamon Sutra, was probably published by a bookshop in Sichuan in the year 868. Sichuan was then one of the provinces which experienced far less devastation from wars and could thus maintain a high level of culture. This important book centre prospered for some three hundred years until the Southern Song period. In the late Tang and the Five
Dynasties, the lower Yangtze area also developed as an impor• tant book market. The selling of calendars and elementary texts for the use of the common people in the book markets of
Sichuan and the lower Yangtze area provided the inspiration for the first government printing of the Classics. Although there might be other important book publishing and marketing centres in China in this period, we do not have enough archa• eological and documentary evidences to support this contention yet.
The unification of China by Zhao Kangyin of Song greatly encouraged economic and cultural advancement of the society. - 161 - Not only were government book publishing activities continued
and expanded, but private publishing also became highly
popular. The art of printing itself was further developed
and "Song edition" was highly regarded by book collectors and bibliophiles. Sichuan was still one of the major markets of books in the Northern Song period but was gradually obscured by Jianan and Hangzhou. After the invasion of Kaifeng by Jin, the capital of Song was moved to Hangzhou. This large scale migration to the south not only brought many scholars and . officials but wealthy families as well to the Jiangnan area and contributed to the rapid rise in social and economic prosperity of the region. Jianan in Fujian, conveniently . <: located on the communication routes between Fujian, Jiangxi and Zhejiang and had ready access to the supply of paper, rapidly developed as a major book production and marketing centre in the Song period. The scale of production of book• shops in the early period of Southern Song, especially Hang-U zhou, was small and some of them were still
part of the paper-making business. The much larger output of books by Jianan's bookshops gradually overshadowed Sichuan and became one of the most important book markets in China for some four hundred years until the end of the Ming dynasty.
In contrast to Jianan's publishing of low quality and cheap editions, bookshops in Hangzhou produced high quality and expensive works. Later in the Southern Song period, book production centres developed extensively in China and published large numbers of popular literature, reference works for
- 162 - examination candidates, books with illustrations and books on medicine, technology and arithmetic as well. The large quan• tity of books produced in this period not only encouraged the development of scholarship, such as the rise of Neo-
Confucianism, but also further promoted the book collection activities of many bibliophiles.
In addition to Jianan and Hangzhou in southern China,
Pingshui had been developed as the most prominent government publishing centre in northern China. Later on commercial publishing also flourished there. In the Jin period, book production was present in nine of the nineteen circuits, covering the modern provinces of Hebei, Shandong, Henan and
Shaanxi. In the Yuan period, Jianan and Jianyang in Fujian continued to be the most important book market with great quantities of books produced. Several of their bookstores became famous for their specialized publications of dramas, books on medicine or works for examinations. In addition to the Jiangzhe area, book markets had also been developed in
Luling and Jianchang of Jiangxi province. Beijing also developed as a book production centre as early as in the Liao dynasty and continued to develop ever since the capital moved there in the Jin and Yuan dynasties. Most of the bookstores in this period were located in the urban metropolis, particu• larly where metropolitan and provincial examinations were held.
- 163 - In the early Ming period, Jianyang, Hangzhou and Sichuan were still the three major book publishing and marketing centres. Large numbers of block-printers moved to Suzhou and
Nanjing in the Wanli and Chongzhen period which led to the development of book publishing there. Beijing, in the north, also gradually replaced Pi.ngsh.ui. as the dominant book market.
With the founding of the Ming capital in Nanjing, book produc• tion also rapidly developed there. Although the capital moved to Beijing in 1420, Nanjing continued as a major centre of book marketing and publishing. As noted by Hu Yinglin in the sixteenth century, bookstores in Beijing and Hangzhou published very few books as compared to those in Jiangsu, Zhejiang and
Fujian. Beijing particularly depended upon the supply of books from Suzhou, Nanjing and other book publishing centres.
An inter-regional book trade was clearly emerging in this period. In the Qing period, the nature of book markets was further, transformed. Books published by the bookstores catered both the elite market and the popular market. Book production centres extended to areas such as Guangdong, Jiangxi and even
Yunnan. Many bookstores became more involved in marketing and some only sold books printed by other bookstores. Suzhou in
Jiangsu was famous for its large output of popular works while
Liulichang was noted for its selling of high quality but expensive editions. The large number of scholars and officials as well as examination candidates, residing in the capital of
Qing, Beijing, no doubt encouraged Liulichang to develop as a national book market.
- 164 - A macro analysis of the historical geography of book markets in China could be further supplemented with a micro study of how one of the most famous book markets developed in the city of Beijing. Through the analysis of the poli• tical, economic and urban transformation df Beijing.and
Liulichang, we saw the development of this famous book market in Beijing from a rural village located miles away from the capital city of Liao, to become the most famous "Street of
Culture". Even in the Jin period, it was still essentially a sparsely populated village. The building of a glazed tile factory in Yuan time marked the first phase in its landscape transformation. The factory was further expanded during the
Yongle period when large scale construction of the palaces and the city was undertaken.
With the development of book publishing in Liao and later in the Jin and Yuan period, Beijing replaced Pingshui as the major book market in northern China in the Ming period.
The bookstalls in Ming Beijing were mainly located in front of Darning Gate, the Board of Rites, and the Temple of the
City God. There were also bookstalls near the examination hall during the examination period and in the Lantern Market during the Lantern Festival. In the early Qing period, Chinese were moved to the Outer City, and only Manchu bannermen were allowed to reside in the Inner City of Beijing. The book market in the early Qing period was therefore moved to Ciren
Monastery in the Outer City. Many famous scholars and
- 165 - officials had visited this book market frequently before 1679
till a major earthquake caused extensive damage to the area.
The book market was later moved to Xiheyan and Liulichang.
In 1769/ Li Wenzao, in his essay, "A Record of the Bookstores
in Liulichang", confirmed that Liulichang had already developed
as the major book market of the capital. In Li's essay, a total of thirty bookstores were located at this street of only
two l_i. The compilation of the Siku Quanshu four years later
no doubt further encouraged the development of Liulichang.
The transformation of Liulichang from a rural village in
Liao times to become a nationally famous market of books,
certainly entails a detailed study. One of the major factors
which contributed to its development was the upsurge in the
population of the Outer City, especially the area around
Liulichang. This large upsurge of population was accentuated
by a political decision to segregate the Manchus and the
Chinese and the removal of all Chinese to the Outer City.
Another factor was the building of a large number of houses
in Liulichang which made it conspicuously crowded. The rise
of Liulichang was further greatly enhanced by having large
numbers of scholars and officials who either resided in the
nearby houses or huiguan. A substantial number of these
huiguan were built in the early Qing period for the examination
candidates and the officials as well as the merchants. It was
also because Liulichang was so centrally located and well
connected to other parts of the city that the Annual Fair was
- 166 - held there and this no doubt promoted the popularity of Liuli• chang. It is certainly true, as some historians suggested, that the prosperity of Liulichang was due to the great demand of books during the compilation of the Siku Quanshu. But it is also equally true that the development of this book market was also due to its convenient location to the residences of these compilers and the Imperial Academy where they worked .
- 167 - Footnotes
See Elizabeth Eisentein, The Printing Press as an Agent of Change: Communications and Cultural Transformations in Early Modern Europe, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge Univer• sity Press, 1979). 2 Lucien Febvie and Henri-Jean Martin, The Coming of the Book: The Impact of Printing, 1450-1800, trans. David Gerard (London: NLB, 1976), p. 262. 3 Jacques Gernet, Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion: 1250-1276, trans. H. M. Wright (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1962), p. 228. 4 G. William Skinner ed., The City in Late Imperial China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1977), p. 351. 5G. William Skinner, 1977, p. 249.
Gilbert Rozman, Urban Networks in Ch'ing China and Tokugawa Japan (princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973), p. 129. 7 Chang Chung-li, The Chinese Gentry: Studies on Their Role in Nineteenth Century Chinese Society,(1955; rpt. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1967), p. 175. o Chang Chung-li, p. 19 8. g Fan Ye, Houhan shu, 6 vols. (Shanghai: Zhonghua Shuju, 1965), 3, p. 1629. 10Liu Guojun, Zhongguo shushi jianpian (Beijing: Gaodeng Jiaoyu Chubanshe, 1958), p. 44.
"'""'"Liu Guojun, Zhongguo gudai shuji shihua (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1962), p. 80. 12 Thomas Francis Carter, The Invention of Printing' m China and Its Spread Westward, 2nd ed., rev. L Carrington Goodrich (New York: The Ronanld Press Company, 1955), p.41; Liu Guojun, 1958, p.56. 13 Nagasawa Kikuya, Zukai Wa-kan Insatsu Shi, 2 vols. (Tokyo: 1976), II, 4; Thomas Carter, p.41. 14 L. Giles, "Dated Chinese Manuscripts in the Stem Collection, Part IV," Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies (1937), 1030; Nagasawa Kikuya, I, 5-7. 15
Liu Guojun, 1958, p.56.
"^Liu Guojun, 1962, p.7- 167 8 - 17 Thomas Carter, p. 64, note 12. 18 Zhang Xiumin, Zhongguo yinshuashu de faming ji'qi yingxiang (Beijing: Renmin Chubanshi, 1958), pp.58-60. 19Zhang Xiumin, 1958, pp.59-60. 20 Wang Yinruo et al., Cefu Yuangui (1013; rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1960), II, 1932; Qinding quantang wen (1841; rpt. Taibei: Qiwen Chubanshe, 1961), pp.8000-8001. 21 Quoted in Xue Juzheng et al., Jiu Wudai shi (Shanghai; Zhonghua Shuji, 1976), p.588. 22 Thomas Carter, pp.6 0-61. 23 Ye Mengde, Shilin yanyu (n.p.: Zhonghua Tushuguan, 1907), juan 8, pp.3a-3b. 24 Zhu Yi, "Yijueliao Zaji," Zhibuzu zhai congshu, ed. Bao Tingbo (Shanghai: Gushu Liutongchu, 1921), I, 695. 25 ' '• Wang Yingliu, Kunxue jiwen (Beijing: Shangwu Yinshuguan, 1959), II, 768. Liu Guojun, 1962, p.79. 27 Li Shuhua, "Tangdai hougi de yinshua," Qinghua xuebao, 2, no.2 (1961), 29. 28Li Shuhua, 1961, p.29 29 Zhang Xiumin, 1958, pp.46-47; Nagasawa Kikuya, figure 6. 30Li Shuhua, 1961, pp.2 3-24; Zhang Xiumin, 1958, pp.45-46. 31 Fan Shu, Yunxi youyi (Shanghai: Shangwu Yinshuguan, 1934), juan 3, pp.l8a-18b. 32 Wu Tingxie, Tang fangzhen nianbiao (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980), pp.841-842. 33 . • Wang Dang, Tang Yulin (Taibei: shi jie shuju, 1962) , p.256. 34 Mao Chunxiang, Gushu banben changtan (Shanghai: 35 Shanghai LiRenmiu Guojunn Chubanshe. 1958,, 1977)p.81,. p.27 .
- 169 - 36Wang Yinruo et al., VIII, pp. 7304-7305, trans. Thomas Carter, P.70. 37 Wang Pu, Wudai huiyao (Shanghai: Shanghai Guji Chubanshe, 1978), p.128. 3 8 Wang Guowei, "Wudai liangsong jianben kao," in his Wang Guantang Xiansheng quanji (Taibei: Wenhua Chuban Gongsi, 1968), XI, 43T9. 39 Wang Pu, p.12 8. 40 Wang Mingqing, Hiuchen lu (Shanghai: Zhonghua Shuju, 1961), IV, 9495. 41 Sima Guang, Ziahi tongjian (Xianggang: Zhonghua shuju, 1976), IV, 94957 42 Wang Guowei, 1968, p.4318. 43 Quyang Xiu, Xin Wudai shi (Shanghai: Zhonghua Shuju, 1974), pp.641-642. 4 4 Quoted in Zhang Xiumin, 1958, p.65. 45 Zhang Xiumin, 1958, p.67. 46 Wang Shilun and Zhao Zhenhua, Hangzhou shihua (Zhejiang: Zhejiang Renmin Chubanshe, 19 79), p.37."
47Liu Guojun, 1962, p.107.
48 Ye Mengde, juan 8, pp. 3a-3b. 49 Quan Hanxing, "Beisong Bianliang de shuchuru maoyi," in his Zhongguo jingjieshi luncong (Xianggang: Xinya YinjiusuoT 1972), I, 148. 50 Quan Hanxing, pp.178-179. 51 Quan Hanxing, p.180. 52 . . , Meng Yuanlao et al., Dongjing menghua lu wai sizhong (Shanghai: Guaian Wenxue Chubanshe, 1956), p.14. 53 "Meng Yuanlao, p.18. 54: Meng Yuanlao, p.19.
- 170 •'55 Su Bai, "Nansong de diaoban yinshua," Wenwu/ January 1962, p.21.
~*^Su Bai, p.21. 57 Gu Tinglong, "Tang Song Shukeben jianshu," Sichuan tushuguan xuebao, No.2 (19 79), p. 10. • 58, Su Yuxiu, Zhongguo diaoban yuanliu kao (Shanghai: Shangsu Yinshuguan, 1918), p.28; Ye Dehui, Shulin qinghua (Beijing: Zonghua Shuju, 1959), pp.85-88. 52, Su Bai pointed out that book markets in Jianning developed a little bit later than Fuzhou which developed as early as 1080. See Su Bai, p.20. 60 K.t. Wu: "Ming Printing and Printers," Haward Journal of Asian Studies, VII (1942-43), p.235; Sun Yuxin, p. 28. 6i-
Su Bai, p.20.
^^Mao Chunxiang, p. 39.
6\e Mangde, juan 8, pp.3a-3b. ^Quoted in Ye Changqing, "Minben kao," in Zhongguo shuji lunji, ed. Jiang Fucong and Luo Genze (Xianggang: Zhongshan Tushu Gongsi, 1972), p.l. 6^Ve Changqing, p.l.
6^Wang Xianqian, Shierchao Donghua lu (Taibei: Wenhai Chubanshe, 1963), X, 1127-1128.
Su Bai, p.20. 6 8 Wu Zimu, "Meng liang lu," in Dongjing menghua lu wai sizhong, ed. Meng Yuanlao. et al. (Shanghai: Gudian Wenxue Chubanshe, 1956), pp.281-282. 69 Jacques Gernet, Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion: 1250-1276, trans. H. M. Wright (Stanford: Stanford University press, 1962), p.30. 70 Wu Zimu, pp.2810282. 71 ' Zhou Mi, "Wulin jinshi," in Dongjing mengliang lu wai sizhong (Shanghai: Gudian Wenxue Chubanshe, 1956), pp.440; Wu zimu, p.239. 72 Gernet, p.84. 73 Wu Zimu, pp.240-241. 74 Su Bai, p.18 171 - - 172 -
PLEASE NOTE: THERE IS NO PAGE 172 IN THIS THESIS DUE TO A NUMBERING MISTAKE, 75 Qu Wanli and Chang Bide, Tushu Banbenxue yaolue (Taibei: Zonghua Wenhua Chuban Shiye Weiyuanhui, 1955), p.46. 7 6 Su Bai, p.27, note 55. 77su Bai, p.19. 7 8 Ramon Myers, The Chinese Economy: Past and Present (Belmont: Wadsworth Inc., 1980), p.38ff. 79 Quoted in Mark Elvin, The Pattern of the Chinese Past (London: Eyre Methuen, 1973), P.116. 80Mark Elvin, 1973, p.180. 81 K.T. Wu, "Scholarship, Book Production, and Libraries in China (618-1644)," Diss. Chicago 1944, p.108. 8 2 Dagong Bao, January 1, 19 8 3 8 3 K.T. Wu, "Chinese Printing under Four Alien Dynasties (916-1368 A.D.)," Haward Journal of Asian Studies, No.13 (1950), pp.451-453. 84 Zhang Xiumin, "Jianyuan jianben kao," Tushu jikan, 2, No.l (1935), pp.21-22, 25. Sun Yuxin, 8 6 Tuo Tuo et. al., Jin shi (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1975), II, 634. 8 7 Miao Quansun, "Pingshui banben kao," in his Yifengtang wenji (Taibei: Wenhai Chubanshe, 1973), guijia hao, juan 3, p.4b; Ye Dehui, 1959, pp.89-90. 8 8 Wu Zeyu, "Banben tonglun," Sichuan tushuguan xuebao, No.2 (1979), p.21. 8 9 Zhang Xiumin, "Liao, Jin, Xixia keshu jianshi," Wenwu, No.3 (1959), p.13. 90 Quan Hanxing, "Song, Jin jian de zousi maoyi," in his Zhongguo jingjieshi luncong (Xianggang: Xinya Yanjiusuo, 1972), I, p.227. 91 Zhang Xiumin, 1935, p.24. 92
Zhang Xiumin, 1959, p.14.
93K.T. Wu, 1950, p.519.
- 173 - 94K.T. Wu, 1950, p.461. 95
K.T. Wu, 1950, pp.463-469.
96Ye Dehui, 1959, p.177.
97K.T. Wu, 1950, p.497.
98K.T. Wu, 1950, p.495.
99Ye Dehui, p.112.
100Ye Dehui, pp.111-112. x0xWang Guowei, " Liangzhe gukanben kao," in his Wang Guantang xiansheng quanji (Taibei: Wenhai Chuban Gongsi, 1968), XI, 4449-46665; Ye Dehui, pp.90-96. 102K. T. Wu, 1950, p.487.
103Liu Guojun, 1958, p.72; Ye Dehui 1959, pp.103-113, 104 .
Miao Quansun, pp.4b-5a.
105Ye Dehui, p.111. x06Nagasawa Kikuya, "Gen-Cho shikikuhompyo," Toyo shi ronso (1932), pp.775-811; Ye Dehui, p.111. 107 Liu Guojun, 1958, p.75. i no
K.T. Wu, 1942-43, p.256.
109K.T. Wu, 1942-43, p.239.
110K.T. .'Wu, 1942-43, pp. 245-246. xxxHu Yinglin, Xiaoshi shanfang bicong (1589; rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1964), p.55. 112 Quoted in zhang Xiumin, "Mingdai yinshu zuidui de Jianning shufang," Wenwu, No.6 (1979), p.76. 113Zhang Xiumin, 1979, p.79. 114 Zhou Hongzu, Gujin shuke (Shanghai: Gudian Wenxue Chubanshe, 1957), pp.361-369. H^xie Zhaozhe, Wuzazu (Shanghai: Zhonghua Shuju, 1959), p.381. . 116 Lang Ying, Qixiu Leigao (Shanghai: Zhonghua Shuju, 1958), pp.664-665.
- 174 - 117K.T. Wu, 1942-43, p.235.
118Zhang Xiumin, 1979, p.77.
119Quoted in K.T. Wu, 1942-43, pp.229-230; Zhang Xiumin, 1979, p.79.
120Zhang Xiumin, 1979. p.77.
121Zhang Xiumin, 1979, p.78.
122Zhang Xiumin, 1979, p.79.
123Xie Zhaozhe, II, 381.
124Hu Yinglin, P.58. 125 Mao Chunxiang, p.501.) 126 Mao Chunxiang, p.50. 127 Mao Chunxiang, p.50. 128Hu Yinglin, p.55. 129
Hu Yinglin, p.55.
130Wu Zeyu, No.2 (1979), p.57.
131Hu Yinglin, p.55.
132Hu Yinglin, p.56.
133K. T. Wu, 1942-43, p.236. 134F. W. Mote, "The Transformation of Nanking, 1350- 1400" The City in Late Imperial China, ed. G. William Skinner (Stanford: Stamford University Press, 1977), p.143.
135F.W. Mote, 1977, p.144. 136 Zhang Xiumin, "Mingdai Nanjing de yinshu," Wenwu , No.11 (1980), p.81. 137 Zhang Xiumin, 19 80, pp.81.82. 138Wang Yinrou, II, 1932. 139 F.W. Mote, "A Millennium of Chinese Urban History: Form, Time and Space Concepts in Soochow," Rico University Studies, 59, No.4 (1973), p.39. - 175 - 140F.W. Mote, 1973, p.44.
141F.W. Mote, 1973, p.45.
142F.W. Mote, 1973, p.55. 14 3 Liu Zhihao, Zhang Gu, Ye Wanzhong and Pu Bailang, Suzhou shihua (Jiangsu: Jiangsu Renmin Chubanshe, 19 80), pp.113-114. 144 Liu Zhihao et al., p.114. 145 Hu Yinglin, p.57. 146 Liu Zhihao et al., p.119.
147Quoted in K.T. Wu, 1942-1943, pp.230-231. 148 Wang Xiaochuan ed. , Yuan Ming Qing sandai jmhui xiaoshuo xiqu shiliao (Beijing: Zuojia Chubanshe, 1958), p.335.
149K.T. Wu, 1942-43, p.255.
150K.T. Wu, 1942-43, p.250.
15 "'"Liang, Ch'i-Chao, Intellectual Trends in the Ch' ing Period, trans. Immanuel C.Y. Hsu (Cambridge: -.:..'.;/ Haward University Press, 1959), pp.45-46. 152 Evelyn S. Rawski, Education and Popular Literacy in Ch'ing China (Aun Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1979), p.110. 153 Ho Ping-ti, The Ladder of Success in Imperial China: Aspects of Social Mobility, 1368-1911 (New/York: Columbia University Press, 1962), p.215. 154 Liu Ts'un-yan, pp.39-42. 155 Wang Shizhen, Juyi lu (n.p. Xinxiantang Shupu, 1701), juan 14, pp.l4b-15a.
156Wu Zeyu, No.3 (1979), p.36; Ye Dehui, 1959, p.253. 157 Quoted in Liu Ts'un-yan, p.38. 158 Liu Xiuye, Gudian xiaoshuo xiqu congkao (Beijing: Zuojia Chubanshe, 1958), pp.73-74. 159 Nagasawa Kikuyu, p.87.
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16"''Gilbert Rozman, Urban Networks in Ch' ing China and Tokugawa Japan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973), p.227. i k o • Wang Xiaochuan, pp.108-109. 16 3 Ho Bingdi (Ho Ping-t'i), Zhongguo huiguan shilun (Taibei: Xuesheng Shuju, 1965), p.103. 164Quoted in Evelyn S. Rawshi,. 1979, p. 117.
165Ye Dehui, 1959, p.186. 166 Thomas Carter, p.59. 16 7 Evelyn S. Rawski, p.121. 168Ye Dehui, 1959, p.186. 16 9 Evelyn S. Rawski, p.121. 170Ye Dehui, 1959, p.186. 171 Zhang Xiumin, "Song Xiaozong shidai keshu shulue," Tushu jikan, 10, No.3 (1936), p.395. 172Zhang Xiumin, 1936, p.396.
173Ye Dehui, 1959, pp.185-186.
174Ye Dehui, 1959, pp.185-186.
175Ye Dehui, 1959, pp.166-167.
176Evelyn S. Rawski, 1979, p.119
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180Arthur Smith, Village Life in China (New York: F.A. Revell Co., 1899), pp.69-71.
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x99Hou Renzhi, Lishi dilixue de lilun yu shijian, p. 160 .
200Li Hongzhang et al., Shutian fuzhi (1885; rpt. Taibei: Wenhai Chubanshe, 1965), juan 3, p.6b.
201Gilbert Rozman, 1973, p.36.
Zhongguo Kexueyuan Kaoku Yanjiusuo and Beijing Shi Wenwu Guanlichu, "Yuan Daidu de kancha he fajue," Kaogu, No.l (1972), p.19. 203 • • Zhongguo Kexueyuan Kaoku Yanjiusuo and Beijing Shi Wenwu Guanlichu, pp.20-21
204Yu Minzhong et al., Qinding rixia jiuwenkao (1774; rpt. Beijing: Beijing Guji Chubanshe, 1981), P.60 3; Hou Renzhi, Lishi dilixue de lilun yu shijian, p.169.
205Yu Minzhong et al., pp.603-604. 206 Cao Ersi, "Liulichang jiwen", Wenshi ziliu xuanbian, 6 (1980), p.173. 207 Sun Dianqi ed., Liulichang Xiaozhi (Beijing: Beijing Guji Chubanshe, 1982), p.l. 20 8 Zhang Hanrui, " Liulichang yange kao," in Liulichang xiaozhi, ed. Sun Dianqi (Beijing: Beijing Quji Chubanshe, 1982), p.2. 209 . Li Cimmg, Taohua sheng jiean riji (Taibei: Shangwu Yinshuguan, 19 7 3), p. 210 Tuo Tuo, Jinshi, III, 686-687. 211 Hou Renzhi, "Beijing shi fazhan guocheng de shuiyuan wenti," Lishi dilixue de lilun yu shijian (Shanghai: Shanghai Renmin Chubanshe, 1977), p.288; Tuo Tuo, Jin Shi, III, 686-687 212 Song Lian, Yuan shi (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1976), I, 112-113.
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-, 249 -R • T->_J_- ^i_, u4 _i -: ~ — /inoi.
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Ye Dehui. Shulin qinghua. Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1959.
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Zhou Hongzhu. Gujin shuke. Shanghai: Gudian Wenxue Chubanshe, 1957.
Zhou Hui. Jinling suoshi. 2 vols. Beijing: Wenxue Gujie Kanhengshe, 1955.
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Zhu Yixin, and Miao Quansun. Jingsi fangxiang zhi. 2 vols. 1918; rpt. Taibei: Jinxue Shuju, 1969.
Zhu Yun. Sihe wenji. n.p.: Jifu Congshu Ben, 1815.
Zuo Buqing. "Qianlong fenshu." i Gugong bowuyuan yuankan, No. 1 (1980), pp. 28-37.
- 202 - Appendix I Bookstores in Tang Period, A.D. 618-907
Bookstore Bookseller Location
Bianjia Zima Pu Bian1s Family Longchi Fang, Chengdu (Sichuan)
Fang Shang's Chengdu (Sichuan) Family
Guo's Family Sichuan
- 203 - Appendix II Bookstores in Song Period, A.D. 960-1279
Bookstore Bookseller Location
Chen Balang Shupu Chen Balang Jianning (Fujian)
Chen Jieyuan Shujipu Chen Xuyun Muqin Fang of Pengbei Dajie in Linan Fu (Zhejiang)
Chen's Family Yongkang Qingwei, Wuzhou (Zhejiang)
Chenzhai Shujipu Chen's Family Hangzhou (Zhejiang)
Chenzhai Shujipu Chen's Family Hongqiaozi River, Hangzhou (Zhejiang)
Chenzhai Shujipu Chen Qi Muqin Fang of Pengbei (Yunju Lou) Dajie in Linan Fu (Zhejiang)
Chonghua Shufang Chen Balang Jianyang (Fujian)
Chongzhi Zhai Jiang's Family Suxi (Zhejiang)
Chuanqin Shutang Ge
Chuanqin Tang Shi's Family Yachuan
Cuishi Shushi Cui Sichuan
Dayin Fang Hangzhou (Zhejiang)
Diaojiang Ye Chang Ye Chang Nan Jianzhou (Fujian)
Fuxue Tang Hua Fuj ian
Guangdu Peizhai Pei's Family Sichuan
Gui Tang Wang Moufu Jianan (Fujian)
Gui Tang Wu's Family Qingkao (Zhejiang)
Guozhi Pu Guo's Family Cheqiaonan Dajie inside Qiantang Gate, Hangzhou (Zhejiang)
Huang San Ba Lang Huang Jianning (Fujian) Shupu
- 204 - Jia Guanren Jingshu Jia Guanren1s East Side of Zhongan- Pu Family qiao Nanjie, Hangzhou (Zhejiang)
Jianan Tang Masha (Fujian)
Jigu Tang Dong Raozhou (Jiangxi)
Jin Linan (Zhejiang)
Jinxiu Tang Fei Guangdu (Sichuan) Liu Shugang's Jianan (Fujian) Family
Maoerqiao, Hangzhou Kaijin Zhima Pu Zhong's Family (Zhej iang)
Taimiao, Hangzhou Lu's Family (Zhej iang)
Masha Shufang Jianyang (Fujian)
Meixi Jingshe Wang's Family
Mingjing Tang Yu Jianan (Fujian)
Mo Tang Cai Qiandao Quyuan
Mopei Xuan
Poji Tang Fengyang (Shanxi)
Qinde Tang Liu Shirong Hangzhou (Zhejiang)
Qinyou Tang Yu's Family Jianan (Fu j i an) (Yu Zhian)
Qunyu Tang Jiang Zhongde Jianan (Fujian)
Rong Liulang Jingshi Rong Liulang East of Zhongwa Nan• Shujipu jie, Hangzhou (Zhejiang)
Sanqui Tang Liu Rixing Jianan (Zhejiang)
Shihan Tang Wang's Family Fuj ian
Shuanggui Tang Jinhua (Zhejiang)
Shuyin Zhai Sichuan
- 205 - Shuyin Zhai Xianyang (Shaanxi)
Tang's Family Wuzhou (Zhejiang)
Wang Nian San Lang Wang's Family Zhej iang Jia
Wang's Family Hucang in Dongyang Xian, South of
Yiwu Xian (Zhejiang) Wanjuan Tang Sichuan Wanjuan Tang Yu Renzhong Jianan (Fujian) Wei Zhongju Jianan (Fujian) Wuben Shufang Yu Pingzhai Jianan (Fujian) Xinyu Wushi Wu Linjiang (Jiangxi) Xiuyan Shutang
Yijing Tang Cai Qichong's Jianning (Fujian) Father
Yinjia Shuji Pu Yin's Family Taimiao, Hangzhou (Zhej iang)
Yu Chongchuan (Fujian)
Yu Gongli's Jianan (Fujian) Family
Yu Tangqing's Jianan (Fujian) Family
Yueya Shutang Zhan Guangzu Wuyi (Fujian)
Zhang Guanren Zhu- Zhang Guanren Baoyou Fang, Hangzhou shizhi Wenji Pu (Zhejiang)
Zhangjia Shupu Zhang's Family Zhongwazhi Street, Hangzhou (Zhejiang)
Zhendui Zhai Jianan (Fujian)•
Zhongde Tang Ruan Zhongyou Minshan (Fujian)
Zongwen Tang Zhen's Family Jianan (Fujian)
- 206 - Appendix III Bookstores in Jin Period, A.D. 1115-1234
Bookstore Bookseller Location
Huiming Xuan Zhang Cunhui Pingshui (Shanxi)
Ji Pingshui (Shanxi)
Jiang Yi Pingyang (Shanxi)
Li Ziwen Pingshui (Shanxi)
Liang's Family Pingyang (Shanxi)
Liang's Family ' Yaodu
Liu Minzhong Pingshui (Shanxi)
Shuxuan Chenshi Chen Pingshui (Shanxi)
Sun Xia Shi Shuji Pu Sun Xia's Family Songzhou (Henan)
Xu Pingyang (Shanxi)
Zhang Qian Pingshui (Shanxi)
Zhao Yan Jieshi (Hebei)
Zhonghe Xuan Wang's Family Pingshui (Shanxi)
- 207 - Appendix IV Bookstores in Yuan Period, A.D. 1279-1368
Bookstore Bookseller Location
Chenshi Shutang Chen Feixian, Jianan (Fuj ian)
Cuiyan Jingshe Liu Junzuo Dongyang (Zhejiang)
Dexin Shutang Wu Fusha Biwan (Guangdong)
Dexing Tang
Guangqin Tang Ye Rizeng & Jianyang (Fujian) Ye Jingkui
Gulin Shutang Hu Luling (Jiangxi)
Huiming Xuan Pingyang (Shanxi) Zhang Cuihui Huiwen Tang Yunqu (Fujian)
Huoji Tang Yanshan (Hebei) Dou Pingyang (Shanxi)
Jianan Shutang Ji*s Family Jianan (Fujian)
Jide Shutang Li
Jiqing Tang
Jujing Shutang Taoxi
Li He Hangzhou (Zhejiang)
Liang *s Family Pingyang (Shanxi)
Liu Hengfu
Liu Kechang Jianyang (Fujian)
Liu Sanqu Shilin (Zhejiang)
Liushi Shusi liu Jianyang (Fujian)
Meiyin Shutang
Minde Shutang
Nanfu Shutang Ye Hui
- 208 - Nanjian Shutang Liu Masha (Fujian)
Qinde Shutang Yu's Family Jianan (Fujian)
Qingjiang Shutang Yang
Qinyou Tang Yu Zhian Jianan (Fujian)
Rixin Tang Gao
Rixin Shutang Liu Jinwen Jianan (Fujian)
Shuanggui Shutang Yu's Family Jianan (Fujian)
Shuxuan Chenshi Chen Pingshui (Shanxi)
Taiyu Shutang Luling (Jiangxi)
Tongwen Tang Jianan (Fujian)
Wang Liang Jintai
Wanjuan Tang Jianan (Fujian)
Wanjuan Tang Masha (Fujian)
Wanjuan Tang Dong
Wanyu Tang
Wuben Shutang Yu Pingzhai Jianan (Fujian)
Wuxi Shuyuan Luling (Jiangxi)
Xingxian Shuyuan Luling (Jiangxi)
Xinqing Shutang Feixian Jianan (Fuj ian)
Xiuyan Shutang
Ye Dun Sanqu Shilin (Zhejiang)
Yishan Shutang
Yuansha Shuyuan Jianyang (Fujian)
Yugeng Tang Zhu Jianan (Fujian)
Yunzhuang Shutang
- 209 - Yuqing Tang Chen Jianan (Fujian)
Zhang Cuihui Tang Zhang Cuihui Pingyang (Shanxi)
Zhangjia Shupu Zhang's Family Zhongwazhi Street, Hangzhou (Zhejiang)
Zhonghe Xuan Wang's Family Pingshui (Shanxi)
Zhoujia Shusi Zhou's Family Wendefang
Zongwen Tang Zheng Tianze Jianan (Fujian)
Zhuping Shuyuan Liuling (Jiangxi)
- 210 - Appendix V Bookstores; in Ming Period/ A.D. 1368-1644
Bookstore Bookseller Location
Anzheng Tang Liu Zongqi, Jianyang (Fujian) Liu Chaoguan & Liu Shuangsong
Baohan Lou Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Baoshan Tang Ye Zhej iang
Baoshan Tang Zheng Yizhen Ruiwo (Fujian)
Biwu Shanfang Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Bowen Tang Jianan (Fujian)
Buyue Lou
Cangquan Tang Yu Xiufeng Jianyang (Fujian)
Cangzhu Guan Hangzhou (Zhejiang)
Changchun Tang Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Changyuan Tang Li Pu Li Shihong Jianyang (Fujian)
Chen Xian Jianyang (Fujian)
Cheshu Lou Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Chihuo Zhai Chen Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Chilu Shanfang Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Cuijin Tang Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Cuiqing Tang Yu Siyuan and Jinyang (Fujian) Yu Zhangde
Cuiyan Jingshe Liu Qunzuo Jianyang (Fujian)
Cuiying Tang Zheng Jianan (Fujian)
Cunren Tang Chen Huaixuan
Dai Nanjing (Jiangsu)
- 211 - Dasheng Tang Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Daye Tang Zhou Xidan Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Dayou Tang Zhou Jinquan Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Diaochong Guan Zang Jinshu Donghai
Dushu Fang
Eryou Tang Li Beijing (Hebei)
Fu Chunming Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Fu Menglong Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Fuchun Lou or Tang Duixi or Sanshan Street, Duixi Shufang or Tang Fuchun Nanjing (Jiangsu) Fuchun Tang
Fuwen Tang Suzhou:. (Jiangsu)
Fuwen Tang Guangdong
Gong Shulin (Fujian)
Gong Shaoshan Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Guangqin Tang Ye Rizeng and Jianan (Fujian) Ye Jingkui
Guangyu Tang Nanjing (Jiangsu) Guanhua Tang
Guiren Zhai Liu Zhiqian Jianyang (Fujian) Guiren Zhai Yang
Guo Xun Wuding Guozhai Zhipu Guo's Family Xingcheqiao Nan Daj Qiantang Gate, Hangzhou (Zhejiang)
Hangzhou Shusi Hangzhou (Zhejiang)
Hu Xian Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Huang Canyu Shulin (Fujian)
- 212 Huang Lianzhai Shulin (Fujian)
Huang Yibin
Huang Yikai
Huang Yingguang
Huang Yingrui
Huang Zhengda Shulin (Fujian)
Huang Zhengfu Jianyang (Fujian)
Huang Zhengxuan Shulin (Fujian)
Huanwen Tang Yang Chunrong Jianyang (Fujian)
Huijin Tang Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Jiabin Tang Zhou Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Jiahui Tang Chen Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Jiang Zisheng Shulin (Fujian)
Jianshan Tang Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Jide Tang Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Jing Tang Wang Siyuan Jianyang (Fujian)
Jingshan Shulin Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Jintai Shupu Zhangyang Gate, Beijing (Hebei)
Jishan Tang Chen Guowang and Jianyang (Fujian) Chen Qichuan
Jiuru Tang Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Jixian Tang Tang Jinchi Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Jixian Tang Tang Liyue Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Jiyou Zhai Shulin (Fujian)
Jizhi Zhai Chen Dalai Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Jujin Tang Yunlin
- 213 - Jukui Lou Li Chao Nanjing ' (Jiangsu)
Kuibi Zhai Zheng Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Laibin Lou Jubao Gate, Nanjing Jiang's Family (Jiangsu)
Nanjing (Jiangsu) Lei Ming Liangheng Tang Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Liguang Tang Liu Rongwu Fusha (Fujian)
Linfei Tang Sanheng Zheng Shaoyuan Jianyang (Fujian) Guan
Linrui Tang
Liu Dahua Jianyang (Fujian)
Liu Hui Jianning (Fujian)
Liu Kuan Shulin (Fujian)
Liu Liantai Shulin (Fujian)
Liu Qiumao Shulin (Fujian)
Liu Taihua Jianyang (Fujian)
Lizheng Tang Zheng Shulin (Fujian)
Nanjing (Jiangsu) Mao Shaoji Mei Yuan Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Min Zhai or Yangmin Jianyang (Fujian) Zhai Yang Qiyuan Nanjian Shutang Masha (Fujian)
Ningshou Tang Xu Shouming
Puji Yaoshi Liu Shulin (Fujian)
Qiaoshan Shutang Liu Yutian Jianyang (Fujian)
Qiaoshan Tang Liu Longtian Jianyang (Fujian)
Qingbai Tang or Yang Jianyang (Fujian) Guiren Zhai
Qingjiang Shutang Yang Jianyang (Fujian)
- 214 - Qingping Shantang Hong Pian
Qinyou Tang Yu Jianan (Fujian)
Renrui Tang Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Renshi Shutang Wei Shulin (Fujian)
Rixin Tang Liu Jianan (Fujian)
Rongshou Tang Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Rongyu Tang
Sandui Zhai Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Sangui Tang Wang Zhenhua
Sanhuai Tang Wang Kunyuan
Sanshan Shufang Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Santai Guan Yuan Su Jianyang (Fujian)
Santai Guan Yu Junzhao or Jianyang (Fujian) Yu Yingzhao
Santai Guan Yu Xiangdou Jianyang (Fujian)
Saoye Shanfang Xi Jian Chang Gate, Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Shangyou Tang An Shaoyun Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Shanjing Tang
Shanshul. Lin Si.hu Yuyin
Shaoshan Tang Hu Shaoshan Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Shendu Zhai Liu Hong (Liu Jianyang (Fujian) Hongyi)
Shengde Tang Hong Qingbo
Shide Tang Tang Xiugu Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Shijian Tang Xiao Tenghong Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Shixian Tang
- 215 - Shouren Zhai S hu 1 in (P u j i an)
Shu Zaiyang Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Shuanggui Tang Yu's Family Jianyang (Fujian)
Shuangfeng Tang Yu's Family Jianyang (Fujian) (Yu Xiangdou & Yu Wentai)
Taihe Tang Yibai Zhuren Hangzhou (Zhejiang)
Tang Chongyu Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Tang Guangqing Tang Tang Zhenwu and Nanjing (Jiangsu) Tang Guoda Nanjing (Jiangsu) Tang Lifei Nanjing (Jiangsu) Tang Longquan Nanjing (Jiangsu) Tang Shaoqiao Nanjing (Jiangsu) Tang Sheng Nanjing (Jiangsu) Tang Tingren Shulin (Fujian) Tanxiang Guan Ye Shun Fuj ian Tiande Tang
Tianxu Zhai
Tong Siquan Shulin (Fujian) Tong Wenjui
Wang Daokun
Wang Jidi Xinan Wang Juzhi Nanjing (Jiangsu) Wang Liang Jintai Wang Lin Hangzhou (Zhejiang) Wang Shenxiu
Wanhua Zhai
- 216 - Wanjuan Lou. Zhou Rijiao Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Wen Tai Yu Shiteng Jianyang (Fujian)
Wenlin* Ge Tang's Family Nanjing (Jiangsu) (Tang Jinchi & Tang Huichou)
Wenshu Tang Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Wenye Tang
Wu Guanming Jianyang (Fujian)
Wu Shaoshan Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Wuben Shutang Yu Pingzhai Jianan (Fujian)
Wulin Shushi Jiang Decheng
Xia Zhenyu
Xiaoyou Tang Liu Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Xingxian Tang Shupu Tang Shaocun Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Xingwen Shutang Yu Shulin (Fujian)
Xinxian Shutang
Xiongfei Guan
Xiongyang Tang Jianyang (Fujian)
Xu Xiancheng Shulin (Fujian)
Xuanlan Zhai
Yang Meisheng Jianyang (Fujian)
Yang Mingfeng Shulin (Fujian)
Yang Suqing Shulin (Fujian)
Yanqirig Tang
Ye Gui Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Ye Gui Shulin (Fujian)
Ye Jianyuan Shulin (Fujian)
- 217 - Ye Jingchi and Suzhou (Jiangsu) Ye Kunchi
Ye Yangshan Shulin (Fuj ian)
Ye Zhiyuan Shulin (Fujian) Yi Bai Tang
Youyi Zhai
Yu Biquan Shulin (Fuj ian)
Yu Changgeng Shulin (Fuj ian)
Yu Chengzhang Shulin (Fuj ian)
Yu Gongren
Yu Gongtang (or Shulin (Fujian) Yu Kuixiu)
Yu Jingyu Shulin (Fuj ian)
Yu Jiyue Shulin (Fuj ian)
Yu Shangxun Nanj ing (Jiangsu)
Yu Shaoyu Jianyang (Fujian)
Yu Tingfu Jianyang (Fujian)
Yu Xiangnian Jianyang (Fujian)
Yu Xianyuan Jianyang (Fujian)
Yu Yuanchang Jianyang (Fujian)
Yuan Wuya
Yulan Caotang
Yuming Tang Ye Kunchi Suzhou (Jiangsu) Yuming Tang
Zhan Xiumin Fuj ian
Zhang Hao and Jianyang (Fujian) Liu Chengqing
Zhao Junyao Nanjing (Jiangsu)
- 218 - Zhao Pu Guozijian, Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Zheng Shihao Shulin (Fujian)
Zheng Shirong Shulin (Fujian)
Zheng Yizhen Shulin (Fujian)
Zheng Yunzhu Shulin (Fujian)
Zhengxiao Guan
Zhide Tang Liu
Zhongde Tang Hong's Family Jianyang (Fujian) (Hong Zongli & Hong Chongyu)
Zhorigfang Shuzhai
Zhonghe Shutang Hong Shulin (Fujian)
Zhongjing Tang Shulin (Fujian) Hong Chengye Zhongwen Tang Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Zhongxian Tang Jianyang (Fujian) Liu Zhongzheng Tang Jianyang (Fujian) Hong Damu and Hong Longfeng Nanjing (Jiangsu) Zhou Duifeng Nanjing (Jiangsu) Zhou Kungang Nanjing (Jiangsu) Zhou Yuquan Zixin Tang Jianyang (Fujian) Yu Liangmu Zongwen Tang Jianan (Fujian) Zheng Tianze Zuimian Ge
Zuode Tang Ye Yilan Shulin (Fujian)
- 219 - Appendix VI. Bookstores in Early Qing, A.D.1644-1850
Bookstores Booksellers Location
Baijing Tang Guangdong
Bamao Ju
Baohua Lou Fuj ian
Baoming Tang Zhou Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Baoning Tang
Baoqing Ge
Baoren Tang
Baotian Tang Li Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Baoyan Zhai
Benli Tang Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Ben Ya
Bogu Tang Yuanhu
Bogu Tang Li Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Boya Tang
Buyu Xuan
Changqing Tang Guangzhou (Guangdong)
Changshu Suxing Shugu Su Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Chao Liuan (Anhui)
Chilu Shanfang Dongwu
Chongde Shuyuan
Chongshan Tang Cufang Bridge, Suzhou (Jiangsu)
- 220 - Chongwen Tang
Cuigu Zhai Qian Jingkai Shantang, Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Cuigu Zhai Qian Tingmo Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Cuiwen Shuwu Cheng Weiyuan
Dadao Tang
Daguan Ju Peng Langfeng & Fengraen, Suzhou Song Xiaoyan (Jiangsu)
Daicao Tang Zheng Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Dajing Tang Xu Wan Shulin Zhongxiang
Dangui Tang Guangzhou (Guangdong)
Dawen Tang
Dayou Shanfang Ma Junliang Shimen
Dayou Tang Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Dexin Tang He Meishan (Sichuan)
Dejui Tang Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Deyue Lou
Diaohuang Xuan
Dongguan Ge
Dongli Shanren
Duchu Xuan
Dunhua Tang Nanchang
Duowen Zhai Xiamen (Fujian)
Erjing Tang
Eryou Tang
Eryou Tang Weiyang
- 221 - Eryou Tang Li Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Fengxiao Xuan
Fugui Tang Guangdong
Fuwen Tang Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Fuwen Tang Guangdong
Gai Xuan
Guanwen Shuwu
Guiwen Tang
Guren Wu Dongbai Wu Dongbai Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Gusu Yuanben Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Guwu Sanduo Zhai Suzhou (Jiangsu) Hanxuan Lou
Hanyun Zhai Shujipu Yufeng Kaopeng, Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Hexing Tang
Hongmei Shanfang
Hongqiang Ge
Hongwen Tang Zheng Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Hongye Shanfang
Huayangqiao Gu Tingyu Gu Tingyu Huayang Bridge, Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Huanwen Tang Zhou Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Hu Weizhou Shusi Hu Weizhou Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Huancui Tang Suzhou (.Jiangsu)
Huanxiu Ge
- 222 - Huicheng Tang
Huijing Tang^
Huiwen Tang Foshan (Guangdong)
Huiyun Lou Foshan (Guangdong)
Jiangu Tang Wei Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Jiezhi Yuan Guangdong
Jiezhi Yuan Li Liweng Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Jigu Tang
Jinglun Tang
Jingshu Tang
Jingxiao Tang Li Liulichang, Beijing
(Hebei) Jingye Tang Guangdong Jingyi Zhai Hu Liqun Xumen, Suzhou (Jiangsu) Jinqi Shuye Tang
Jinyu Tang Li Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Jixiu Tang Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Jujing Tang Guangzhou (Guangdong)
Junhuang Xuan
Juwen Tang Wang Zixing Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Juxln Tang Zhen Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Juxiu Tang Zhen Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Juying Tang Wuchang (Hubei)
Ju Zhen Tang
- 223 - Kaowen Tang Guangdong
Langhuang Shuwu
Laohuixian Tang Guangdong
Leike Shantang Zhu Tingmei
Li Xianming Anhui Liangheng Tang
Lianmo Tang
Liguang Lou, Nanhuai Wujun (Jiangsu) Tang
Liujing Tang Chang Gate, Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Liu Tingbei Chaoyi (Shaanxi)
Liu Wenkui and Nanjing (Jiangsu) Liu Wenkai
Lizhao Lou
Louwai Lou Hangzhou (Zhejiang) Luyu Shanfang
Luyin Tang Suzhou (Jiangsu) Luyun Xuan
Mai Dapeng Guangzhou (Guangdong)
Maigudong Ren Shen Hongshao Suzhou (Jiangsu) Shen Hongshao
Mingsheng Tang Li Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei) Maoxuan Lou
Minqiu Tang Fudong, Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Mingshan Ju
Mogu Tang Zhou Wangfuji, Suzhou (J iangsu)
- 224 - Molin Tang Xuanmiao Guan, Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Pangxi Yuan Shujipu Huang Peilie Xuanmiao Guan, Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Pinghu Guren Wang Wang Zhenglin Suzhou (Jiangsu) Zhenglin
Qiantang Jinya Hangzhou (Zhejiang)
Qingke Tang Shi Zhaoji Jianyang (Fujian)
Qinghe Xuan
Qingyun Lou
Qiuwu Buhuo Zhai
Qiyou Tang
Renshou Tang Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Rongjin Tang Li Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Rongzhu Shanfang
Ruijin Tang Zhou Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Ruiwen Tang
Ruiyun Tang Zhou Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
San Tang Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Sande Tang
Sanduo Tang
Sanhe Tang
Sanyu Tang
Sanyuan Tang Hangzhou (Zhejiang)
Saoye Shanfang Xi Jian Chang Gate, Suzhou (Jiangsu)
- 225 - Saoye Shanfang Xi Jian Caiye Street, Shanghai (Jiangsu)
Shancheng Tang Hangzhou (Zhejiang)
Shancheng Tang Suzhou (Jiangsu).
Shangzhi Tang Quanzhou (Fujian) Shanyin Lou
Shengde Tang Foshan (Guangdong)
Shengjing Tang Li Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Shengyao Tang Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Shenxiu Tang
Shi Jinzhang Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Shide Xuanmiao Guan, Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Shuanggui Tang
Shuchuanyou Cao Jin- Cao Jinrong Suzhou (Jiangsu) rong
Shuchuanyou Shao Shao Baoyong Suzhou (Jiangsu) Baoyong
Shuchuanyou Wu Buyun Wu Buyun Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Shuchuanyou Zheng Fuyi Zheng Fuyi Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Shudai Caotang
Shuye Tang Changmen, Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Shuyou Hu Yiqian Hu Yiqian Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Shuyou Lu Bangwi Lu Bangwei Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Shuyou Shao Zhonglin Shao Zhongli Suzhou (.J ia ng su).
Shuyou Shen Peiyun Shen Peiyun Suzhou (Jiangsu)
- 226 - Shuyou Wu Dongting Wu Dongting Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Shuyou Wu Lifang Wu Lifang Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Shuyou Yu Yu Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Shuyou Zheng Yijia Zheng Yijia Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Shuyou Zheng Yungzhi Zheng Yungzhi Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Simei Tang
Sishuo Caotang Suzhou (Jiangsu) Songde Xuan
Songxiu Tang Tang Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Suide Tang
Suwei Tang
Tao Shixiu Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Tenghua Xie
Tianbao Lou Foshan (Guangdong) Tianhua Zang
Tongbaoyin Zhai Huiqi (Zhejiang)
Tongde Tang Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Tongsheng Ge Li Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei) Tongshi Shanfang
Tongwen Tang Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Tuisi Tang
Waner Tang
Wangfuji Shutan Gao Suzhou (Jiangsu) Wang Wangru
Wang Ya Nanjing (Jiangsu)
- 227 - Wanyuan Lou Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Weicao Tang
Weijing Tang Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Wencui Tang Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Wencui Tang Jin Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Wendao Tang
Wende Tang Xiamen (Fujian)
Wenhan Lou Hangzhou (Zhejiang)
Wenhua Tang Xu Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Wenhui Tang
Wenhui Tang Li Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Wenjin Tang Li Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Wenli Tang
Wenmao Tang Fu Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Wenrui Tang Nieshu, Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Wensheng Tang Yangzhou (Jiangsu)
Wenxiu Tang Chang Gate, Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Wenya Tang
Wenyu Tang
Wenyuan Tang
Wuben Tang
Wugui Tang Guangdong
- 228 - Wuliu Ju Tao Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Wuliu Ju Tao Yanxue and Chenghuang Temple, Tao Yunfei Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Wuxi Puxing Shugu Pu Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Wuyun Lou
Xiangxian Ting Hangzhou (Zhejiang)
Xianwo Caotang
Xianyue Lou Li Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Xiaohua Xuan
Xiaoshan Li Kexi Li Kexi Jiangsu
Xiaoxiao Ju
Xiuyou Shanfang
Xueshan Tang Xuanmiao Guan, Suzhou (J iangsu)
Xueyu Tang Juncheng, Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Xu Peike Nanjing (Jiangsu)
Yanqing Tang Liu Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
Yangyu Jingshe
Ye Jingxi and Suzhou (Jiangsu) Ye Yingchi
Yi Zhai Li Chunfang Shanxi
Yigu Tang Yangzhou (Jiangsu)
Yijing Tang
Yingde Tang
Yinghua Tang Xu Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei)
- 229 - Yingxiu Tang
Yisheng Zhai Baixia (Jiangsu)
Yixiang Tang
Yixiao Xuan
Yongan Tang
Yongqing Tang Yu
Youshan Tang Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Yuchun Jushi
Yulan> Tang
Yunfen Lou Tongjing Bridge, Jin- chang Gate, Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Yungu Tang
Yushang Lou Shusi Wu Shanwan Hangzhou (Zhejiang)
Yuzhao Tang Nieshu, Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Zaidao Tang
Zengmei Tang
Zhensong Tang
Zhenxian Tang Guangdong
Zhicheng Tang
Zhigui Lou
Zhihe Tang
Zhuli Ge Qingjiangpu(Jiangsu)
Zhongsheng Tang
Zhongshu Tang
Zhongyou Tang Nieyuan, Suzhou (Jiangsu)
- 230 - Zhu Xuan
Zhuchun Tang Xu
Zihou Tang
Ziyang Ge Zhu Xiucheng Suzhou (Jiangsu)
Ziyi Xuan
Zongsheng Tang Zeng Liulichang, Beijing (Hebei);
Zuile Tang Yuanhu
Zuiliu Tang
Zuiwen Tang Shanghai (Jiangsu)
Zuiyue Xuan
Zuoyin Zhai
- 231 - Appendix VIII. A Chronological History of Beijing
Dynasty Period Name and Status of Beijing
Zhou 1030-221 B.C. Ji, capital of Yan, 723 B.C.- 221 B.C.
Qin 221-207 B.C. Ji, destroyed by Qin
Han 202- B.C.-A.D, Yanjing, capital of Yan; then 220 Youzhou, capital of an inde• pendent kingdom
Jin 265-420 Youzhou, generally under the control of the Hu tribes
Northern & 479-581 Uncertain Southern Dynasties
Sui 581-618 Zhuozhun, administrative centre of a district
Tang 618-906 Youzhou, residence of military governors
Liao 937-1125 Nanjing (southern capital)
Jin 1153-1215 Zhongdu (central capital)
Yuan 1215-1264 Yanj ing 1264-1267 Zhongdu, capital of Yuan in plan 1267-1368 Daidu, capital of Yuan Ming 1368-1403 Beiping, garrison town 1403-1420 Beijing, second capital of Ming 1420-1644 Beijing, capital of Ming
Qing 1644-19 11 Beijing, capital of Qing
Source: Adapted from Nigel Cameron and Brian Brake, Peking: A Tale of Three Cities (New York: Harper & Row, 1965), P. 55; Hou Renzhi, Lishi dilixue de lilun yu shijian (Shanghai: Shanghai Renmin Chubanshe, 1979), pp. 159- 204.
- 232 - Appendix VII. Chronological Table of Chinese Dynasties
Dynasty Period
Shang Kingdom ca. 1550 - 1030 B.C.
Zhou Dynasty ca. 1030 - 256 B.C.
Qin Dynasty 221 -.207.B.C.
Han Dynasty 202- B.C. - A.D. 220
Three Kingdoms 221 - 265
Southern and Northern Dynasties 265 - 581
Sui Dynasty 581- 618
Tang Dynasty 618 - 906
Five Dynasties 907 - 960
Liao Dynasty 937 - 1125
Xixia State 990 -..1227
Northern Song Dynasty 960 - 1126
Southern Song Dynasty 1127 - 1279
Jin Dynasty 1115 - 1234
Yuan Dynasty 1260 - 1368
Ming Dynasty 1368 - 1644
Qing Dynasty 1644 - 1911
Source: Michael Sullivan, The Arts of China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), p. 10. Appendix IX. Glossary
ding--unit of taxation
fang—ward or division
juan--chapter or volume
jinshi—metropolitan graduate (highest degree holder)
juren—provincial graduate (second-degree holder)
1 li=0.5 km
1 liang=l.33 oz. 2 1 mu=36 3.6 m 1 qian=l cash, basic unit of money
shengyuan—prefectural graduate (first degree holdree)
- 234 -