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THE SCEPTER of TIRIDATES the Stone Capital of a Lost Column from K THE SCEPTER OF TIRIDATES THE SCEPTER OF TIRIDATES The stone capital of a lost column from K¨asa¥, Republic of Armenia, probably erected in the fifth or sixth century A.D., depicts in frontal bas- relief a man in Parthian dress: with belted tunic and trousers tucked into boots, his legs planted firmly and boldly apart. (Pl. 1) In his left hand, extended downwards and slightly away, he grips the ring of divinely-be- stowed royal glory, Arm. p¨ark¨ (a loan from Northwestern MIr. *farn, cfr OP. farnah-, Av. xvar¢nah-, Sgd. farn). He looks away to the right, towards a short staff he flourishes in his upraised right hand. The object is probably not a sword — it has no hilt. But since the corner of the capi- tal has broken off, we will never know what the tip of the object was — it could have been a Cross. What is beyond doubt, though, is that the poor fellow has the head of a wild boar1. Except, of course, for the boar's head, there is a strong resemblance in the general composition against a blank background — the figure's frontal stance and attire, and the ring clasped in his hand, to the bas-relief steles of the Achaemenid and Orontid ancestors of king Antiochus the Great of Commagene, first century B.C.: these memorial images flank the sacred enclosure below the funereal tumulus of the Hierothesion on Nimrud Dagh, at right an- gles to the enthroned statues of the Irano-Greek divinities. They were erected by insertion into sockets on stone pedestals. Each Iranian ances- tor holds a disk with a rosette at its center, evidently a symbol equivalent to the open ring; and clasps what looks like a short scepter, or bundle of twigs (the Zoroastrian barsom) or scroll in the other hand2. There are other such reliefs, on early Armenian Christian steles, of this same swine-headed man. At Xarabavank¨, he is shown clasping his hands together, apparently in prayer. At T¨alin, he carries a staff topped by the Cross3. At Awjun, seventh century, he carries a plain staff. On the 1 Illustrated in A. SAHINYAN, K¨asa¥i bazilikayi cartarapetut¨yun¢, Erevan, 1955, p. 80, pl. 58. 2 N. GARSOIAN, Des Parthes au Califat, Paris, 1997, figs. 7 and 8, compares the long tunic and trousers, and frontal pose, of an Armenian on a 7th-cent. stele from Kars to a relief of the Parthian period from Palmyra (where the soldier depicted holds the ring or diadem of glory to be considered below). 3 See N. GARSOIAN, The Iranian Substratum of the ‘Agat¨ange¥os' Cycle, in N. GAR- SOIAN et al., East of Byzantium: Syria and Armenia in the Formative Period, Washington, DC, 1982, p. 153 and pls. I-IV (p. 151-174). See also her article, The Locus of the Death of Kings: Iranian Armenia — the Inverted Image, in R. HOVANNISIAN (ed.), The Armenian Image in History and Literature, Malibu, CA, 1981, p. 27-64, repr. in her Armenia be- tween Byzantium and the Sasanians, London, 1985. 188 J.R. RUSSELL same side of the latter stele are six scenes in all: 1. three winged angels at the top; 2. an armed soldier holding the Cross; 3. a youthful figure with the Cross; 4. a robed figure and a smaller figure, holding the Cross between them; 5. the swine-headed man; and 6. a Cross-topped tower against which leans a ladder4. The swine-headed man can be none other than Tiridates IV, the Great, who, as Agathangelos informs us, was transformed into a choleric boar (varaz) or, perhaps more unkindly, though just as relevantly, a lustful pig (xoz)5, as divine punishment for the murder of the Greek virgin, St. Rhipsime: this happened as the king was about to go hunting in the plain of P¨arakan *Nsemakac¨ (Agath., §211), near the foot of Mt. Ararat6. It is to Prof. Nina Garsoïan that we owe the insight and demonstration that this Nebuchadnezzar-like 4 N. STEPANYAN, A. CHAKMAKCHYAN, Dekorativnoe iskusstvo srednevekovoi Armenii, Leningrad, 1971, p. 13-14; B. BRENTJES et al., Kunst des Mittelalters in Armenien, Berlin, 1981, pls. 53-57. 5 U.C.L.A., Arm. MS. 52, a miscellany of the 18th century, provides on fols. 53v.-54v. a list of unclean animals, which begins: Varazn: ariwnahe¥ ew dzneay;/ Xozn: vavasot ew erkraser. “The boar sheds blood and is savage;/ the pig is lustful and loves earthly things.” Tiridates' great strength, and the vicious tortures he inflicts upon Gregory the Il- luminator (lovingly catalogued by Agathangelos and still more meticulously depicted in Mxit¨arist prints: Armenian Christianity has rather less of the masochistic taste one finds in Catholic art), make him a boar. His unseemly lust for Rhipsime, who makes a pathetic laughing stock of him, suits well a rutting pig. 6 P¨arakan(k¨) is in Ge¥ark¨unik¨, and must mean “glorious”; cfr P¨arakann in Maseac¨otn, i.e., at the foot of Ararat, near Artasat, also called P¨araxot (H. HÜBSCHMANN, Altarmenischen Ortsnamen, Strassbourg, 1904, p. 477, and R. THOMSON, tr., AGATHAN- GELOS, History of the Armenians, Albany, NY, 1976, p. 475 n. to §211): Sebeos (ed. G.B. ABGARYAN, Erevan, 1979, p. 52) calls P¨aroxt the te¥i bnakut¨ean “dwelling place” and P¨arakann the dast orsoc¨ ew arsawanac¨ “plain of hunts and horse-races”. Parakan, without aspiration, is explained as “set with traps” (Sebeos, 201-2, n. 39). Because of the frequency of the definite article -n in Arm. and the numerous adjectival and other forms ending in the same letter, haplography in manuscripts is to be expected; and I think semakac¨, the usual rendering of the second word of the toponym in printed editions and Thomson's translation, should be discarded as a ghost word. The manuscript variants give nsemakac¨ and nsamakac¨, gen. pl., and the word, which would otherwise be a hapax, is now easy to explain. Phl. nisemag means “abode” (cfr nisem, “nest”, NP. nisem(an), “idem”: in NP., Hafez sings, ….ce guyam-at ke be-meyxane dus mast o xarab/ Sorus-e ¨alam-e geyb-am ce mozdeha dad-ast,/ Ke: Ay! boland-nazar sahbaz-e sedra-nesin, nesiman-e to ne in kunj-e meÌnatabad ast, “I'll tell you — dead drunk at the tavern last night — what good news I got from the messenger angel of the hidden world: Hey, fal- con looking high, perched on heaven's tree, your nest is not that nook nearby the Judge- ment seat.”): e.g., on Samarkand, we read in Sahrestaniha i Eran, pas gizistag Frasyag i Tur harw ewag nisemag i bayan dewan-uzdescar padis kard, “Afterwards, the accursed Turanian Afrasiyab made every abode of the gods there an idol-shrine of demons” (J. MARKWART, ed. G. MESSINA, A Catalogue of the Provincial Capitals of Eranshahr, Roma, 1931, p. 10; in S. NYBERG's Manual of Pahlavi, Reader, p. 113.18). The Arm. toponym should be understood to mean either the *Glorious place, or else the *Place of Snares (Tiridates has such hunting nets, Arm. eragaz, set in the same passage), of the *Abodes/Nests of which Sebeos' te¥i bnakut¨eann is then a gloss. THE SCEPTER OF TIRIDATES 189 Verwandlung of the king, for all its Scriptural overtones and overt sources, derives added power and depth from its co-optation and under- mining of the Iranian Arsacid symbolism and ideology in which Arme- nia had been steeped for centuries: the royal totem was the varaz, “boar”; so the king becomes that, and not an ox7. The hunt is the dy- namic illustration of royal glory; so it is precisely that occasion the leg- end inverts, making it the scene of the king's dishonor. The king's sister Xosroviduxt had a vision that Tiridates could regain his human form only by releasing St. Gregory from imprisonment in Xor Virap, at Artasat. When she told people of this vision they mocked her as one pos- sessed by a demon (dew); but it was repeated five times, with the an- gel's warning that more evil would come unless she reported it to the king, which then she did, but “with great fear and caution” (mecaw erkiw¥iw ew zgusut¨eamb, Agath., §216). The king and his court were converted to Christianity thereafter. The stele at Awjun appears to por- tray episodes of the Conversion of the Armenians: if read from the top down, these could culminate in the construction of the shrine dictated by St. Gregory's vision of Christ descending to Va¥arsapat- Ejmiacin, as the place has been called since, “The Sole-Begotten Descended”. The figure on the capital from K¨asa¥ is Tiridates, then; and it is almost as certain that his gesture has to do with some episode of the Conversion, as out- lined above. We shall suggest presently which event it was. The capital probably surmounted a memorial column erected on a stepped base8, that commemorated an event of the early Christian history of the Armenians. From the inception of Christianity till the Arab con- quest, four-sided steles (kot¨o¥) portraying the life of Christ and the saints were common in the country. ™ewond erec¨ relates that the Caliph Yazid (A.D. 720-5), yaceal yaysoyn p¥cut¨ean brnut¨ene tayr hraman p¨srel ew xortakel zkendanagreal patkers csmarit marde¥ut¨ean tearn meroy ew p¨rkc¨in ew norin asakertac¨n. Xortaker ew znsan terut¨ean 7 Mediaeval Armenian exegesis tends to be unaware of this Parthian aspect of the transformation, though the comparison to Nebuchadnezzar is made.
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