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MOROCCO COUNTRY REPORT (In French) ETAT DES LIEUX DE LA CULTURE ET DES ARTS
MOROCCO Country Report MOROCCO COUNTRY REPORT (in French) ETAT DES LIEUX DE LA CULTURE ET DES ARTS Decembre 2018 Par Dounia Benslimane (2018) This report has been produced with assistance of the European Union. The content of this report is the sole responsibility of the Technical Assistance Unit of the Med- Culture Programme. It reflects the opinion of contributing experts and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Commission. 1- INTRODUCTION ET CONTEXTE Le Maroc est un pays d’Afrique du Nord de 33 848 242 millions d’habitants en 20141, dont 60,3% vivent en milieux urbain, avec un taux d’analphabétisme de 32,2% et 34,1% de jeunes (entre 15 et 34 ans), d’une superficie de 710 850 km2, indépendant depuis le 18 novembre 1956. Le Maroc est une monarchie constitutionnelle démocratique, parlementaire et sociale2. Les deux langues officielles du royaume sont l’arabe et le tamazight. L’islam est la religion de l’État (courant sunnite malékite). Sa dernière constitution a été réformée et adoptée par référendum le 1er juillet 2011, suite aux revendications populaires du Mouvement du 20 février 2011. Données économiques3 : PIB (2017) : 110,2 milliards de dollars Taux de croissance (2015) : +4,5% Classement IDH (2016) : 123ème sur 188 pays (+3 places depuis 2015) Le Maroc a le sixième PIB le plus important en Afrique en 20174 après le Nigéria, l’Afrique du Sud, l’Egypte, l’Algérie et le Soudan, selon le top 10 des pays les plus riches du continent établi par la Banque Africaine de Développement. -
Hassani-Ouassima-Tesis15.Pdf (4.423Mb)
UNIVERSIDAD PABLO DE OLAVIDE DEPARTAMENTO DE FILOLOGÍA Y TRADUCCIÓN TESIS DOCTORAL LA TRADUCCIÓN AUDIOVISUAL EN MARRUECOS: ESTUDIO DESCRIPTIVO Y ANÁLISIS TRADUCTOLÓGICO Sevilla, 2015 Presentada por: Ouassima Bakkali Hassani Dirigida por: Dr. Adrián Fuentes Luque Esta tesis fue realizada gracias a una beca de la Agencia Española de Cooperación Internacional (AECID). AGRADECIMIENTOS La realización de este trabajo de investigación me ha hecho pasar por momentos duros y difíciles, y ha supuesto ser un verdadero reto tanto personal como profesional. Por ello, es menester agradecer y reconocer la ayuda crucial brindada por aquellas personas y que de una manera u otra han contribuido para llevar a buen puerto la presente Tesis. Son muchas las que han estado a mi lado en momentos difíciles y en los que en más de una ocasión pensé tirar la toalla. Pude hacer frente a ellos y he podido seguir adelante y superar todos los obstáculos que se me pusieron en frente. En primer lugar, quiero agradecer al Dr. Adrián Fuentes Luque, quien ha creído y apostado por mí y en el tema de la investigación desde el primer momento, me ha ayudado a mantener el ánimo y ha seguido con lupa e interés todo el proceso de elaboración de la Tesis. 7DPELpQDO&HQWUR&LQHPDWRJUi¿FR0DUURTXtSRUHOPDWHULDOIDFLOLWDGR\ODVHQWUHYLVWDVFRQFHGLGDV en especial al que fuera su director, D. Nouredine Sail, y al Jefe del departamento de Cooperación y Promoción, D. Tariq Khalami. Asimismo, quiero dar un especial agradecimiento a todos los profesionales del sector audiovisual \GHODWUDGXFFLyQDXGLRYLVXDOHQ0DUUXHFRVDORVTXHKHWHQLGRODRFDVLyQ\HOJXVWRGHHQWUHYLVWDUHQ HVSHFLDOD'xD+LQG=NLNGLUHFWRUDGH3OXJ,Q'(O+RXVVLQH0DMGRXELGLUHFWRUGHOSHULyGLFRAlif Post y académico, Dña. Saloua Zouiten, secretaria general de la Fondation du Festival International du )LOPGH0DUUDNHFK',PDG0HQLDULHMHFXWLYRHQOD+DXWH$XWRULWpGH&RPPXQLFDWLRQ$XGLRYLVXHO D. -
MOROCCO Morocco Is a Monarchy with a Constitution, an Elected
MOROCCO Morocco is a monarchy with a constitution, an elected parliament, and a population of approximately 34 million. According to the constitution, ultimate authority rests with King Mohammed VI, who presides over the Council of Ministers and appoints or approves members of the government. The king may dismiss ministers, dissolve parliament, call for new elections, and rule by decree. In the bicameral legislature, the lower house may dissolve the government through a vote of no confidence. The 2007 multiparty parliamentary elections for the lower house went smoothly and were marked by transparency and professionalism. International observers judged that those elections were relatively free from government- sponsored irregularities. Security forces reported to civilian authorities. Citizens did not have the right to change the constitutional provisions establishing the country's monarchical form of government or those designating Islam the state religion. There were reports of torture and other abuses by various branches of the security forces. Prison conditions remained below international standards. Reports of arbitrary arrests, incommunicado detentions, and police and security force impunity continued. Politics, as well as corruption and inefficiency, influenced the judiciary, which was not fully independent. The government restricted press freedoms. Corruption was a serious problem in all branches of government. Child labor, particularly in the unregulated informal sector, and trafficking in persons remained problems. RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From: a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life There were no reports that the government or its agents committed any politically motivated killings; however, there were reports of deaths in police custody. -
Returnees in the Maghreb: Comparing Policies on Returning Foreign Terrorist Fighters in Egypt, Morocco and Tunisia
ͳͲ RETURNEES IN THE MAGHREB: COMPARING POLICIES ON RETURNING FOREIGN TERRORIST FIGHTERS IN EGYPT, MOROCCO AND TUNISIA THOMAS RENARD (editor) Foreword by Gilles de Kerchove and Christiane Höhn ʹͲͳͻ ABOUT THE CONTRIBUTORS Emna Ben Mustapha Ben Arab has a PhD in Culture Studies (University of La Manouba, Tunis/ University of California at Riverside, USA/Reading University, UK). She is currently a Non-resident Fellow at the Tunisian Institute for Strategic Studies (ITES), a member of the Mediterranean Discourse on Regional Security (George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies), and professor at the University of Sfax, Tunisia. Kathya Kenza Berrada is a Research Associate at the Arab Centre for Scientific Research and Humane Studies, Rabat, Morocco. Kathya holds a master’s degree in business from Grenoble Graduate Business School. Gilles de Kerchove is the EU Counter-Terrorism Coordinator. Christiane Höhn is Principal Adviser to the EU Counter-Terrorism Coordinator. Allison McManus is the Research Director at the Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy. She holds an MA in global and international studies from University of California, Santa Barbara and a BA in international relations and French from Tufts University. Thomas Renard is Senior Research Fellow at the Egmont Institute, and Adjunct Professor at the Vesalius College. Sabina Wölkner is Head of the Team Agenda 2030 at the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS) Berlin. Prior to this, Sabina was in charge of the Multinational Development Policy Dialogue of KAS Brussels until March 2019. From 2009-2014, she worked in Bosnia and Herzegovina and headed the foundation's country programme. Sabina joined KAS in 2006. -
Their Eyes on Me
Their Eyes On Me Stories of surveillance in Morocco Their Eyes on Me Photo © Anthony Drugeon 02 Their Eyes on Me Stories of surveillance in Morocco www.privacyinternational.org Their Eyes on Me Photo © Anthony Drugeon 04 Their Eyes on Me Table of Contents Foreword 07 Introduction 08 Hisham Almiraat 14 Samia Errazzouki 22 Yassir Kazar 28 Ali Anouzla 32 05 Their Eyes on Me Photo © Anthony Drugeon 06 Their Eyes on Me Foreword Privacy International is a charity dedicated to fighting for the right to privacy around the world. We investigate the secret world of government surveillance and expose the companies enabling it. We litigate to ensure that surveillance is consistent with the rule of law. We advocate for strong national, regional and international laws that protect privacy. We conduct research to catalyse policy change. We raise awareness about technologies and laws that place privacy at risk, to ensure that the public is informed and engaged. We are proud of our extensive work with our partners across the world. In particular, over the past year we have been working in 13 countries to assist local partner organisations in developing capacities to investigate surveillance and advocate for strong privacy protections in their country and across regions. Morocco is one of the key countries of focus, having met with activists dedicated to defending the internet and more specifically the inviolability of electronic communications. Hisham Almiraat – both a subject of surveillance and a passionate privacy advocate – has been at the forefront of this battle, with his new organisation, Association des Droits Numériques. -
Morocco: Freedom on the Net 2017
FREEDOM ON THE NET 2017 Morocco 2016 2017 Population: 35.3 million Partly Partly Internet Freedom Status Internet Penetration 2016 (ITU): 58.3 percent Free Free Social Media/ICT Apps Blocked: Yes Obstacles to Access (0-25) 12 11 Political/Social Content Blocked: No Limits on Content (0-35) 9 10 Bloggers/ICT Users Arrested: Yes Violations of User Rights (0-40) 23 24 TOTAL* (0-100) 44 45 Press Freedom 2017 Status: Not Free * 0=most free, 100=least free Key Developments: June 2016 – May 2017 • The telecommunications regulator ordered ISPs to lift restrictions on VoIP services imposed last year (see Restrictions on Connectivity). • Provisions in the new press code passed in June 2016 removed jail sentences for journalistic crimes, except in cases when journalists fail to pay fines, which remai steep. The code also mandates the registration of online journalists in a move that may further stifle free reporting (se Legal Environment). • Digital activism surrounding the death of a fish salesman in the coastal city of al Hoceima led to a national protest movement against social and economic conditions (see Digital Activism). • Hamid al-Mahdaoui, editor-in-chief of the news site Badil, received a suspended sentence for investigative reporting and was later arrested and imprisoned for covering the protests (see Prosecutions and Detentions for Online Activities). • Five prominent activists and online journalists face up to five years in prison fo “threatening the security of the state,” while two additional journalists could be fine for receiving foreign funding without permission. All seven individuals are implicated in a troubling court case that has been repeatedly postponed (see Prosecutions and Detentions for Online Activities). -
CASABLANCA, Morocco Hmed Reda Benchemsi, the 33-Year-Old
Posted July 3, 2007 CASABLANCA, Morocco A hmed Reda Benchemsi, the 33-year-old publisher of the independent Moroccan weekly TelQuel, sensed someone was trying to send him a message. In a matter of months, two judges had ordered him to pay extraordinarily high damages in a pair of otherwise unremarkable defamation lawsuits. It started in August 2005, when a court convicted Benchemsi of defaming pro- government member of parliament Hlima Assali, who complained about a short article that made light of her alleged experience as a chiekha, or popular dancer. At trial, Benchemsi and his lawyer never put up a defense—because they weren’t in court. The judge had reconvened the trial 15 minutes before scheduled and, with no one representing the defense, promptly issued a verdict: two-month suspended jail terms for Benchemsi and another colleague and damages of 1 million dirhams (US$120,000). Two months later, another court convicted Benchemsi of defamation, this time after the head of a children’s assistance organization sued TelQuel and three other Moroccan newspapers for erroneously reporting that she was under investigation for suspected embezzlement. TelQuel, which had already issued a correction and apology, was ordered to pay 900,000 dirhams (US$108,000)—several times the amounts ordered against the other three publications. At the time, the damages were among the highest ever awarded in a defamation case in Morocco—and more than nine times what Moroccan lawyers and journalists say is the national norm in such cases. A puzzled Benchemsi said he learned from a palace source several months later what had triggered the judicial onslaught. -
Who Else Profits the Scope of European and Multinational Business in the Occupied Territories
WHO ELSE PROFITS The Scope of European and Multinational Business in the Occupied Territories SECOND RepORT | NOVEMBER 2018 A Saharawi woman waving a Polisario-Saharawi flag at the Smara Saharawi refugee camp, near Western Sahara’s border. Photo credit: FAROUK BATICHE/AFP/Getty Images WHO ELse PROFIts The Scope of European and Multinational Business in the Occupied Territories This report is based on publicly available information, from news media, NGOs, national governments and corporate statements. Though we have taken efforts to verify the accuracy of the information, we are not responsible for, and cannot vouch, for the accuracy of the sources cited here. Nothing in this report should be construed as expressing a legal opinion about the actions of any company. Nor should it be construed as endorsing or opposing any of the corporate activities discussed herein. ISBN 978-965-7674-58-1 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 2 WORLD MAp 7 WesteRN SAHARA 9 The Coca-Cola Company 13 Norges Bank 15 Priceline Group 18 TripAdvisor 19 Thyssenkrupp 21 Enel Group 23 INWI 25 Zain Group 26 Caterpillar 27 Biwater 28 Binter 29 Bombardier 31 Jacobs Engineering Group Inc. 33 Western Union 35 Transavia Airlines C.V. 37 Atlas Copco 39 Royal Dutch Shell 40 Italgen 41 Gamesa Corporación Tecnológica 43 NAgoRNO-KARABAKH 45 Caterpillar 48 Airbnb 49 FLSmidth 50 AraratBank 51 Ameriabank 53 ArmSwissBank CJSC 55 Artsakh HEK 57 Ardshinbank 58 Tashir Group 59 NoRTHERN CYPRUs 61 Priceline Group 65 Zurich Insurance 66 Danske Bank 67 TNT Express 68 Ford Motor Company 69 BNP Paribas SA 70 Adana Çimento 72 RE/MAX 73 Telia Company 75 Robert Bosch GmbH 77 INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION On March 24, 2016, the UN General Assembly Human Rights Council (UNHRC), at its 31st session, adopted resolution 31/36, which instructed the High Commissioner for human rights to prepare a “database” of certain business enterprises1. -
Fractured Walls... New Horizons: Human Rights in the Arab Region
A-PDF MERGER DEMO Fractured Walls... New Horizons Human Rights in the Arab Region Annual Report 2011 (1) Fractured Walls... New Horizons Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies Human Rights in the Arab Region CIHRS Annual Report 2011 Reform Issues (29) Publisher: Cairo Institute for Human Cofounder Rights Studies (CIHRS) Dr. Mohammed El-Sayed Said Address: 21 Abd El-Megid El-Remaly St, 7th Floor, Flat no. 71, Bab El Louk, Cairo. POBox: 117 Maglis ElShaab, Cairo, Egypt President Kamal Jendoubi E-mail address: [email protected] Website: www.cihrs.org Tel: (+202) 27951112- 27963757 Director Bahey eldin Hassan Fax: (+202) 27921913 Cover designer: Kirolos Nathan Layout: Hesham El-Sayed Dep. No: 2012/ 10278 Index card Fractured Walls... New Horizons Human Rights in the Arab Region Annual Report 2010 Publisher: Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS) Reform Issues (29), 24cm, 278 Pages, (Cairo) Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (Author) With support from The European Commission The Open Society Foundation (2) Table of Contents Dedication 5 Introduction: The Arab Spring: A Struggle on Three Fronts 7 Part One: Limits of the “Arab Spring” 23 Report Summary: Human Rights in the Context of the “Arab Spring” 25 The “Arab Spring” at the United Nations: Between Hope and Despair 45 Part Two: Human Rights in the Arab World 81 Section One – The Problem of Human Rights and Democracy 81 1- Egypt 83 2- Tunisia 103 3- Algeria 119 4- Morocco 129 5- Syria 143 6- Saudi Arabia 159 7- Bahrain 173 Section Two – Countries under Occupation and Armed Conflict -
Colonial and Orientalist Veils
Colonial and Orientalist Veils: Associations of Islamic Female Dress in the French and Moroccan Press and Politics Loubna Bijdiguen Goldmiths College – University of London Thesis Submitted for a PhD in Media and Communications Abstract The veiled Muslimah or Muslim woman has figured as a threat in media during the past few years, especially with the increasing visibility of religious practices in both Muslim-majority and Muslim-minority contexts. Islamic dress has further become a means and technique of constructing ideas about the ‘other’. My study explores how the veil comes to embody this otherness in the contemporary print media and politics. It is an attempt to question constructions of the veil by showing how they repeat older colonial and Orientalist histories. I compare and contrast representations of the dress in Morocco and France. This research is about how Muslimat, and more particularly their Islamic attire, is portrayed in the contemporary print media and politics. My research aims to explore constructions of the dress in the contemporary Moroccan and French press and politics, and how the veil comes to acquire meanings, or veil associations, over time. I consider the veil in Orientalist, postcolonial, Muslim and Islamic feminist contexts, and constructions of the veil in Orientalist and Arab Nahda texts. I also examine Islamic dress in contemporary Moroccan and French print media and politics. While I focus on similarities and continuities, I also highlight differences in constructions of the veil. My study establishes the importance of merging and comparing histories, social contexts and geographies, and offers an opportunity to read the veil from a multivocal, multilingual, cross-historical perspective, in order to reconsider discourses of Islamic dress past and present in comparative perspective. -
Demobilization in Morocco: the Case of the February 20 Movement by © 2018 Sammy Zeyad Badran
Demobilization in Morocco: The Case of The February 20 Movement By © 2018 Sammy Zeyad Badran Submitted to the graduate degree program in Political Science and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Chairperson: Dr. Hannah E. Britton Co-Chairperson: Dr. Gail Buttorff Dr. Gary M. Reich Dr. Nazli Avdan Dr. Alesha E. Doan Date Defended: 31 May 2018 ii The dissertation committee for Sammy Zeyad Badran certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Demobilization in Morocco: The Case of The February 20 Movement Chairperson: Dr. Hannah E. Britton Co-Chairperson: Dr. Gail Buttorff Date Approved: 31 May 2018 iii Abstract This dissertation aims to understand why protests lessen when they do by investigating how and why social movements demobilize. I do this by questioning the causal link between consistent state polices (concessions or repression) and social movement demobilization. My interviews with the February 20 Movement, the main organizer of mass protests in Morocco during the Arab Spring, reveals how ideological differences between leftist and Islamist participants led to the group’s eventual halt of protests. During my fieldwork, I conducted 46 semi-structured elite interviews with civil society activists, political party leaders, MPs, and independent activists throughout Morocco. My interviews demonstrate that the February 20 Movement was initially united, but that this incrementally changed following the King’s mixed-policy of concessions and repression. The King’s concessionary policies convinced society that demands were being met and therefore led to the perception that the February 20 Movement was no longer needed, while repression highlighted internal divides. -
Contemporary Dārija Writings in Morocco: Ideology and Practices Catherine Miller
Contemporary dārija writings in Morocco: ideology and practices Catherine Miller To cite this version: Catherine Miller. Contemporary dārija writings in Morocco: ideology and practices. Jacob Høigilt and Gunvor Mejdell The Politics of written language in the Arab world Written Changes, Brill, 2017, Studies in Semitic Languages and Linguistics, 9789004346161. halshs-01544593 HAL Id: halshs-01544593 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01544593 Submitted on 21 Jun 2017 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Contemporary dārija writings in Morocco: ideology and practices Catherine Miller Final draft 27 01 2017 To appear in Jacob Høigilt and Gunvor Mejdell (ed) The Politics of written languages in the Arab world, Written Changes, Leiden, Brill Introduction Starting from the mid 1990s a new political, social and economical context has favored the coming out of a public discourse praising cultural and linguistic plurality as intangible parts of Moroccan identity and Moroccan heritage. The first signs of change occurred at the end of King Hassan II’s reign, setting the first steps towards political and economic liberalization. But the arrival of King Mohamed VI in 1999 definitely accelerated the trend toward economic liberalism, development of private media, emergence of a strong civil society, call for democratization and modernization, and the emergence of new urban artistic movements.