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CLASSIC PERIOD ROYAL MAYA WOMEN: A FEMINIST ANALYSlS
A Thesis Subrnitted to the Cornmittee on Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Masters of Arts in the Faculty of Arts and Science
TRENT UNIVERSITY Peterborough, Ontario, Canada
c Copyright by Diane D. Maxwell 1998
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The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. ABSTRACT CLASSIC PERIOD ROYAL MAYA WOMEN: A FEMINIST ANALYSIS Diane D. Maxwell
Several lines of evidence of royal women in Classic Maya society are in terpreted as constituting these ancient women as icons of power and subjects of discourse. Feminist thought applied to the anthropological study of the official archaeological, osteological, burial, and textual evidence in conjunction with the visual representations of royal women. provides a framework for critique, analysis, and reinterpretation. The utilization of ferninist analysis and critiques results in the freedom to make new interpretations by exercising freedom from old assumptions and methods. This thesis applies feminist theory to contribute to the dismantling of repressive interpretations of royal Maya wornen in the an thropological canon and to rein terpret by acknowledging the role of culnirai representation in the social construction of gender and power relations in both the present and the past. It is argued here that feminist theory serves as a productive explanatory mode1 applicable in the in terpre tation of canonical represen tations of women not only in the present, but also in the past. Through a critique of past and present representations of royal Maya women, it becomes clear that by interpreting and narrating some (male),but not al1 (fernale),fragments of the past some Mayanists use, perhaps unconsciously, their point of view to appropriate royal Maya women's power in the past and to control women scholars in the present. These distortions in the evidence result in the marginalization of women in the past and in the present. In a re-vision of the representations of royal Maya women, it is clear that the arc haeological, osteological, burial, writ ten, and visual evidence of Classic period royal Maya women articulates an equality between women and men of royal status. In addition, descent during the Classic period appears to be ambilineal. The evidence communicates that royal women,like royal men, formed political and military alliances, captured prisoners, waged war, bloodlet , and ruled. Royal women depicted in the ceremonial jade-net costume were originators of new dynasties as the First Mother in the guise of the Moon Goddess. These royal women performed the sharnanic ritual of the vision quest to communicate with divine ancestors, spirits and goddesses/gods. In death. these Classic penod royal Maya women were revered as divine ancestors. ACKNOWDGMENTS This work could not have been written without the help and support of many people. First and foremost, 1 rnust give special thanks to my thesis supervisor. Dr. Paul F. Healy. He has at al1 times made himself available for advice and guidance, as well as support through difficult personal times. Equally important, he was the impetus for my enrollment as a full-time undergraduate, for my minor in Women's Studies, and my enrollmen t in the An thropology M.A. Program at Trent University. Finally, Dr. Healy has kept me centered and focussed on proving my arguments with hard archaeological evidence by making me understand just what is necessary to critique old interpretations. Secondly, 1 wish to thank the members of my supervisory committee, Dr. Joan Vastokas and Dr. Margaret Hobbs for their continueci support and encouragement. A special thanks goes to Dr. Hobbs for demonstrating the practicai uses of ferninist theories. 1 also thank Dr. Susan Jamieson who was a member of my supervisory committee when other members were on sabbatical leave. She was a great inspiration. In a similar vein, 1 should like to thank Dr. Herman Helmuth for his insights on osteological representations, Dr. Theresa Topic for her suggesteâ readings on prehistoric South American cultures, and Dr. Stephen Guy-Bray and Sharon Rosenberg for encouraging me to become a writer, Thirdly, 1 should like to thank The Royal Ontario Museum for the Moffat-Kinoshita Fellowship which enabled me to study the museum collections of art depicting ancient women and present an associated paper at the Third Archaeology and Gender Conference at Appalachian State University in Boone, North Carolina in September of 1994. A special thanks to Pita Daniels, Technician of New World Archaeology who assisted me with the museum collections. Also 1 wish to thank Dr. David Pendergast and Dr. Elizabeth Graham for their invaluable insigh ts related to Maya archaeology. Fourthly, 1 should like to thank Trent University for the awards, bursaries, and scholarships and the On tario Government for scholarships that made it possible for me to complete this thesis. In particular, 1 would like to thank Pat Strode. Paulette Nichols, Sandi Cam, Pam Conley, and Joyce Sutton. Finally, but in no way least, 1 thank my children Evan, Ian, and Vanessa and my parents Robert and Dolorosa, to whom this work is dedicated. Despite the many years that have passed since I began as an undergraduate, my children have given me constant moral support. To my parents, the children and I thank you for helping financially and practically by caring for your grandchildren when my research took me away from home. 1 would never have completed this work without them. TABLE OF CONTENTS CMERONE CONTEXTUALIZING INTERPRETATION Introduction The Objective Defined A Review of Past Interpretations Thesis Data. Procedures. and Overview Summary
CWERTMIO FEMINISMS. ARCHAEOLOGY. AND CULTURAL REPRESENTATION .... 13 An Historical Look at Feminisms and Archaeology ...... 13 Why the Late Impact in Archaeology ...... 16 The Position of Women in Arc haeology ...... 18 The Position of Women in Mesoamerican Archaeology ...... 20 Feminist Critiques ...... 23 Feminist Critiques in Archaeology ...... 27 Cultural Representation ...... 32 Surnmary ...... 34
CHAPTER THREE LINES OF EVIDENCE THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECORD Introduction Female Burials at Tikal The Late Preclassic (250 B.C.-A.D. 250) The Early Classic (AD. 250-550) The Late Classic (A.D. 550-889) A General Overview FernaleNale Burial Patterns Aîtar de Sacrificios Caraco1 Uaxactun Holmul Piedras Negras Barton Ramie Palenque Pacbitun Seibal Dzibilchlatun Altun Ha Tonina Santa Rita Corozal Summary THE WRITTEN RECORD H ieroglyphic Inscriptions Tikal Naranjo Altar de Sacrificios Piedras Negras Yaxc hilan Bonampak Palenque Calakmul El Peru GENEALOGICAUDESCENT Parentage or Lineage Statements Summary THE VISUAL RECORD Introduction The Officia1 Public Art C hronology Costume and Regalia The Hui~il The Sarong The Jade.Net Costume The Moon Goddess and the Jade.Net Costume The First Mother and the Jade.Net Costume Headdresses and the Jade-Net Costume The Ceremonial Huipil and Headdress Badges Sumrnary
CHAPTER FOUR RE-VISION Introduction Arc haeological Re-Vision A Re-Vision of the Written and Visual Evidence A Letter from Lady Six Sky Critique Summary CHAPTER FWE CONCLUSIONS Introduction Women Marginalized Gender Equality Descen t The Roles of Royal Maya Women Status as First Mother and Divine Ancestor Summary LIST OF TABLES
TABLE 1 Late Preclassic Burials at Tikal TABLE 2 Early Classic Burials at Tikal TABLE3 LateClassicBurialsatTikal TABLE 4 Comparably Furnished and Constructed Burials TABLE 5 Selected Female Graves and their Attributes TABLE 6 Selected Burials of Elite Maya Women and Their Conte.xt, Type and Construction TABLE 7 The Jade.Net Costume and the Flrst Mother: A Preliminary List: Date and Place Distribution
APPENDIX LIST
APPENDK 1 The Communication Process in Writing Archaeology CHAPTER ONE CONTMTUALIZING INTERPRETATION Introduction Archaeology, like al1 academic disciplines, is embedded within a larger social and political context. The teological naturalization of gender in archaeological theory, method, and interpretation is problematlc ( Maxwell 19942 1). Anthropologists Sylvia Yanagisako and Jane F. Collier ( 1987) argue that this formulation of gender as 'given' and 'natural' distorts Our understanding of the peopling of the past because it is ahistorical, amaterial, ethnocentric, and an overgeneralized universalism.
The Objective Defined The objective of this thesis is to constitute Classic period royal Maya women as subjects of discourse and icons of power. 1 use the social distinction 'royal' as opposed to 'elite' because it is a more accunte definition of the hereditary status held by these women who were the daughters of rulers. Based on archaeology and ethnohistory, the hereditary nature of royal descen t and the right to rule is stressed in both Classic and Postclassic Maya social organization (Tozzer 1941; Haviiand 1968; Thompson 1973). This thesis documents their status as daughters of rulers and as royalty, the highest ellte status in ancient Maya society. Ferninist theory and thought make possible the simple understanding that these women were important historically, politically, socially, and ritually to their society. Images of these royal wornen, like their male counterparts, were graven and painted on stone stelae and architectural sculptures created by ancient Maya artists. These ancient royal women were the subjects of both the visual and written discourses recorded in stone. Erected in public space, their larger than life images on stelae rise from plaza floors, temple pla tforms, and the facades of temple-pyramids. Feminis t theory, including feminist postmodernism, enables new in terpretations of these representations by exercising freedom from old rnethods and traditional assumptions. This thesis seeks to apply feminist analysis to critique the repressive interpretations ( see Haviland 1997: 1- 12; Molloy and Rathje 197443 1-414) of dite Maya women in the archaeological canon and to re-interpret the irnagery by acknowledging the role of cultural representation in the social construction of gender and power relations in both the present and the past. It is argued here that feminist theory serves as a productive explanatory mode1 applicable in the interpretation of canonical representations not only in the present, but also in the pas t.
A Revlew Of Past Interpretations In her review of past interpretations, Virginia Miller (1988) argues that androcentric bias in the interpretation of Maya art has produced an asymmetrical view of a male-centered Maya world. On the other hand,the rich treasury of visual represen tations of Classic period (A.D. 300-900) royal Maya women in ancient Maya art does not reflect a totally maledominant Maya world, but a society in which both royal men and women were important to their society. The ancient carved images of historically recorded royal women articulate the es teem and respect afforded these ind hyiduals and t heir polirical, social. and ritual importance in the ancient Mayan world view. Ancient Maya art embodies a discourse of the social, political, and ritual role these women performed for the Maya people. Despite this rich treasury of the visuai representations of royal women, most archaeologists have ken slow to respond and somewhat resistant to interpretations which attempt to adjust the archaeological canon to include royal Maya women as subjects of discourse (Haviland 1997:10). A reductionist perspective has maintained the invisibility of ancient Maya royal women. This has been partially because of the poor preservation of ancient Mayan skeletal remains resulting in difficulties in identification of sex In the past, most dite skeletal remains were identified as male baseci on the burial context. According to David M. Pendergast (personal communication 199 1). many skeletal remains were identified as male on the basis of quantity of exouotic grave goods and the elaborateness of the tom b. These identifications of sex were made on the assumption that only royal men had such elaborate burials, and often not on the basis of the detailed analysis. Sexing from ancient Maya skeletal sarnples from the 1920s and 1930s is problematic as is the bias towards male identification (Haviland 1997:3, Table 1). As a result, marshalling a strong archaeological argument on the basis of buriai evidence has ken problematic when presenting research data on ancient royal Maya women. This male bias should have changeci with Tatiana Pros kouriakoff s ( 196 1) ground-breaking publication. ' Portraits Of Women In Maya Art '. Proskouriakoff s study proved, through deciphermen t of the Maya female indicator glyph, that individuals previously identified as priests were in fact royal Maya women. Her study, however, was virtually ignored and there was no movement towards a re-writing of earlier works which depicted a male- centered Mayan civilization. Approximately thirty years later, Proskouriakoff's research was excavateâ out of the dusty tombs of academe by women in art history and archaeology who had ben politicized by either the women's movement or their own personal experience with androcentrism in the world of academe (Joyce 1992: Marcus 1987; Taylor 1989). These women have been confrontecl by the 'gatekeeper' problem and much of their research in the analysis of gender in archaeology remains uncited and/or unpublished (Ford 1994). Winnifred Tomm and Gordon Hamilton ( 1988)demonstrate that a system of rewards and punishments exists and exerts a çontrolling power over women in their engagement with an archaeology of gender. These researchers document a system of rewarding women who comply with the dominant discourse and of punishing those who refuse to comply. This punishment takes the form of blocking their career advancement by refusing to permit their work to be published and of refusing to cite the work that does ge t pu blished. Not only have ancien t Maya women been rnarginalized by the arc haeological canon, so too have modem female sc holars wi th a gender analysis in archaeology. Alice B. Kehoe ( l992:23-3 2) argues that citation cliques, which build through an exclusionary strategy, rnaintain and define what is to count as relevant discourse. These e.uclusionary practices have been documented in two separate studies. Mary C. Beaudry and Jacqueline White ( 199 1) examined the representation of women in the journal Historical Archaeology and Katherine L Victor ( 139 1) analysed the representation of women in the journal American Antiauiw. In their synthesis of the two studies, Victor and Beaudry ( 1992) found that out of 974 articles in both journals from 1967-199 1, 1 1 per cent were written by women, seven per cent by women as junior authors with male senior authors, five per cent as senior authors with men as junior authors, and 74 per cent written by men. Their study documented a drarnatic decrease in the late 1980s in the representation of women in these joumals as reviewers, authors, and editoriai staff. Victor and Beaudry do not give an explanatlon for this decrease, but the question arises - was the new focus on gender in archaeology by women in the late 1980s connected to the increase in the exclusion of women from archaeological discourse in t hese dominant and prestigous journals? My own experience in doing thesis research on the visual representations of Classic period royal women attests to the inaccessibility and invisibility of much of the research that is king done on the analysis of gender in archaeology by women. After gaining possession of an unpublished manuscript from Professor Paul F. Healy, I soon discovereâ an underground circulation of unpu blished manuscripts on the issue of gender in archaeology. These women have created their own network for circulating research and knowledge and their manuscripts contain references to other 'grey literature' dealing with archaeology and the analysis of aoender. The problem with this unofficial underground exchange of knowledge and mutual citing of each other in unpublished manuscripts is that it exists outside of archaeologicai discourse and in the absence of professional peer review. The number of unpublished manuscripts passing between women in archaeology suggests that the statistics quoted by Victor and Beaudry are not the result of women failing to write scholarly papers, but may be a result of systemic barriers in the production. publication, and citation practices in archaeology (Black 1988; Ford 1994; Kehoe 1992). Naomi Black's ( 1988) research indicates that exclusionary prac tices are used to marginalize feminist archaeology and an archaeology of gender. Many women archaeologists are forced to publish in small ferninist women's presses and publlshing houses outside the discipline of archaeology: Sinns, Screen. Feminist Review, The Sims Reader, Canadian Women's Studies, Soundings: An Interdisci~iinawlournal, and Women's Studies, to ment ion a few. Pu blis hing arc haeological manuscripts in these feminist presses takes this research outside of the communication and knowledge flow within the discipline. An overview of Maya art research and theories of interpretation begins in the late 1800s and the early 1900s when art historical research consisteci of creating a visual record of monuments. architecture, and hieroglyphic inscriptions by photographing and drawing the art (eg. Maudsley and Maler ). This period was followed by a stage of identification of religious, astronornical, mathematical, and calendric glyphs by German scholars ( eg. Forstxmnn, Schelhas, and Seler). C haracterized by epigraphers (eg. Spinden, Thornpson, Morley, Gates, bwditch, and Teeple), the third phase of art history of the bkya concentrated on astronomical glyphs, dates, and calendrics. E~ceptfor Spinden's 19 L 3 publication on Maya art and Mary Butler's 1333 article on Maya figurines, there was a forty year period of stagnation in the study of Maya art from 1913 through to the 1950s. A variety of publications on Maya art and epigraphy were released in the 1950s. Yuri Knorosov ( 1958) produced important work on hieroglyphic decipherment and Tatiana Proskouriakoff ( 1%O) published a stylistic analysis of Classic period Maya sculpture titled A Study Of Classic Maya Scul~ture. In 1957, Spinden reissued his 19 13 publication under the title Maya Art and Civilization and Miguel Covarrubias published a compilation titled Indian Art Of Mexico and Central Arnerica. In 1962, George Ku bler published his two major works, The Art and Architecture of Ancient Arnerica and Studies In Maya Iconoaraphy. Proskouriakoff ( 196 1) was the first to acknowledge explicitly royal Maya wornen in the corpus of ancient Maya iconography. In her article 'Portraits Of Women In Maya Art' she identified the long- robed figures in monumental art as women and clarified female gender identification through glyphs, conte4=, poses and actions, and costume. Proskouriakoff identified the strand of hair or the hatched oval on the forehead as a signifier of a feminine human head glyph which determined the individual as female (FIGURE 1).Two years later she published an article, ' Historical Implications In The Inscriptions of Yaxchilan, 1 ', which clearly demonstrated that the male and female figures commemorated on monumentai art were actual historical figures. not mythical deities. She argued that on some monuments Maya women were the primary representations. Despite her revolutionary findings, there were no attempts to rewrite Maya history to include these royal women and little was done until the late 1980s to correct the invisibility of these obviously prominent historical wornen in the archaeological canon. The 1970s and 1980s produced more articles and studies in Maya art. most of which were based either on iconography or epigraphy and the relationship between image and text. Kubler ( 1990) argued that visual art had ken neglected because most studies emphasized glyphs and epigraphic analysis. Although there are many types of study of Maya art, image and text and iconography are the most common. Iconography is the study of su bject matter and syrnbolism, wherein su bject matter becornes the major focus of critical study. Recently, semiotics has been used to supplement iconographie studies (Joyce 1992). In semiotics, images are 'read' as texts or signs and signiw both conscious and uncondious intent. In the semiotic analysis of art, the intentions of the artist are reconstructed by examining visual images within the context of the meaning they have for a culture (Miller 1989). On the other hand, image and text is the examination of both in conjunction (see Hanks and Rice 1989). In the interpretation of art it should be kept in mind that images and their meanings depend upon spatial, temporal, and cultural context (Panofsky 1955). The assumption underlying most of this work is problematic. because it assumes that image equals text and as a result Maya visual representations are placed in a secondw and supplernentary position to the hieroglyphic inscriptions. The Palenque 'round table' conferences in Mexico, and series of resultant publications, contain many e,uamples of image and text research. One specific e.xample. an article by Brian Stross and Justin Kerr ( 1989) titled ' The Maya Vision Quest Through Enema '. utilizes epigraphy as primary analysis and the visual image as secondary and supportive analysis with the working theory that text equals image. Arthur G. Miller ( 1989:176- 188) States that art does not function Uke text and that glyphs do not explain visual images because they are two distinct communication modes. Other methods of study include representational analysis (Proskouriakoff 196 1), syrnbolic analysis (Robicsek 1975),pose and gesture analysis or kinesics - a term coined by Roy Birdwhistle (Miller 198 1) , stylistic analysis (Coggins 1.985), using form to discover function and thematic intent (Clancy 19859,structural analysis (Stone 1988),and gender analysis (Taylor 1989). During the late 1980s and the early 1990s there has been an increase in publications about ancient Maya women in the professional literature and university archaeology course syllabi (for example,' Anthropology-Women's Studies 369a, Trent University), but there are only a few feminist publications among this literature (Bruhns 1988; Graham 199 1; Miller 1988).
Thesis Data, Procedures, and Overview The procedure employed in this thesis consists of an analysis of selected visual representations of Classic period Maya women on architectural sculpture and stelae in conjunction with an analysis of the written record. skeletal remains, burials and grave goods within a framework of feminist thought. The visual representa tions were selec ted on the basis of female gender. royal class, public and forma1 contexts. the Classic time period, and the confines of the Maya lowlands. The carved architectural sculpture and stelae were prevalent in the Late Classic period and many representations of royal Maya women were carved at sites such as Yaxchilan, Bonampak, Piedras Negras, and Palenque, to mention but a few. Palenque, in particular, is famous for its galleries rich tn low-relief st ucco panels. The stone stelae have been interpreted primarily as a visual medium erected by Classic Maya rulers (Freidel and Schele 1988; Marcus 1974:83-94, 1987;Schele and Miller 1986). Feminist theory provides a framework for making new interpretations of the visual and textual representations on stone stelae. A stela is an upright rectangular monolith found in the context of plazas. This monumen ta1 art form was carved and/or painted by ancient Mayan artisans. Typically, the stela incorporates both image and text to record representations of male and female royals and the important events in their Iives. Stelae document, through hieroglyphic inscriptions, titles, geneologies, calendrical long-count dates, births, deaths, and accessions to the throne. Many archaeologists agree that visual and textual representations on stelae reinforced the political and supernatural power of depicted historical figures and confirmed their dynastic relationship to both historical and mythical ancestors (Proskouriakoff 1993; Schele and Freidel 1990; Schele and Miller 1986). However, most archaeologists do not agree upon, or ignore the question of, why royal Maya women are represented in the same manner as royal men. Most Mayanists interprete the visuai representation of an elite male on a Stone stela as a Maya ruler. Curiously, the same conclusions are not always reached for the same data when the visual representations are of elite Maya women (Haviland 1997:3, Table 1).Feminist thought and theory allows for the critique of such inconsistencies in interpretation and to query if such contradictions in interpretation are a reflection of ancient Maya cultural beliefs or a result of the gendered cultural represen tations and biases of modern interpreters of Maya representations. A question to be considered in this thesis, then, is how much does the gender, class, culture, reiigion, and politics of Mayanists affect their interpretations and conclusions. By juxtaposing some prominent images and texts with past interpretations, this query may be answered by considering who is making the interpretations. their methods, assumptions, and motivation. From this critique, the deconstruction of past interpretations will permit new in terpretations. This process begins with an examination of feminism, arc haeology, and cultural representation (Chapter 2). Succeeding chapters examine the lines of evidence employai, which include the archaeological record, the written record, and the visual record (Chapter 3 ), followed by a discussion of the data (Chapter 4), and conclusions (Chapter 5 ).
Summary In brief, feminist theory and critique provide a useful frarnework to analyze past androcentric interpretations, biases, and assumptions that result in inconsistencies between data and conclusions. Both royal women and men are represented in Maya monumental art, the associated hieroglyphic inscriptions, and in complex tomb burials accompanied by elaborate grave goods. However, the same conclusions are not always reached for women as they are for men. A review of past interpretations suggests that discrepancies in constructions represent the gendered cultural assumptions and biases of the particular archaeologists. These androcentric cultural interpretations present the roles of royal Maya women as subordinate to men's roles and as peripheral to the important social and political events of their society. In addition, these in terpretations are guarded by the 'gatekeeper' who controls what gets published in scholarly journals and publications. Alternate interpretations about royal Maywomen are literally subordinated and made invisible as are the women scholars themselves through systemic barriers in production, publication, and citation. The invisibility of Maya royal women in the archaeological canon and in scholarly publications on gender, women, and feminist thought in Maya archaeology are embedded wi thin a larger social and political con text where gender , class, culture, religion, and politics affect and control interpretations, conclusions and what gets past the academic 'gatekeepersf. CWERTMrO FEMINISMS, ARCHAEOLOGY, AND CULTURAL REPRESENTATION An Historical Look at Feminisms and Archaeology Critiques of the social and economic inequalities of the 1950s and the 1960s brought about the rise of the second wave of the women's movement. There was a profound political awakening in the United States and in Canada and a reaiization that many rnarginallzed groups (blacks. workers, natives, and women) needed to corne together politically to work towards equality (Wylie 199la:3 1-54). From this political consciousness came the New Left, student movements, the aboriginal righ ts movemen t, the equal rights movement. counter-culture groups, and the women's liberation movernent (di Leonardo 1991 :2). This period was also c harac terized by increased numbers of women and rnembers of minority groups enrolled in universi ties ( Wylie 1991 x3 1-54). Feminist scholars of the day realized that the women's liberation movement needed an academic wing and they lobbied for the development of women's studies courses within the universities (Kramer and Stark 1988:ll- 12). By the late 1960s women's studies courses were king offered in many universities. Feminist theory developed from feminist research, schoîarship, and the analysis of feminist praxis in the poli tically active women's movement (Maxwell 1994a:g- 10). Feminist theory and thought is, and has always ken, connected to the women's movernent. Feminism is an umbrella term which includes a wide range of feminist perspectives al1 centering on an analysis of gender, often in conjunction with other factors. The dominant Western feminist theoretical traditions include liberal feminist theory, radical feminist theory. Efarxist and socialist feminist theory. psychoanaiytic theory. postmodem feminist theory, global feminist theory and postcolonial feminist theory (Tong 198% Marshall 1994). Despite differences in political perspectives and methodologies, there are basic commonalities in these feminisms and a rich resource base of research on gender analysis for any discipline engaged in an analysis of gender. Most feminist theories are based on a social constructionist theory of gender (Tong 1989).With the exception of some radical feminis ts. mos t feminists reject biological determinism and sociobiological arguments which present gender as 'natural' (Draper 1975: Tanner 1981; Conkey and Spector 1984; Gailey 1987; Gero and Conkey 199 1; Hastorf 1990). Feminist theorists have separated the biological category of 'sex' (male or female) from the socially, culturally, and historically constructed category of 'gender' (manor woman). This view of gender as a construct brought about new questions and new areas of research. But many feminists now resist the divide, referîng to a "sexlgender system". Historical analyses of gender have been carried out by ferninist researchers in Canada and the United States and cross-cultural studies have been complet& by feminist anthropologists to determine how variable gender constructs were in different cultures (Okonjo 1976; Awe 1977;Barstow 1978; Leacock 1978; Etienne and Leacock 1980;Collier and Rosaldo 1981; Peacock 199 1; Scheffler 1991). On the basis of this research, al1 assumptions and universals were thrown into question and a critique of 'universals' was carried out, in most part, by ferninist anthropologists. These critiques demonstrated that the 'universals' were in fact false and that the 'natural' is socially constructed and never free from a relation with power, by pointing out that universal truth is really socfally, economically, his torically, and culturally particular ( Maxwell 1994a:g- 10).The presumption and meaning of 'male dominance' was thrown in to question. Feminist standpin t theorists, like American philosopher Sandra Harding, reject the notion that there are universal truths or universal answers to social questions by pointing out that gender, race, and class will aiways shape any individual understanding of the world (Hurnm l992:3 18). Canadian feminist sociologist Dorothy Smith argues that the process of knowledge construction is as significant as the content of knowledge (Humrn 1992:3OS). Feminist theorists focus on women as subjects and analyses of power as the basis of their research and critiques. Feminist analysis has led to the knowledge that male dominance is maintained in Western society by institutions such as the state, the education system, the church, the media, marriage, motherhood and monogamy. Ferninist theory Is constantly in the process of transformation. This process is brough t about by self-critique, experience, and c hanging historical circumstances. The in ternationalhm of feminism and the women's movement places feminist theory in the useful position of having the opportunity to develop both a global and cross-cultural perspective. Unfortunately, Western feminist theory has often faiied to live up to this potential (Spelman 1988). These characteristics of feminist theory make it a resourceful area for in terdisciplinary information flow between woments studies and anthropology. Archaeology, however, was much slower than most disciplines to incorporate feminist analyses (Wylie 1991a).
Why The Late Impact In Archaeology? It was not until 1984 that the first explicit scholarship of gender in archaeology appeared. This ground-breaking work by Margaret W. Conkey and Janet D. Spector (1984) was the first consideration of the twenty years of gender research and its significance to arc haeological research. Despi te this early article by Conkey and Spector, it seemed that no one was listening until the late 1980s. Alison Wylie (1991a) has argued that the late impact of gender studies in archaeology was due to the centrality of essentialist assumptions, the sociopolitical and economic conditions of the discipline of archaeology, the cornmitment to systems analysis and processual archaeology, the denial of the relevance of gender as a stnicturing principle and the use of categories, theories, and prac tices that directed attention away from gender. Ian Hodder ( 199 1 :1 68- 172) supports Wylie's assessrnent and adds that the emphasis on science in archaeology has fostered resistance to engaging in gender analysis. This resistance seems to be based in scientiflc and processual claims of neutrality and objectivity. According to Maggie Humm ( l992:304)science, like any other institution, discriminaies against women. Feminist theorists suggested that from the seventeenth century to the present, science has worked with a limited notion of rationality - one which is biased against women (Harding 1986). Dorothy Smith (1387) illustrates that science~could evolve with less biased methods and representation if it could corne to terms with the subjectivity of the thinker as a gendered human being. Archaeology, like science in general, has been slow to respond to feminist theories due partly to the dominant 'value free' scientific ideology of the discipline. Evelyn Fox Keller (1982) describes androcentnsm in,the sociopolitics, discourses, and interpretations of arc haeology as responsible for the discipline's failure to engage in understanding feminist and gender analyses. According to Sally Slocum ( 1975:37), anthropology as an academic discipline has been developed primarily by white Western males, during a speciflc period in history. Therefore, anthropological questions are biased by the particulars of our historical situation and by unconscious cultural assumptions. These arguments are supported by Hodder ( 1991: 169) who clairns that archaeology tends to present the sexual division of labour in the past as sirnilar to the present which makes present day inequality between the sexes seem inevitable, legl timate, and 'natural'. Archaeologists tend to project conclusions and assumptions arising from present-day inequalities on to past societies. In particulax, they too quickly read evidence of gender "difference" as sure signs of gender inequality. Hodder ( 1991: 169) demonstrates that the subjects of male archaeologists are primarily the 'dominant' male activities and reflective of dominant male characteristics of streng th, aggression, and action. When women are represen ted they are portrayed as weak, dependent, and passive (Molloy and Rathje 1974). Hodder (199l:l69) claims that the past is wrîtten In terms of leadership, power, warfare, the exchange of women, man the hunter, rights of inheritance, and control over resources. These androcentric strands of archaeology have been scrutinized, by feminist scholars (Conkey and Spector L 984), and reinterpreted (Tanner 198 1; Gibbs 1987: Hastorf 1990: Graham 1991 ). If androcentrisrn in archaeology is one of the main causes of the late impact in archaeology of gender analysis. this can explain why many women were (and still are) hesitan t about engaging in an analysb of gender. Ruth Tringham ( 1991 ) was one of these women in archaeology who was, until very recently, hesitant to take up the analysis of gender in archaeology. As she explained. " My wish to retain respectability and credibiiity as a scientific scholar was stronger than my motivation to consider gender relations " (Tringham l99l:gS). Several ment studies illustrate that this hesitancy 1s based on a real understanding of a system of rewards and punishments within the discipline of archaeology. This leads us to query the position of women in arc haeo logy .
The Position Of Women In Archaeology According to Anabel Ford ( 1994:159), women are underrepresented, underemployed, and underutillzed in alrnost every aspect of archaeology. Miriam Stark ( 1991) supports this statement by confirming in her study that differen tial access to status exists between men and women in archaeology and that systematic discrimination exists in archaeology as it does within other settings. Catherine Lutz (1990:611-623)demonstrates that the writing, citation, and other canon-setting patterns reveal the marginalization of women's acadernic work. A prime e.uample of exclusionary tactics based solely on gender took place at an ethnographie experimentation and postmodernism conference held by James Clifford and George E. Marcus in 1986. A text was produced based on the papers from the conference, but the editors excluded papers on feminist postmodern theory and feminist experimental ethnographies, stating that feminism had not contributed much to textual theory and form (Clifford 1986:l-24). This silencing is an extremely effective form of rejection which disempowers the voices of feminist scholars, mat of whom are women (Lee 1990: 183). This is a prime example of what Henrietta Moore ( l988:6)defines as the political marginalization of feminist scholarship. As Edward Ardener ( 1975b:2 1-23) explains, the dominant male structures of archaeology inhibit the free expression of alternative models. Archaeologists are either men,or they are women trained in a male-orientated discipline. As a result of this factor women fear buth marginalization and segregation in 'female archaeology' or in women's studies (Conkey and Wlllianis 1991: 107). According to Simeone ( 1987:3 1) and Menges and Exum ( 1983). women are still outnumbered on faculties 3:l and 5:l at research universities, despite the increasing pool of women Ph.D.'s. The implication is that women tend not to advance In the system (Chamberlain 1988:Z 15-2 17). Research and pubiication stand prominentiy among the criteria for advancing (Ford 1994: 1 6 1). The problems for women in getthg published and being citeci appear to be systemic barriers to career advancement. Women archaeologists also lack research assistants and access to research support (Astin and Bayer 1973).Victor Turner ( 1988:s 11 ) theorizes that structural pressures to conformity are greatest on those people in nontraditional roles who are situated in the middle rungs. Feminist archaeologists find the imbalance in the representation of women in the archaeological profession as a mirror image of the discrimination against women more generally in societies both in the present and in the past (Spector 199l:4O4). Unfortunately, the underrepresenta tion of women is particularly obvious in Mesoamerican archaeology (Ford 1994:169).
The Position Of Women In Mesoamerican Archaeology While women are increasing their visibility as Ph.D.3 in archaeology, their num bers are not significantly increasing in "laddertracks " (Menges and Exum 1983). In Mesoamerican archaeology, 40 per cent of doctorates were awarded to women. but only 15 per cent of these women are in ladder positions (Ford 1994: 165). Thus, while the ratio of fema1e:male Ph.D.'s over the last decade is 2:3, the representation of the same group of women in key professional positions is 1:6. Ford ( 1994: 163-170) documents male- dominated hiring processes, the srnall number of American women receiving National Science Foundation grant support, and the employment of many of these women at teaching college facilities, as obstacles to career advancements in Mesoamerican archaeology. Proskouriakoff s career is a case in pint. She received inadequate compensation for her work, and never held a faculty position at an American university, despite her many accomplishments, which included 80 publications, many pioneering breakthroughs in Maya archaeology and epigraphy, an A.V. Kidder medal, a Pennsylvania State University nomination for Woman of the Year in 197 1, honorary degrees from Tulane University and Pennsylvania State University, and the Order of the Quetzal from the Government of Guatemala. Although women in Mesoamerican archaeology are active in research, participate in professional meetings, and publish their results, they represent only 16 per cent of the pubiished authors of articles on Mesoamerica in American Antiauity (Ford 1994:170). In a survey of women archaeologists frorn Canada, the United States, and Mexico, the results documented that 78 per cent of the women respondents working in Mesoamerican archaeology had unpubiished manuscripts. These results support past studies that revealed the obstacles women face in the pubkation and citation process (Cribb 1980; Gero 1983, 1985, 1988; BIack 1988; Kramer and Stark 1988: Tornm and Hamiltion 1988; Lutz 1990, 1991; Beaudry 1991: Stark 1991; Victor 1991; Kehoe 1992; Victor and Beaudry 1992). We do not know the percentage of manuscripts submitted by women versus men, that are rejected by men who are doing most of the reviewing, because this is 'confidentlai' information. Unfortunately, much of the data in Ford's 1994 study was gathered prior to 1990 and does not reflect whether there have been any improvements for women in Mesoamerican archaeology in the last elght years. An updated study is in order to determine the current status of women in Mesoamerican archaeology and to examine the fema1e:male ratio of publication in other journals such as Latin Arnerican Antiauitv and Ancient Mesoamerica. Canadian author Margaret Atwood ( 199237-l-77) explains that 70 year old categories are still used by reviewers who consider men's writing as objective accurate depictions of society, while characterizhg women's writing as subjective. weak, and personal. The Quiller-Couch Syndrome is a phrase that refers to a tum of the century essay deflning 'ferninine' and 'masculine' styles of writing (Atwood 1992:74). To be a good writer and have work accepted for publication a woman must deprive herself of her identity as a woman to attain higher status (male)as a writer. Women writers appear to have two choices: to be an 'objective' writer, which involves writing like a man, or to write acknowledging one's gendered subject position and interests and then face the systemic obstacles which have resulted in the proliflc 'grey' literature in archaeology. The pressure for women to confonn to the established archaeological 'canon' (ideas considered key statements and most often taught in archaeology ) and the relation between career advancement and a woman's theoretical positionallty is far more complex than acknowledged. It would be useful to have a survey of women who engage in an archaeology of gender and ferninist archaeology to discover whether there is a correlation between subject matter and successful publication in archaeology. Michaela di Leonardo ( 1991 :22) demonstrates that 'canonkali texts are historically selected to enforce and legitimate the status quo. In Mesoamerican archaeology it is mostly men who adhere to the 'canon', that get to encode, define, and name the past, while women and some men are marginalized and repressed for their refusal to conform. Maggie Humm ( l992:3 20) illustrates that in any moment in history there are many 'subjugated knowledges' that conflict with and are no t reflected in the dominant stories a culture tells. Sorne explain that women are a primary location of these subjugated knowledges. In April of 1994,Iattended a weekend conference on Mayan archaeology at the University Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Pennsylvanla. Philadelphia, with the intention of both learning and networking. 1 was lookîng forward to meeting a prominent male Mayanist, whose text 1 had studied as an undergraduate at Trent University. The author and 1 had communicateâ both by mail and by telephone about my participation as a possible photographer on his next excavation. After Our initial meeting at the conference, he inquired about my interests in research and my thesis topic. He gave me Wndly and fatherly advice on how to succeed in Maya archaeology - that king essentially "forget that feminist crap or you can forget a meaningful career in Mayan archaeology". It appears that the fears of marginalization are not unfounded and that archaeological discourse has becorne another technology of control ernpowering men and some women, while disenfranchising many women and some men (Handsman 1991:36 1). Feminist postmodem theortsts study the politics of language and writing and view this as a main instrument of refusal to be marginâlized. Feminist Critiques
Feminist critiques across the disciplines are a response to the con temporary crisis of representation and the profound uncertainty about what constitutes an adequate depiction of social 'reaiity' (Maxwell 1993:3). Di Stefano ( l99O:63) explains that some feminists characterize the contemporary age as modem whereas others define it as postmodern. Despite these differing characterizations, mos t feminists subscnbe to modernist notions of history, cultural specificity and variability, and the 'conventional' nature of social and political practices (Di Stefano 1990:63). The question seems to be where is the line between the modern and the postmodern (Marshall 1994:25). Patti Lather (1991:Zl) illustrates that the essence of the feminist postmodern argument is that the duaiisrns which continue to dominate Western thought are inadequate for understanding the complexity of the world and its diverse cultures which are rooted in a divergent array of historical and cultural specificities. Some feminist postmodernist critiques challenge and question both liberal humanism and science in their present form. These challenges force scholars to re-examine their own theories, beliefs, and rnethodologies. Those archaeologists that have begun to respond since 1984 (most not until the late 1980s) have been overwhelmingly women. Feminist thought provides an Lnterpretive framework for confronting the ways in which aspects of the past, if not the subject matters of the past, are defined and re-deflned in relation to the present. It provides a vehicle for uncovering the reflections of the present in the past where women,if present at dl in reconstructions of prehistory, are usually depicted in a narrow range of passive. home-orientated tasks where they are 'exc hanged' as wives, represented as objects of art and symbols of fertility and sexuaiity. In contrast, prehistoric men are shown as pubk, productive, active, adventurous and responsible for most of the significant changes in human evolution (Conkey 1993:42). The condition of ' otherness ' enables women to critique the noms, values, and practices that the dominant culture (patriarchy) seeks to impose on everyone. For al1 its associations with inferiority and oppression, otherness is much more than king oppressed. Rather, it is a way of king and thinking, a positionaiity. The term 'positionality' refers to the individual's point of view, as influenced by such factors as gender, race, class, age, and sexual orientation. An individual may have a particular perspective or way of looking at things, depending on positionaiity. Cultural critic Donna Haraway ( 198 8: 5 7 5-5 99) explains that an individual may have different perspectives at different points in time, stages in life, and under different circumstances. This idea of the situated perspective is invaluable in studying cultural representations of women, because it provides both an interpretative and critical framework for research. Feminist critiques are concemed wlth social injustices, as well as the structures upon which they are based, the language in which they are thought, and the systems in which they are safeguarded (Tong 1988:î 19). Some postmodem feminists such as Cixous, Irigary, and Krlsteva, challenge the traditional boundaries between oppositions such as reason/emotion, self/other, rnale/female as well as disciplines such as art, science, psychology, and biology. Linda Hutcheon ( 1988:l-23) illustrates that in the modern and postmodern self-conscious and self-reflexive mode of chailenging and questioning, the notion of 'artifice' has emerged, signaliing that it is we who both make and make sense of culture. It is a movement away from trust in the grand narratives to an acceptance of responsibility for the fact that theory and practice are both actively WgniQing' practices. Mandy Merck (1987:29) credits the ascendence of postmodernism to a cross-fertilization of Althusserian Marxism, semiotics, Lacanian psychoanalysls and feminlsm, which resonates with the postmodern concepts of multiplicity and intertextuality, Postmodemism has been rnost successfulîy used by those that have been marginaiized, excluded, or frozen out, although there is an argument that postmodernism is the preserve of elites (white academic men and women). Women archaeologists working in Mesoamerican archaeology are marginalized and therefore this form of critique may be of use. Feminist critiques allow us to see the same events from different points of view and to voice a social and cultural critique of the destinies of women as authors, as subjects of discourse, and as readers. Ursula K. Leguin (1989:37-45) demonstrates that language is the main instrument of refusal to accept the world as it is - one of the premises of feminist postmodern theory. By c hailenging language, content, form, genre, authority, representation, and grand narratives, feminist postmodernists and modernists can make the reader aware of the process of writing, reading, and interpreting through a recognition that prehistory has been reconstructed by the archaeologist through a process of selecting, ordering and narrating, resulting in the dirninishment of prehistoric women by Western society through ethnocentric, philosophic, and androcentric biases. Henrietta Moore ( 198 8:4) illustrates that theory informs the way in which we collect, interpret and present data and as such it can never be neutral. Most in terpretations oflect the idealized mid- twen tieth cen tury views of the male, white, middle-class in a male-dominated, androcentric society based on a sexual division of labour. Feminist critiques have revealed the maleness of ' universal' standards,of archaeological conventions, and noms of representation (Irigary 1971; Clxous 1971; Kristeva 1980; de Beauvoir 1974). Feminist theory informs us that we, as academlcs, have a politicai responsibiiity to write and critique because if Our knowledge of the past is constructeci its meaning is not unchangeable.
Feminist Critiques in Archaeology Women archaeologists have taken up an archaeology of gender and/or a feminist archaeology to resist the erasure of women in archaeology as scholm and women as su bjects. This scholarship of an archaeology of gender has proceeded through three successive and interlocking phases. The early phase centered on the critiques of and rocen tric bias, assumptions, essen tiallsm, women's exclusion in the past and as scholars, binary oppositions, and their assigned positive and negative values, universals, and the simple equatlng of tool types with present-day stereotyped male and fernale roies (Ardener 1975: Rubin 1975; Slocum 1975; Conkey 1978; Kessler and b1cKenna 1978: Leibowitz 1978, 1993; Cross and Averill 1983; Kramer and Stark 1988; Conkey and Spector 1984).These critiques revealed the questionable assumptions useà in archaeological research. Even the subjects and categories chosen for research such as leadership, warfare, power, the exchange of women,man the hunter, rights of inheritance, and control over resources have ken shown to be androcenMc (Conkeyand Spector 1984: Reiter 1975). Feminist research has demonstrated that archaeologists must not assume that the present day division of labour and the associated sex linking of activities also occurred in the past. Feminist archaeologists are still engaged in critiquing the constructs and analytic categories used in archaeological analysis and interpretation: 'kinship', 'the family', 'the household', 'woman', 'man', 'the naturalness of corn petition and scarcity', 'nature', 'culture', and 'the state', to mention a few (Rosaldo 1980; Hartmann 1979; Gailey 1985; Yangisaka and Collier 198 7). The second phase of an archaeology of gender involved the revisioning of history and prehistory by writing women into the record of archaeology as scholars, as historical figures, and as subjects in the past (Bender 1991; Claassen 1994; Dincauze 1992). Proskouriakoff s ( 196 1) article 'Portraits of Women In Maya An' is an example of revisioning prehistory by writing women into the archaeological record as subjects in the past and as hbtorical figures, as is Jay Custer's ( 1991 ) paper "Women'sWork in Middle Woodland Times; Tool Kits From the Island Field Site, Kent County, Delaware." The third phase of an archaeology of gender includes critiques and revisions, but has expanded and centered its focus on theory generalizations invoked and gender is theorized as a primary struc turing principle. Variability in gender roles, relations. and ideologies over time and space, situate the discipline of archaeology as one of the primary sites for the study and interpretation of changes in the processes of gender formation. Feminist critiques inform writers that they must examine how archaeology is written and how communication of this writing takes place. Included with this chapter is a chart 1 have designed which outlines the communication process in writhg archaeology (APPENDIX 1). It Is necessary to recognize the "buih in" systemic barriers to knowledge and the systemic ways in which information gets controlled. Feminist archaeologists must question authoratative and hierarchical texts, the use of archaeological discourse and jargon, and reject monolithk categories. There is a ne& for a critique of the process of inquiry, a discourse on writing archaeology, textual analysis, and a critical examination of genre, language, and representations that limit access to knowledge. As feminists, it is important how we write an archaeology of gender. A consideration of content, form, language, authority, and self are essential when writing an archaeology of gender. In my research 1 have found only two docurnented cases of attempts to write archaeology in a different form. Cheryl Claassen ( 1992)reports that Janet Spector's 1988 Wedge Conference paper carried a ninning autocritique of her main dlscourse in the margins. It is interesting to note that Spector's paper was modified for publication and that the autocritique in the margins was removecl. This points to the production process and publishing guidelines as a site of systemic barriers to new ways of writing. The second experimentation with form and presentation was Ruth Tringham's performance piece paper at the 1991 annuai meeting of the Society for American Archaeology (Tringham and Stevanovich 1991). Other than these exceptions, ali wrlting of an archaeology of gender and feminist archaeology has ken in traditional academic style. This is not surprising considerhg the barriers to publication and limited citation of feminist archaeologists and women in general. Noauthors, David Freidel and Linda Schele, who are not feminists and who do not engage in an archaeology of gender have experimenteû with the use of the narrative. There is a strong potential for this genre presented to the public for popular consumption. Freidel and Schele ( 1993) are experirnenting in a useful direction, but narrative alone does not accomodate theory and analysis and thus positions the narrative as authority and nuth. In considering where feminist interpretation can take us, 1 suggest a writing prac tice that combines narration, theory , analysis, critique, and personal experience. In implementing this interpretive method of writing feminist archaeology and/or an archaeology of gender, the writer makes explfcit any assumption or paradigm being used, the process of inquiry, and clarifies what is data and what is interpretation. This writing practice places emphasis on the active voice of prehistoric women and men and the active voice of the writer/archaeologist to lay emphasis on the texx as a social construct. This genre can aîlow for multiple perspectives and a focus on the theory of reader participation in meaning , through critiques, reviews, responses, and intertextuallty. A reformulation of how we write feminist archaeology may be necessary to disrupt and challenge the dominant discourses. For the moment archaeology 1s at the frontier &etween the 'no t yet' and the 'no longer', a modern or a pos tmodern condition which Victor Turner might describe as 'iiminality'.
Cultural Represen tation Moore ( 1988:31 ) outlines the rnain problem in anthropology and archaeology as one of representation. Archaeological representations of the sexes have a determining influence on the status and position of women in society. Not everyone has access to deflning these represen tations as a result of class and gender barriers to political representation and the institutions of power (Moore 1988: 135 ). As discussed earlier in thls chapter, women are both underrepresented and marginahed in the profession of archaeology while prehistoric women are underrepresen ted and represented as marginal to the 'great eventsl of prehistory (Pollack 1991:177). Richard Men ( l992:29-37) relates that the political nature of some representations do subject women to 'force' by entirely silencing them. Notions about women and men and gender relations are and have always been embedded in representations by the writer/archaeologist (Conkey and Williams 1991: 103). This theoretical position is held by both feminist scholars and postmodem feminist theorists and has led to a questioning of how cultural representation plays a role in gender power relations, the mechanisms of male power, and the social construction of sexual difference (Maxwell 1994a: 3 ). Feminist critiques view these representations as politicaîîy motivateci. Feminists research how historically produced social roles get represented as timeless, natural, and biologically determined and who makes these representations and why. Cultural representation is one of the first areas studied by feminist postmodemists because it was identfied as one location whereln women were denied social. politicai, and existentid rights (Maxwell 1993: 10). Archaeology is a primary site of this crisis in representation because it has the power to translate modern gender roles in to past prehis toric con texts rein forcing discrimination agains t women in the present (Cero and Conkey 1991:404). Conkey and Williams ( 1991: 121 ) explain that sast twentieth century notions of gender and sexdty are read into the cultural traces of prehistoric women and these representations are then used to legitimize and naturalize these notions in the present time. The archaeological 'canon' is rife with examples of the presentist gender paradigm in reconstructions. Some examples are Collins and Onions ( 1W8), who represented Upper Paledithic images of women as 'trophy', and Guthrie (1984), who interpreted the images of these prehistoric women as art about male semial prowess and mde hunting. Nadine Gordimer (1985) States that contemporary archaeologfsts use the male 'gaze', consciously or not, to contra1 wornen and appropriate their power in the past, therefore achieving a political effect. The male 'gaze' b the concept of 'point-of-view'. In the narratives of early art, women are represented as passive objects and commodities of visual culture (eg. BreuU 1954). In reconstructing prehistory, archaeoiogists select, interpret, and narrate the fragmentary materiai remains of the past. This process has ken influenced by male bias in interpretation, in the chosen data. and in the language used (Slocum 1975:37-38). According to Humm ( 1992:1 93 ) , Julia Kristeva and Helene Cixous consider art as important in offering evidence of the ways in which differences of thought are structured. By examining both the prehistoric representations of royal Maya women in cornparison with the archaeological interpretations of these same women, it may be possible to represent Classic period royal Maya women as subjects of discourse, icons of power, producers of meaning, and definers of reality. Summary Feminist theories have verified the social constructionist theory . . of gender , rejec ted biological de tenninism and sociobiological arguments, studied cross-cultural research on variable gender constructs, and critiquai the assumptions and universals which, in fact, are historically and culturally specific. Yet, despite over thirty yean of gender research, archaeology has been resistant to the informatfon flow from women's studies and feminist th-ry. Critics have iden tified systems analysis, processual archaeology , the emphasis on science, the scientific and processual claims of neutrality and objectivity, and androcentrism as some of the causes for archaeology's faflure to take up gender analysis. The direct result of this refusal to engage in gender analysis is the marginalization of women in the past and in the discipline of archaeology today. This result rnanifests itself in cultural representation - the main problem in archaeology. How prehistoric men and women are representeâ In the archaeological canon has a determining influence on the present day status and position of women and men in society. This power to translate modern gender roles into past prehistoric contexts makes archaeology a prime site of crisis in represen tation. In Mesoamerican archaeology , the problem deepens with only 1:6 female Ph.D.'s in influentid ladder positions and only 16%as published authors of articles on Mesoarnerica in the mainstream journal American Antia uity. In Mesoamerican archaeology it is mostly men who get to encode, define, and name the past. Women interpreters of the ancient Mesoamerican peoples are a primary location of subjugated knowledges as evidenced by the 78% of women acadernics in Canada, the United States of America, and Mexico who have unpublished Mesoamerican manuscripts. Feminist critiques are a response to the crisis in representation and provide an Lnterpretive and critical framework to uncover reflections of the present in interpretations of the past. In addition, these critiques challenge language, content, form, genre, au thority, represen tation, and the grand narratives. The arc haeologist selec ts, interprets, and narrates fragments of the past. These decisions are influenced by the interpreter's blas in chosen data, subject, and language. Feminist critiques demand that the researcher make expiicit any assumption or paradigm, the process of inquiry, what is data, what is interpretation, the text as a soclal construct. Posunodern feminists cail for a focus on the active voice of both the writer and the prehistoric woman and man. It is within thfs framework that the evidence wili be examineci and interpretations will be made about Classic period royal Maya women. CMERTHREE LINES OF EVIDENCE
THE ARCIfAEOLOGICAL RECORD Introduction One of the key stumbling blocks to providing hard evidence that royal Maya women were important hlstorically, ritualiy, and politically to their society is the apparent lack of burial data on royal Maya women. Although there is a sampling of female elite burials, the primary problem is the question of how these royal women get represented in the archaeological canon. This thesis intends to demonstrate that they are marginalized and underrepresented in the mainstream of academic research and publishing. Feminist critiques view these underrepresentations as poli tically motivated. Archaeology, as a primary site of this problem in representation. has the power to translate modern gender roles into past prehistoric contexts reinforcing discrimination against women in the presen t (Gero and Conkey 1991:404). Archaeoiogists determine the importance of a deceased individual from the context of the burial, the elaborateness of the type of consuuction, and by the quantity and quality of the grave goods. In the past, the sexing of physical remains was tenuous at best. The question of the vaiidity of the sexing of the skeletal samples from the 1920s and 1930s still remains. A reassessment of this data is long overdue. According to David M. Pendergast. ( personai communication 1991 ) the remains of individuals were determined to be male, not on the evidence of the skeletal remains, but on the quantity of exotic grave goods. the quality of the burial and its context. Therefore the discovery of an elaborate tomb was enough evidence to assume that the occupant was a royal man and most likely a Mayan ruler. These conclusions were bas& on the assumption that the ancient Mayan civilkation was a male dominated society where only men were rulers and that gender inequaiity was the norm for the elite Maya (Haviland 1967:3 16-325, 1997:lO). Despite the fact that two of the richest burials at Tikal are those of royal Maya women (Welsh 1988: 107,160;Coe 1965:lS-21; Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:117;Coggins 1975:591; Coe 1967:43, 74,William Haviland (19975)States that no woman's grave ever came close to being as richly stocked with pottery and other objects as those of Tikal's ruling eute, at least between Ca. AD. 50-889. To begin sorting out these contradictions and constitute Classic period royal Maya women as subjects of archaeological discourse and icons of power, it is necessary to examine the archaeological record, the written record, and the visual record. Beginning with the archaeologicai record, a good starting point is a comparative examination of the archaeologicai data at the site of Tikal with the interpretations of royal Maya women in the article written by Haviiand ( 1997), 'The Rise and Fa11 Of Sexual Inequality'. An overview of elite female burials, grave goods, context, and skektal remains will be necessary to provide a data base from which corn parisons cmbe formulated. FEMALE BURIALS AT TIKAL The ïate Preclassic (250 Bece-AD.250) According to Clemency Coggins ( 1975) the earliest corbel- vaulted tomb at Tikal was elaborately painted and housed the primary remains of a royal Maya wornan and the secondary rernains of a decapitated sacriflcial female. Both skeletons display artificial cranial alterations. Dated to 50 B.C. in the Late Preclassic period and located in the North Acropolis, Burial 166 was furnished with rich grave goods and decorated with wall murals of elaborately dressed individuals (Hamrnond1988: 124). In the trappings of royalty and painted in black line on red-painted walls, the mural figures were possibly the ancestors or kinspeople of the wornan buried inside the chamber (Schele and Freidel 1990:133). Her stone-lined tomb con tained 20 pottery vessels, which held the residue of marine and perishable materials, Jade beads, shell beads, a carved pendant, and a stingray spine. One of the pottery vessels, a bowl, held the severed head of the fernale sacrificiai victim (Welsh 1988:280, Table VU). This royal Maya woman's death was commemorated with the construction of the temple-pyramid, Stucture 5D (Welsh 1988: 178). This first North Acropolis tomb from the Late Preclassic reveals a unique glimpse of the newly emergent Maya rullng elite who had themselves buried in vaulted chambers set under shrinelike buildings (Schele and Freidel 1990:133). Michael Coe (1975:102) contends that the primary function of the pyramid that supported a temple superstructure was to house the tomb of a ruler or other important personnage. Coe ( 197S:lO3-104) presents the argument that there was both a social and politicai nature to this practice that revolved around the worship of a depar ted ancestor of political importance who was apothesized as a divinity. Charlotte Damm ( 1988) dernonstrates that the death event of a central person ( politicai or religious) instigates the reorganization of social relations. She describes burials as elements in social discourse which reproduce gender relations. W.B.M. Welsh ( 1988: 107, 160) places Burial 166 in his list of the richest burials found in temples at Tikal (along with Burials 10, 22, 23,48, 85, 116, 167, and 195) and in his list of best furnished Preclassic graves (with Burials 85, 128, 167). There was not a written historical or visual record of this important woman at Tikal because the practice of recording visual and historical information on Stone stelae did not begin at Tikal until AD. 292. The arc haeological data from Tikal Burial 166 presents criteria for her designation as an important royal wornan. This royal woman was the frst Mayan to be buried in a corbei-vaulted tomb and have a temple erected to honour her death. Her tomb was filled with luxury goods used to designate the interred personage as a ruler (see Welsh 1988; Chase and Chase 1992:5,37; Schele &d Miller1986: 63-75; Hammond 1988:199-220). Diane Z. Chase and Arlen F. Chase ( 1992:279) argue that the sumptuousness of Burial 166 suggests that this royal woman was highly ranked, very probably a ruler. Also one of the richest buriais in the Late Preclassic, Burial 128 of Tikal contained the remains of an elite Maya woman. According to Welsh ( 1988: lO7,16O), this Mayan wornan, who was buried 25 years after the woman in Burial 166, was placeâ into one of the richest burials in a household shrine context and was one of the four best furnished burials at Tikai in the Late Preclassic. Located in Structure GE-su b 1 below a special burial structure, her crypt contained six pottery vessels, 165 jade beads, a jade earflare, 414 shell beads, three Smndvlus shells, a stingray spine, a flint nodule, bird bone, and cinnabar. Like the woman from Burial 166, she also had an artitlcially altered cranium. A major difference between the two burials is the grave context. Welsh (1988:107) demonstrates that at Tikal dl the tombs and seven of the eight crypts were found in a temple, household shrine, or ceremonial platform context. Does this mean that the wornan found in the temple could be considered a ruler whereas the woman in the household shrine would be considered a member of the ruling elite but not necessarily a ruler? The answer may not be that simple. Burial 160, found in the context of a household shrine and which housed the remains of a royal man, was includeâ on the lists of Mayan rulers at Tikal (see Welsh 1988:166, Table 99; Haviland 1997:3, Table 1). The fact that this royal man was not buried in a temple does not seem to affect his 20th century identification as a Mayan ruler (Haviland lW7:2), while fernales in such burial contexts appear to be exclsided. The royal tomb burials of the Late Preclassic period at Tikal. Buriais 85, 128, 166,and 167 are considered among the richest and best furnished tornbs found to date. Burial 128 and Burial 166 house the remains of royal women, while Burial 85 houses the remains of a royal man and Burial 167 the remains of a royal man, a royal woman, and a child (Welsh 1988;280, Table VIII). If the male in Tikal Buriai 167 is considered the primary internent, although other interpretations are possible and even more probable (see Schele and Freidel 1990:1 34), we can conclude that royal men and wornen were sometimes given equal treatment in terms of tomb construction, context, and grave furniture (see Table 1).
TABLE 1 LATE PRECLASSIC BURIALS AT TIKAL
50 B.C. 166 ït Temple 1 fernale/ 1 sac riftcial female
25 B.C. * Household 1 female S hrine
AD. 50 * Temple 1 male/ 1 female / 1 child
A.D. 75 85 * Temple 1 male
* Richest (Welsh 1988)
Keeping in mind the archaeological evidence presented in this thesis, it is time to take a comparative look at how these Preclassic royal women are representeâ in the recent Haviland (1997) article. Bias in data selection of the tirne line, of burial context, and of location results in the exclusion of two of the richest burials ( 166, 128) from the statistics and percentages used in his study. For reasons not explained, Haviland has chosen the arbitrary date of AD. 50 to begin the time Une, instead of either the widely accepted starting point for the beginning of the Late Preclassic period (250 B.C.) or the date for the initiation of tomb burials in temple complexes (50 B.C.). This choice places only the two elaborate burials identified by Haviland as males into his statistics for the Late Preclassic period. The result is the picture of a maleâominated Late Preclassic period, a questionable distortion of the archaeological evidence. This sel@ve process u tiiized by Haviland essen tially excludes these royal women from being viewed as icons of power in the rise of the state and as hereditary rulers in a stratified society consisting minimally of an elite class that wielded power ( Haviland 1997:l). The second problematic area of the selection process involves the decision to consider tomb burials only in the context of temple constructions and then not appiy this criterion in a consistent fashion. Even though the tomb of the royal woman in Burial 128 is one of the richest burials in the Late Preclassic, Haviland also excludes this woman because her tomb is in the household shrine context. By itself thk may not be entirely problematic, but in consideration of Haviland's subsequent inclusion of a male tomb burial ( 160) from the household shrine context, the sampling utilized to acquire statisticaî percentages and conclusions is inconsistent. Why was an exception made for the male in Buriai 160 but not for the female in Burial 128? Both are among the richest and best furnished ïate Preclassic tombs of Tikal. The third criteria in the selection process, the context of the location of the tombs, needs to be questioned. Haviiand (1997) has c hosen to iimit the study to those tombs located in the North Acropolis and in the Great Plaza (Croup 5D-2) of TiM, although his conclusions cover the whole of Tikal's elite. William R Coe (1907:75) outiines the center of Tikal's elite as including the East and West Plazas, the Central Acropolis, the North Acropolis, and the Great Plaza with its opposed Temples 1 and II. Haviland includes Burial 160 even though it is not located within his own definition for spatial parame ters. The next area of concern in the representation of these royal women are errors in the archaeological evidence presented In the article. The first inconsistency occurs when Haviland (1997:2) States that the custom of placing the bodies of sacrificial victims in the graves of Tikal's nilers began in AD. 25, whereas this practice actually began with the death of the royal wornan in Burial 166 in 50 B.C. The second problematic inclusion is his listing and discussion of Buriai 167 which houses the remains of one male, one disarticulated female, and one disarticulated chlld. Although Haviland claims that the female was placed in the grave as a sacrificial victim, there appears to be no evidence to support this conclusion (seWelsh 1988: 35-37, for a discussion on fmiiy interments and grave reuse for successive interments). Finally, the assumptions made, the exclusions of important data, and the language used are problematic in terms of how these royal women are marginalized and excluded in Haviland's interpetation. By narrating and interpreting only some, but not all, of the available fragments of the archaeological pst, Haviland uses his point of view to appropriate women's power in the past (see Gordimer 1985 ). Evev tomb, where positive sexual identification could not be made, was assumed to be occupied by a male on the basis of criteria outlined earlier in this paper. Even though there were no identifications of sex for most of the sacrificial victims, Haviland assumes they are male. His assumption that Burial 167 was principally male, instead of being a multiple burial, is problematic and his exclusion of Burials 166 and 128 from the list of Maya rulers at Tikal renders @visible these royal women. When Haviland ( 1 997: 1 ) discusses the near absence of women in public art, he fails to mention that none of the royalty, male or female, were represented in public art until the practice began in AD. 292. The language used to represent these women include terms such as consort, invisible, secondary, rare, concubine, lesser, subordinate, and unsui table. Such verbal characterizations distort and diminish the important status symbolized in, and obvious from, their elaborate tomb burlals and grave goods. The social discourse of this burial data seems to articulate an equality of gender relations among the royal Maya which is supported by the fact that the four richest Preclassic burials at Tikal were Burial 166 (female with one sacrificed female), Burial 167 (multiple; male, female and child), Burial 85 (male), and Buriai 128 (female).If the male in Burial 167 is considered the primary internent, we can conclude that during the Late Preclassic which spanneû from 250 Baca-AD. 250 ( a perioâ of 500 years) both males and females received qua1 treatment at Tikal in terms of tomb construction, context, and the quality and quantlty of grave fumiture. The Early Classic (A.D. 250-550) A total of five elite burials have ken excavated at Tikal which date from the Early Classic period between AD. 250-550. Burial 162 is the only chamber to have contained the body of a royal woman. Known as the Lady of Tikal, this woman was the daughter of Kan Mar, ruler of Tikal, and the mother of a future ruler, the second Jaguar Paw (Schele and Freidel 1990:167). She was buried in a temple in the Central Acropolis accompanied by the burial of an infant. Norman Hammond (1988:209)describes the tomb of the Lady of Tikal as one of the few eiaborate burials of Maya women known. Her teeth showed evidence of dental alteration in the form of inlays and her tornb contained unusual items such as the skeleton of a spider monkey and shells of the spiny oyster Smndvluq a valued import from the Caribbean Coast. Hammond ( 1988:îOg) argues further that she must have ken of high status because these items are usually only with the burials of elite men. Haviland (1997:7) echoes this conclusion when he describes her chamber as king as roorny as those of other deceased rulers. The locational con text of her burial in the Central Acropolis also links it with the new eiite occupation of paiatial residences in the Central Acropolis after A. D. 379. The Chases (199258) also note that by AD. 495 the Maya state had extendeci its geographic margins throughout the lowlands as evidenced by the stela cult. This process of the expansion of the state and the expanding ruling power of Tikal may help to explain the supposed often hypotheslzed 'invisibilityt of royal female burials in the Classic period, a subject which will be discussed more fully in the section on evidence presented in the written and visual records to follow. TABLE 2 EARLY CLASSIC BURIALS AT TIKAL
- -- TIME PERIOD BUW RICHEST CONTEXT Gender AD.300 22 1~ Temple 1 male/ 1male
A.D. 378 Temple
AD. 420 48 * Temple 1 male/ 1 male
AD. 525 160 * Ho usehold 1male/ 1 c hild Shrine / lyouth
Temple 1fernale/ 1 infant
-- - - Welsh (1988:280-287, Table VIII) Oddly, Haviland ( 1997) presents an excluslonary representation of the Lady of Tikal by suggesting that this royal woman was not an active participant in the social and politicai affairs of the Early Classic period. The focus in his Tikal burial study on the time line of the Classic period (650 years), instead of on the time lines of reigning royalty, results in the Lady of TWking marginalized and isolated in the shume of the context of location, some small emors in her burial data, and the author's assurnptions bas& on his belief in patrilineal descent and male dominance at Tikal. In consideration of the small number of graves identifieci as occupied by rulers over this 650 year period, it is evident that there are more rulers than those documented to date. The first data selection problem centers around the location and context of this burial. The Lady of Tikal's burial is characterized as inferior by Haviland ( 1997:4) because of its placement in the Cenval Acropolis. Curiously, alt hough Haviland uses the bu rial positioning on the axis in a temple as a marker of high status, he argues that the location of Burial 162 on the axis of the temple is really not signiflcant (Haviland 1997:4). Next, there are minor errors in the presentation of the archaeological data relateâ to her burial. Compared to other sources, the article underrepresents her burial furniture (Welsh l988:î 82) and presents a confusing and misleading representation of the fact that a new structure was built mer the burial as a monument to her (Haviland l997:4). Based on these interpretations of archaeological data, Haviland concludes that her burial is of lesser importance than the royal men of the Early Classic period. The third problem is centered around five assumptions that influence Haviland's interpretations, representations and conclusions. Haviland assumed that patrilineal descent was the cultural nom; that the number of pottery vessels alone in a grave equates with wealth and status; that positions of power were restricted to men after AD. 50; that there were no lineages after AD. 25; and finaily he presumed that the lack of tombs of royal woman signaîled gender ineq uali ty. Haviland (1977,1985:37,1992,1997) has argued for a long tirne for the mode1 of patriiineal descent which essentially excludes women from rulership. An overview of articles written about Maya lineage descent suggests, however. a considerable amount of ethnographic, ethnohistoric. and archaeological evidence (Coodenough 1970:43; Hendon 1991:912; Roys 1965; Schele & Freidel 1990; Schele and Miller 1986;Thompson 1982; Tourtellot 1983) that ambilineal descent rather than patrilineal descen t is more likely for the ancien t Maya. In light of this level of disagreement, it would seem impmden t to assume, automaticaîly, that patrilineal descen t was functional at al1 sites and across centuries of prehistory. It is equally likely that a royal or elite person's status was determined by their lineage association and through marriage rather than solely by gender. The assurnption that there were no lineages after AD. 25 is refuted by most genealogical and inscription studies (see Proskouriakoff 1978, 1993;McAnany 1995). Haviland (1997) also uses only the number of pottery vessels to determine the wealth of the grave and the status of the individual instead of using a combination of cerarnics and other wealth indicators such as jade jewelry, sheli ornaments, stingray spines, obsidian or flint lancets, eccentric or ceremonial flints, shte mirrors. and Smndvlus shells. Welsh ( l988:147- 148) argues that to use amounts of gave goods to distinguish well to poorly furnished graves is flne, but to establish a ranking from the wealth represented by these grave goods is questionable if the weaîth that each object represen ts has not been determined. Variation in the amount of grave furniture in the tombs and temples of adult males at Tikal suggests pottery should not be the only indicator of status utiîized. Welsh (1988:146)argues that grave context was probably the more important factor in association with grave wealth. The final problematic assumption is that the lack of royal female burials ( 1 fernale and 4 males) in the Early Classic period is indicative of gender inequality at TikaL The question that needs to be answered here is where are the burials of the royal wornen from this time period? The Chases (1992:34)argue that few interments of rulers have ever been archaeologically recovered with most of these isolateci cases not king fuîly published or discussed. Welsh ( 198 8: 166, Table 99) lists eight burials of known Maya rulers at Tikal, while others list 10 rulers from Tikal (Jonesand Satterthwaite 1982: lZ+l3l, Table 6;Laporte and Flalko 1987;W. Cm 1990). Therefore part of the problem is the small sampling of tomb burials covering about 650 years. Clearly, in this great a span of time, there must have been more than ten nilets - perhaps twice this number. If so, is it not plausible that many of those were women? In addition, Haviland excluded the Lady of Tlkal from the statistical data utiîized to reach his final conclusions. Haviîand (1997:10) marginalizes this royal woman by concluding that no women were buried in Tikal's epicenter from the Late Preclassic to the Terminal Classic. This exclusionary interpretation renders the Lady of Tikal invisible to readers of Mayan history and essentialiy invalidates the burial evidence that represents the Lady of Tikal as a politically and socialîy important royal at Tikal in the Farly Classic period. Late Classic (A.D.550-889) According to Muriel Porter Weaver ( 1981:282) the years between A.D. 687-756 were a period of unifomity in which 60% of dl Maya monuments were erected. These monuments, some dated, are found most frequently in prominent positions in courts and plazas, in front of structures, and are usually paired with altars. These monuments were dedicated to, or erected by, a particular ruler or important dignltary and might cornmernorate his/her birth, accession to power, or some important historical event. Many also record calendrical and genealogical information. Representing over a period of 150 years, in the Late Classic period between AD. 550-900,sixteen elite burials have been discovered and excavated at Tikal. Nine of these burials, (Burials 72, 184, 63, 193, 130,143, 191, 192, and 77), contained the skeletal remains of royal Maya women. The contexts for these burials include temple, household shrine, and elite residence. Four of the 16 Late Classic burials at TlM contain the rernains of royal men (Burials 200, 195, 116, and 196),one of a youth (sex undetermined), and three other burials which contained remains of undetermined sexual identification. Five of the female burials ( 184, 72,63, 130, 143.)will not be elaborated on because of the lack of fuiîy published data on them. The basic information available on these burials is included, however, in TABLE 3 below. Arnong those burials for which there is published evidence, Burial 193,a single prirnary internent, houses the tomb of a royal wornan who died sornetime after AD. 550 but before AD. 700. She was honoured by her burial in a temple. Structure 7F-3 1. within the context of a household shrine presumably built to honour this royal wornan as an ancestor. Her head orientation was to the north and her body position was extended and supine. Her grave goods included one polychrome plate, one polychrome cylinder vase, one sheif, one perforator, one carved Stone, and the skeleton of a rodent. Welsh ( 1988:27) suggests that temples and household shrines had similar c harac teristics and purposes: to house burials and to serve as commemorations to the deceased. The household shrine was usually, but not exclusively, found on the east side of residential courts or plazas, sometimes with an altar or a stela (Becker 1971, 1986; Morley 1983).According to Welsh ( 1988:103,2 17), the inclusion of the perforator in this royal woman's burial indicates her reiigious and ritual significance, wealth and high status. The Maya understood death as a change of status which left ancestors still connected to their living descendents (Hammond l982:286). Burial 191 housed the remains of a young royal woman who was buried in front of Temple 7F-30 in a household shdne. This shrine was located on the eastern perimeter of the plaza. Her head orientation was north and her body was in the extended position and supine. Her grave furniture included two polychrome plates, two polychrome bowls, one polychrome cylinder vessel, and a sheU bead. Her youth does not seem to have ben a determining factor in her high status and her new role as an ancestor. The adult fernale in Burial 192 was placeâ in Room 5, in Structure 7F-29,an elite residence. Her skeletal remains were extended and her head orientation was to the east. Her grave goods included one polychrome plate, two polychrome bowls, one obsidian blade. one Stone spindle whorl, and the remalns of fish, charred wood. and stucco. One bowl contained flsh bones and carbon. This royal wornan's skull was positioned on an inverted bowl. Burial 77 contained the skeletal remains of a royal woman identified by Jones and Satterthwaite ( 1982:130) as the latest known Tikal mler based on grave status and the hieroglyphic inscriptions docurnented on the associated monument, Stela 1 1. Her tomb was placed in Structure 5P1 1, a temple context, in the Great Plaza. Her body was extended in a supine position and her head, covered by a polychrome plate, was orientated nonh. According to William ReCoe ( 1967:74),this royal woman was wearing one of the loveliest jade pendants ever found in Maya archaeology. Her tomb had a roof of logs covered by a woven mat over which thousands of pieces of obsidian and flint had been sprinkled (W. Coe 1967:74). Beautiful Late Classic pottesr found in her tomb included three polychrome cyîinders, wo polychrome plates and one polychrome bowl. The remaining grave furniture consisted of jadeite objects, one Smndvlus sheli, one shell bead, carved shells, six pearls, one fehe pelt, a cinnabar covering, and flint and obsidian flakes. Chase and Chase (1992:46) identiw this tomb buriai as a royal interment baseci on the accompanying jadeite objects, the Smndvlus shell, the cinnabar covering, and the overburden of flint and obsidian chips. TABLE 3 LATE CLASSIC BURLALS AT TIKAL
TIME PERIOD BURIAL RICHES7' CONTEXT BODIES AD. 565 Temple 1 male AD. 550-700 Household 1 female Shrine Elite 1 female Residence AD. 550-700 Household 1 female Shrine A.D. 550-700 Household 1 female Shrfne Household 1 female Shrine AD. 550-700 Household 1 fernale + 1 adult Shrine YeS Household lyouth S hrine AD. 630 Yes Temple 1 male AD. 680 Temple 1 adult AD. 680 Yes Temple 1 adult A.D. 723-731 YeS Temple 1 male AD. 760 YeS Ceremonial 1 male Platform A.D. 700-900 Household 1 female Shrine A.D.700-900 192 Elite 1 female Residence A.D. 870 77 Yes Temple 1 female
. . --- (Haviland 1997:1- 12) The archaeological evidence, from the location of the above burials. grave goods, and skeletal remains, represents these royal women as important socially and politically as ancestors. In examining the sociopolitical organization of the Late Classic Maya, Weaver ( 1981:282) concludes that royal Maya women became very prominent in the sociopolitical affairs of the Late Classic period. The characterizations of elite wornen at Tikal by Haviland (1997:1,4.6,9) relegate these royal women to a subordinate status to royal men, deflning them as unsuitable for elaborate burials, as important sacrifices, and as political participants in their society. These descriptions are the result of the author's assumptions about patrilineal descent and male dominance, and the saidentifications made or assuma for sacrificial vic tims w here sex identifications often were impossible to assess solely from the physical rernains. The flrst set of assumptions were used to validate the second set of assumptions. In addition, Haviland argues 'su bordinate sutus' for women based on the assurnption that royal men practiced polygyny. Chase and Chase ( 199258) point out that there is no archaeological evidence at Tikal to confirm the practice of polygyny. Of the nine female burials included in the TABLE 3, only Buriai 77 is included on Haviland's ( 1997:3) list in which he identifies this royal personnage as a male. not female ruler. His prelirninary study has archaeological omissions and errors in evidence. One example (on page 9). is his attempt to present the Preclassic Burial 166 in an insignificant light by suggesting that it was flrst a male in a proto-tomb that was important. Welsh (1988:280,Table WII) demonstrates that the five earlier burials were al1 simple, except one uncapped cist and that none of them were deflnitively sexed. Finally, Haviland uses what can only be described as sexist language throughout the article. This results in negative and derogatory representations of royal Maya women. Why does he choose to use tems like "consort" (page 1) and "concubine" (page 9) to represent these royal women when it is common knowledge that these terms cary negative connotations? From the archaeological evidence the wornan in Burial 77 was of a comparable status with royal men of the same time period. In conclus~on,Welsh ( 1988:107) demonstrates that at Tikal femaies enjoyed a status that was comparable with males. He points out that male and female burials were comparably furnished except that male burials averaged more flint, obsidian and bone, while female burials had a much greater amount of shell per grave.
A GENERAL OVERVIEW Female/Male Burial Patterns To determine if the burial patterns at Tikal are site specifîc or whether they are representative of a general practice of the lowland Maya, a brief overvlew of fernale and male burial patterns from thirteen lowland sites follows. These sites include Ntar de Sacrificios (Guatemala),Altun Ha (Belize).Barton Ramie (Belize),Caraco1 (Belize), Dzibilchlatun (Mexico),Holmul (Guatemala). Pacbitun (Belize), Palenque ( Mexico), Piedras Negras (Guatemala),Santa Rita Corozo1 (Belize).Seibai (Guatemala),Tonina (Mexico),and Uaxac tun (Guatemala).The lines of evidence to be compareci are simply whether known male/ female burials are comparably furnished and constructeci and what the percentage of female to male burials is from each of the fourteen sites listed above. In addition, any burial evidence which would signal high status for Maya women will be included dong with any gender specific practices. Grave furniture categories are as follows: pottery, polychrome or stuccoed pottery , jade beads, discs, earflares etc., jade figurines and pendants, shells and shell pendants, flint and obsidian, both eccenMc and utilitarian. groundstone, unidentified Stone, metates and manos, bone, teeth, or animal shells, clay objects such as whistle figurines, pearls, pyrite, mica or corai, textiles, animal pelts, or wooden objects, stingray spines, codices, rnosaic rnasks, plaques, or vessels, and copal (Welsh 1988:102). The wooden biers, textiies, and animal pelts were utilized to cover or support the body of the deceased and cinnabar, charcoal. and carbon remains likely reflect postinterment offering or ritual activity (Welsh 1988:103). According to Welsh ( 1988:103),grave gooâs perforrn a function in the grave, for example animal skins cover the body, wdenbien support the body. Such goods reflect the social and political status of the deceased (high status reflected by the presence of jade and shelî beads, necklaces, pendants, headdresses, etc.), and indicate rellgious and ritual significance (obsidian lancets. stingray spines and eccentnc flints). This overview will focus on the last two functions. According to Michael Coe ( l988),only a few interments of rulers have ever been archaeologically recovered: two rulers from Palenque (ChaacaalI [Schele 19861; Pacal [Ruz 1954, 1973, 1977]), and possibly as many as ten from Tikal (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982: 1 îé 131, Table 6; Laporte and Fialko 1987; W. Coe 1990) and several from Altun Ha (Pendergast 1979, 1982). Keeping this factor in mind along with the associateci problem with skeletal sexing, there is also the problem of site excavation bias and the potential for distortion. Examples of distortion exist where one or two very rich burials are found in which the quantity, variety, and quality of grave goods is so great for the deceased male or female that a distortion of the percentages is created. For example, the richest burials at Uaxactun and Altun Ha distort the site percentage results for comparability of grave goods so that the conclusion reached is that male burials are richer, in terms of grave goods, than female burials. In contrast, the opposite is Crue at the' sites of Seibal and Aitar de Sacrificios, where the richest burials belong to femdes and these, therefore. distort the overail results in favour of females in terms of grave goods. Because the richest burials appear to distort the overall statistical results in favour of the gender of the richest burial, these burials should be considered exceptions and should not be used in the statistical database of elite femaie/male burial status comparisons. With these rare exceptions removed from the overall picture, it becomes possible to see if male and fernale burials are comparably furnished at most lowland sites or whether one gender is more richly furnished than the other, on average. This overview begins with the site of Altar de Sacrificios.
Altar De Sacrificios The site of Altar de Sacriflcios has eleven temples and 31 ceremonial platforms (Smith 1972). The grave types for the temple burials are nine simple, one cist, and one crypt. For the ceremonial platform burials there are 27 simple, three cist, and one crypt type. The most common grave type for al1 grave contexts at Altar de Sacrificios is simple. Smith ( 1WZ:2 1 5) reported six males and nine females from the Altar de Sacrificios core zone buriais as having dental inlays or filings. Of the19 artificially altered cranla frorn the core zone, nine were male, ten were female (Smith 1972:Z 15). The burlals in ceremonial platforms had more goods per grave (Welsh 1988:3 2 ). The statistics, however, are misleading. Burial 1 28 (female) and Burial 88 (male) were the only two well furnished burials. No other buriais in any other context were nearly as well furnished as these two. Since Burial 128 consisted of a crypt, the mean number of grave goods for this type has been distorted (Welsh 1988: 109).Without Buriai 128 in the sample, crypt graves would have contained simliar amounts of furniture as simple graves, and cists. With the exception of Burial 128 and 88, male and female burials were comparably furnished as were adult and child burials (Welsh 1988: 109). The dchest burial of the site, Burial 128, contained an adult female (Smith 1972:220). An eighth century Maya woman,entombed in Burial 128, was honoured in death by the inclusion of 1170+ grave goods and memorialized by the reconstruction of Temple IIiA (Maxwell 1991:10). Her grave furniture consisted of five stuccoed plates. three stuccoed jars, one stuccoed bowl, one ritually kiiled polychrome plate over the skull, two bowls, two jars, two green stuccoed clay discs and bars, six clay earflares, one clay bar, ten clay beads, one clay pendant and 11 clay discs. According to Richard LW. Adams ( 197 1:159), out of 15 vesseis in Burial 128, 13 were imports. The jade included in her burial goods were 479 jade beads, 2 adornos, and 1 jade bead in the rnouth. A Smndylus shell was placed over her mouth. Eleven shell fragments, 577 shell beads, and 1 mother of pearl bead were also part of her burial furniture. Her tomb was covered by 9000 flint chips and the top of the tomb was covered with mat remnants and wood. Enclosed In her tomb were 10 obsidlan blades, 3 obsidian flakes, and 1 obsidian core. The remaining artefacts include 1 stingray spine, and 25 stingray fragments of which 11 were carved, 1 slate mirror and some pyrite. Burial 96, positioned above and over from Burial 128, contained the physical remains of a young woman who is believed to have performed an autosacrifice ln honour of the royal woman in Burial 128 (Maxwell 1991:10). Burial 96 contained one polychrome bowl, one polychrome jar, one polychrome plate, two jade beads, one flint knife and one plate placed over her skull. A polychrome vessel from Yaxchilan, found in Burial 96, depic ted an elaborate funerary ceremony held in honour of the royai woman from Burial 128. From this polychrome vessel and the imported grave goods in Burial 128, Adams ( 197 1: 159) has determined that this royal woman's funerary ceremony was attended by the brother of Ruler B of the Sky Dynasty from the site of Tikal and Bird Jaguar the ruler of Yaxchilan along with four other royals not yet identified. Adams surmises that given the in terpretation of the ceremony. the irnported grave furniture was probably funerary gifts for this important woman from the visiting dignitaries (Maxwell 1991: 10).
Caraco1 Caracol has limiteâ data available to this author, but Arlen Chase and Diane Chase ( l987:25-30) document the tombs of two royal women. One Maya woman was buried in a tomb in Structure B- 20 dated A.D. 5 37 on the basis of a palnted text in the chamber. The text is painted in black lines on red stucco, framed by two darker bands of red pain t (Grube 1994: 102). Her grave goods include a large number of ceramic vessels, jadeite earflares, 14 Stone spindle whorls, bloodletting implements near the mouth and other precious items. Grube ( 1994: 102) identifies the status markers in her tomb as determining the occupant as a ruler. Approximately two hundred years later Lady Batz' Ek' died and was buried in the second tomb in Structure EH 9 (Grube 19%: 108). Her tomb is dated to the 7th centus. AD. and is the most elaborate tomb discovered at Caracol so far. It was const~ctedwith a vaulted chamber covered by painted walls. Lady Batz' Ek' tom&and the historical record in the hieroglyphic inscriptions at both Caracol and Naranjo make her the most important woman in Caracol's history. The Chase's burial data of the Late Classic period documents the continuation of the political and social high status of Maya women at Caracol. Umetun Uavactun has 16 temple burials and nine ceremonial platform burials. In the context of temple burials there were two simple, two chultun, two cist, six crypt, and four tomb grave types and in ceremonial platforms there were three simple and six crypt grave types. The most common grave type at Uaxactun was the simple type. The 16 temple burials contained the most and the largest variety of grave goods (Welsh 1988:122, Table 68). In terms of grave type. crypts and tombs were the best furnished graves (Welsh l988:123, Table 69). The four richest burlals, Burials A29, AN, A22, and AZO, were al1 from temples. The statistlcs for adult burials in cornparison to child burials has ken distorted by the four richest burials in favour of adult burials having more grave furniture. Three out of four of the richest burials were of adult males leading to the conclusion that male burials were generally &ter furnished than female burials. The statistics, however, are misleading. The male majority of the richest burials distorts the statistical database in favour of male burials in terms of grave goods. In fact, female burials were not impoverished as evidenced by Burials BI and B2 and by the large quantities of pyrite, flint, and shells per female grave. (Welsh 1988:107). Two Maya women in Burial 82 were discovered in a crypt within Structure B-XI in a ceremonial platform. There were a total of 534 grave goods found In the tomb. The grave furniture consisted of one polychrome bowl, two dishes, one jar, two bowls, seven jade beads, 482 shell beads, a death's head carved on shell, five obsidian lancets, 3 2 iron pyrite beads and a bone disc. The obsidian lancets are artefacts associated with ritual bloodlecting (Welsh 1988: 174, Table 100). Burial B1 contained the physical remains of two Maya women and three infants. Their stone-lined tomb was located in Temple B- Vil1 and their grave furniture included two polychrome bowls, one polychrome dish, four bowls, two jars, and shell omaments. Their burial was comrnemorated wtth a temple, Stnicture BVIII.
Holmul The next site, Homul, has 14 temples and four household shrines. Out of the 14 temple burials, nine were simple burials, two were cist burials, and three were crypt burials, whereas al1 four household shrine burials were crypts. The most common grave type at Holmul was the simple burial. The 14 temple burials at Holmul were much better furnished in both variety and amount. The four richest burials, Burials B13, B5, B1 and B6, were al1 housed in temple platforms (Welsh 1988:106,Table IV, Appendix 1). In terms of grave type, simple graves were the best furnished at Holmul. The four richest burials were in al1 simple graves. This suggests that context, not grave type, was the signifiant factor in wealth association of the Holmul burials. The grave furniture at Holmul included pottery, shell. bone, pyrite, mica, and jade. None of the physical remains were sexed, thus, there are no sex correlation cornparisons.
Piedras Negras Piedras Negras, has three simple temple burials, one cist ceremonial platform burial, one tomb palace burial, one tomb plaza burial, three crypt vaulted residence burials, one simple cave burial, and one simple ballcourt burial. In the overall correlation by Welsh ( 1988) of Classic lowland Maya burial grave types and grave context, it is interesting to note that the only tomb burial in a palace occurs at Piedras Negras (Welsh 1988:101,Table 57). Of the 11 burials at this site Burial 9 was unexcavated. Burial 1 was looted. and Burial 10 was disturbed. The two richest burials, Burial 10 and Burlal 5, were both tomb type burials with Burial 5 located within the context of the palace acropolis and Burial 10 within the context of the plaza. Welsh ( 1988: 110) defines the three temple burials as poorly furnished, and Burial 2 of the vaulted residence burials as moderately weli furnished. It is of interest to note that only four pottery vessls were found in eleven graves (Welsh 1988:lll).The grave goocls of the two richest burials consisted of jade, shell, clay objects, and stingray spines. These stone-lined tombs contained two of the four pottery vessels and elaborate grave fumiture which included three jade carved pendants, one effigy stingray spine, 150 jade beads, 28 jade ornaments, three jade earflares, 2 17 shell beads. two pyrite mosaic plaques, 66 amazonite beads, two pyrite mosaics, and a carved jaguar bone. The child in Burial 10 was accompanied by a cut skull and mandible in a wall niche, while the male adult in Burial 5 was accompanied by two chiîdren (Welsh l988:3ZZ, Table XIV). The small sampiing of only 11 burials would distort any age or sex correlations for Piedras Negras. Barton Ramie Barton Ramie has al1 burials in the context of house platforms with most graves poorly furnished. Most of these graves were simple ( 104),but the nine cists and one crypt were also poorly furnished, except in shell beads (Welsh 1988: 105). There was little difference in the furnishing of adult and child burials. In comparing grave goods, there was no disparity between male and female burials, except that male buriais had more jade beads and bone per grave, while fernale burials had more pottery vessels, conch shells, shell pendants, flint, obsidian, and Stone (Welsh 1988:117, Table 63).
Palenque Palenque has had a series of nonilonsecutive excavations and each project has had lirnited scope (seRuz 1958 and1973; Blom and LaFarge 1925-1927; and Rands and Rands 196 1 ). Sex and age correlations are not possible because few of the skeletons have been sexed. Only four femaies, five males, and three children have been identified. Both the srnall burial data sampUng and the inclusion of the Maya ruler, Pacal's well furnished Burial Il, distort the statistics for both age and sex The data from Palenque indicates 13 temple burials, two plaza burials, and 17 of unknown contexts. Thus, interpretation of the Palenque burial data is hindered by the 17 graves recorded as found in unknown contexts. Csrpts and tornbs are the prevalent type at this site (24'3 2). The 13 temples had three simple, eight crypt, and two tomb burials, the two plazas had two crypt burials, and the 17 unknown contexts had one simple burial, four cist burials, nine crypt burials. and three tomb burials (Welsh 1988:100,Table 55). Tornbs and crypts were the best furnished graves. The four cists and one simple graves contained only a total of 12 items of furniture. Burials in the temples were much better furnished than those in other contexts (Welsh 1988: 142, Table 89). The temple buriais contained a large quantity of jade, shell, flint, obsidian and were the only ones to contain mosaic masks and stingray spines. There was a scarcity of pottery vessels with only 25 found in the 13 temple burials. An elaborate female burial, Burial Al, was discovered in Temple XVIII-A. The primary adult female was accompanied by a secondary body not identü~edby age and sex (Welsh l988:33 3, Table XV). This Maya woman's burial furniture included a 133 jade bead necklace, two Swndylus shells, one jade and shell mosaic, nine obsidian blades. one Stone pendant, a clay figurine, and one mano. Her elaborate grave goods and crypt reflect the high social and political status whiîe the obsidian blades indicate religious and ritual signiflcance. The richest burial at Palenque, Burial Il, held the famous Maya ruler, Lord Pacal and six sacrificial victims. Hls burial furniture included eight ceramic vessels, two stucco heads, 41 jade discs, 118 jade bead coiiar, 189 jade beaà breastplate, ten jade finger rings, two jade carved pendants, two 200 jade bead bracelets, more jade beads, three shells containing two jade earflares, seven jade beads, two jade discs, and one pearl covered in cinnabar, five pearls, three bone needles, one shell and pyrite adorno, one mosaic mask, two jade and pearl earflares and nine slate pendants. Lord Pacal's stone-lined tomb held an elaborately carved and inscripted sarcophagus and the wails were painted with elaborate murals.
Pacbitun Pacbitun has twenty burials in the core zone located in pyramidal buildings below the floors of summit platforms in special constructions (Healy l989:38 1-382). There are 12 burials where a special cornmernorative architectural construction was built. According to Paul Fm Healy (1989:383),a female burial, Burial 2-1, demonstrates summit renewal or entlre structural rebuilding to house this Maya woman in a special grave constructed within the new renovations. This cornmernorative rebuilding was triggered by this royal woman's death. Coe (1956)suggested this purposeful prac tice more than three decades ago. Welsh ( 1988:19 1 ) has argued that al1 nine burials belonglng to known Maya rulers had specially built constructions raised over their graves which suggests that architectural renewai was linked with royal funerary activities. The grave goods represented in the core zone burials from Pacbitun include pottery vessels, shell ornaments, jade jewellry, obsidian, chert, slate mirror-backs, limestone and volcanic Stone implernents, bone objects, and red ochre (Healy 1989:383). As is the case in most osteological studies, some age and sex identifications are questionable. Healy ( 1989:385) indicates 22 identifications of sex, with half of these being femak and half being male. In his examination of status, Healy ( l989:386) documents six elaborate crypts and one tomb that represent two buriais with fernales. two burials with males, and two containing both males/ females. Using wealth indicators it was determined that Burial 2- 1. the grave of a royal Maya woman was the richest grave with the second highest score from Burial 1-9.a male grave (Healy 1989:387). Burial 2- 1 was elaborately furnished with fine quality grave goods and contained 27 ceramic vessels; the most In any burial at Pacbitun (Healy 1989:384).In comparing the richness of burial offerings and grave goods of females and males at this site, the importance of elite women at Pacbitun is evident. Through cornparisons of the major categories of grave furniture, Healy ( 1989:387) concludes that there is a balance or equality in male and female wealth and status at Pacbitun in the Ciassic period.
Seibal The next si te, Seibal, has fou ceremonial platform burials, eleven household shrine burials, two palace burials, six plaza burials,l8 housemound platform burials, and one midden burial. The grave types for the ceremonial platforms are two simple and two cist, for the household shrines are five simple, five clst, and one crypt, for the palace burials are one simple and one cist, for the plaza burials are two simple, three cist, and one crypt, for the housemound platform burials are18 simple, three cist, and one crypt, and for the midden burial, one simple ( Welsh l988:99, Table 52). Adult burials had a greater variety of grave goods, but adult and child burials were comparable in the amounts of furniture per grave (Welsh 1988:1 10). Female burials were slightly better furnished, however, the statistics are slightly distorted by the richest grave, Burial 1. This burial held the reizains of a young adult Maya woman (Welsh 1988:llO). She was buried in a palace, Structure A- 14, in a capped pit or cist. Her body was placed in the grave in a seated position and a dish was placed over her skull (Welsh 1988:324, Table XII). Her grave furniture included one polychrome plate, two bowls, two vases, three jade beads, two shell earflares, 11 bone beads. and two redstone beads (Welsh 1988:324, Table XII). This Maya woman's burial evidence reflects her important status and wealth at the site of Seibai.
Dzibiichlatun Dzibilchlatun has 13 household shrine buriaîs, one temple burial, four ceremonial platform burials, two palace burials, 56 vaulted residence burials, and 40 residence burials. The grave contexts are as follows; three simple, one cist, eight crypts, and one tomb in the household shrine burials, one simple in the temple burial, two simple in the palace burials, nine simple, three cist, 44 crypt in the vaulted residence burials, and 17 simple, one chultun, and 22 crypt in the residence burials (Welsh 1988:98, Table 50). Most burials at Dzibilchlatun were found in residential platforms (98/116) and the site preference of grave type was the crypt (75/116) (Welsh 1988:92). The four richest burials were found in the context of household shrineo, but each of these burials had different grave types: a tomb, a crypt, a cist and a simple grave. Again, this suggests that context was the more important factor in demonstrating the importance of the individual (Welsh 1988:108). Accordlng to Welsh (1988:108),Dzibilchlatun did not have as many burial goods per grave as Altun Ha or Uaxactun because at least 12 graves had been looted, and only 18 out of 116 burials were found in temples or household shrines. Pottery vessels, shells and worked Stone were the most frequent grave goods found in burials at this site. Male burials had a greater variety of grave furniture while Cemale burials had a greater number of goods (Welsh 1988: 108). In terms of age and sex, adult and child burials were comparably furnished.
Altun Ha The site of Altun Ha has 35 ceremonial platform burials, 25 temple burials, 5 3 household shrine burials, one plaza burial, 116 residence burials, and 25 palatiai residence burials. The grave types include 32 simple, and three cist for the ceremonial platform burials, seven simple, seven cist, seven crypt, and four tomb for the temple burials, 18 simple, 14 cist, 15 crypt, and six unclassified for the household shrine burials, one simple for the plaza burial, 74 simple, 29 cist. ten crypt, and three unciassified for the residence burials, and seven simple, eight cist, and ten crypt in the palatial residence burials (Welsh 1988:97,Table 49). Temple burials were much better furnished chan those in every other context including household shrines even though temple and household shrines had more goods and variety of goods per grave. Although three of the ten richest burials were in a household shrine, Structure E-1, al1 appear poorly furnished in cornparison to the average wealth of the temple burials (Welsh 1988:128, Table 74). Three burials, TA-1/1, A-1/2, TE-1/2, had more than 1O00 items of furniture, and seven others, TA-6/ 1, TB-417, TE-1/3, TB-4/6, T&4/2, TE-1/1 and TB-4/1 had between 250 and 1000 items (Welsh 1988:288-305.Table IX, Appendix 1). The four tombs at the site of Altun Ha, TA41. TB-4/7. TB-4/1. and TB-4/5 were al1 in temples. The skeletal population of elite burials consisted of 39 female and 54 male individuals (Pendergast - Personal communication 1991). Sex and age determinations of the physical remains at Altun Ha are problematic for several reasons. Firstly, many sex and age determinations were impossible to make because of the poor condition of some of the skeletal remains. Secondly, many sex and age identifications made in the field were based on stature and the assumption chat a rich burial represented a male individual. Finally, even Welsh has used some 'on site' identifications in his tables instead of the more secure, subsequent laboratory identifications. For example , Burial A4/ 2 is represented by Welsh as a youth of undetermined sex while no sex or age laboratory determination was possible. The on site identification was male, based on grave goods and stature, although a pair of incised jade earrings have been deciphered and it appears that the owner of the earrings was a Maya woman (Mathews 1979). Grave fumiture at Altun Ha included jade, shell, flint, obsidian, bone and pyrite, but there were fewer pottery vessels per grave than at Uaxactun and Tikal. One elite Maya woman was burieci in Burial TE-1/3 below a special construction E-1 -A, In Structure E-1 , raised in her honour. Within this household shrine her body was placed in an extended position with her head orientated to the south. Her crypt contained 655 items of grave fumiture including one polychrome bowl, one composite bowl, one incensario, one dish containing perishable remains, one bowl containing a jade bead, 20 jade beads, one jade disc, one jade inlay, four jade fragments, 530 sheii beads, and two shell discs, five obsidian blades, four flint blades, 20 eccentric flints, one bone disc, 61 crystalline hematite pieces and one cobble (Welsh 1988:293, Table IX, Appendix 1). In accordance with grave context, location and type, in conjunction with the special mernorial construction, and with the large number and variety of grave goods, it is reasonable to conclude that this Late Classic woman had both wealth and status at Altun Ha. The presence of obsidian and flint blades reflects her role in religious and ritual activities.(Welsh 1988:174, Table 100).
Tonina Tonina has 11 residence burlals, five plaza burials, and nine temple burials resulting from the excavation focus on the main acropolis (Ekcqudin and Baudez 1979).The grave types consist of two simple, seven cspt, and two unclassifieci for the residence burials, one cist, two crypt, and two tomb for the plaza burials, and nine crypt for the temple burials. Crypts are the major grave type at Tonina (Welsh 1988:101, Table 56). Most tombs were found in temple and household shrine contexts and held the remains of the wealthy. The simple graves found in temple and household shrine con texts are believed to have contained sacrificed individuals (Welsh 1988:93). Grave goods included pottery, jade, shell, copper, pyrite, mosaic masks, and stingray spines (Welsh 1988:145, Table 91). No sex correlation was possible at the site of Tonina because graves in which sex determinations could be made were disturbed or reused and it was impossible to determine what grave furniture belonged wi th which individual.
Santa Rita Corozol Chase and Chase (1986:359-360)illustrate that the richest burials at the site of Santa Rita Corozal during the Post Classic period are those of women, which contras&with ethnohistoric accounts of the relative insignificance of women at the tirne of the Conquest. As has ken noted, beginning in the Late Preclassic at Tikal, continuing into the Early Chsic period, and extending through the ïate Classic period at most sites, Maya women were regularly interred in tombs placed in prominent locations and contexts and their final resting places often containd the trappings of wealth and prestige (Chase and Chase 1986:8-12).
Summary The richest site buriais are of a female individual at Altar de Sacrificios, Caracol, Pacbitun, Seibal, Santa Rita Corozol, and Lubaantun, whereas the richest site burials of a male are at Uaxactun, Palenque, and Altun Ha By including the richest burials in the statistical data male and fernale core zone buriais are comparably furnished and constructed at all the sites examined in the general overview except for Altar de Sacrificios and Seibal, where female burials are richer and more elaborate, and Altun Ha and Uaxactun, where male burials are richer and more elaborate. When we consider the richest burials as exceptlons that distort the percentages in favour of the sex or age of the interred, burial patterns for the ten sites where sex identifications were detennined, indicate that male and female burials in the elite or core zone of these sites were comparably furnished and constructed. This summary information is included in TABLE 4. TABLE 4 COMPARABLY FURNISHED ANI? CONSTRUCTED BURIALS
Si te Richest buriaf Wi thou t Riches t Burial------Altar de female male/female equal Sac ri ficios Caraco1 female rnale/ferriale quai Uaxac t un male male/female equal Holmul unknown no sex/age correlations possible Pied ras Child male/ female equal Negras Barton Rarnie unknown male/ female equal Palenque male male/ female equal Pacbitun femde male/female equal Sei bal female male/ female qua1 Dzibilchlatun unknown male/femaIe quai Lamanai unknown male/female equal Altun Ha male male/ female equal Lubaantun femaie male/ female equal Tonina unknown no Magedeterminations Santa Rita fernale male/ female equal Corozoî Tikal unknown * male/femaIe equal * In the Late Preclassic a woman had the richest burial, in the Early Classic a man had the richest burial and in the Late Classic period a man had the richest burial at the site of Tikal.
..------It appears that the exclusion of the richest burlals in each time period at TiM fiom the qualatative analysis results in an equal treatment of elite male and female burials in terms of burial fumiture and grave construction. The burial evidence that signals high status for elite Maya women are the quallty and quantity of elaborate grave goods such as jade beads, shell beads, jade or shell necklaces, pendants, earflares, and bracelets, and the Smndvlus shell, the inclusion of ritual items in the burial such as obsidian and flint lancets, stingray spines, ceremontal or eccentric flints, the context and type of grave, and the presence of a special memorial construction over the grave. This status information for selected individual female burials is included in TABLE S.
TABLE 5 SELECTED FEMALE GRAVES AND THEIR ATTRIBUTES
- Site Burial # Suwrstructure Grave Goods # of Goods Altar de 128 Temple IIIA 479 jade beads 1170 Sacrificios 2 jade adornos Swndvlus shell 577 shell beads 10 obsidian blades 1 stingray spine 25 stingray spine fragments 1 Mother of Pearl bead shell over mouth 5 stuccoed plates 3 stuccoed jars 1 stuccoed bowl 2 bowls 2 green stuccd clay discs & bars 6 clay earflares 1 clay pendant 1 slate rnirror Uaxactun B2 Ceremonial 7 jade beads Platform 482 shell beads carved shell death's head 5 obsidian lancets 32 iron pyrite beads 1 polychrome bowl 2 dishes & 1 jar 1 bone disc Palenque Al Temple XVIII-A 133 jade bead 148 nec klace 1 jade and shell mosaic 2 Spondvlus shells 9 obsidian blades 1 Stone pendant 1 clay figurine
Pacbitun 2-1 Temple 27 cerarnic Riches t vessels Seibal 1 Palace, Structure 3 jade beads Riches t A014 2 shell earflares 2 redstone beads Altun Ha TE-1/3 Structure E-1 20 jade beads 65 5 2 shell discs 6 1 crystalline hematite pieces 5 obsidian blades 4 flint blades 20 eccentric flints Tikal 166 Temple-pyramid jade beads Riches t Structure 5D shell beads 1 camed jade pendant 1 stingray spine Tikal 128 Household Shrine 165 jade beads Ric hest Structure 6E 1 jade earflare 44 shell beads 3 Swndvlus shells 1 stingray spine 77 Temple 5D-11 jade pendant Ric hest jadeite objects Swndvlus shell Carved shell G pearls
Haviland ( 1997: 1) emphasizes the importance of burial type, context, and construction in the determination of overall status and wealth. In the sumrnary of his analysis of Classic Lowland Maya burials, Welsh (1988:191) concludes mat context, burial type and construction are factors indicative not only of the status of the deceased, but also of the significance of this individual's death in terms of the reorganization of social, political, and ritual relations. Damm ( i. 988: 130) demonstrates that the funeral of a socially or politically central person is a reflection of the production and reproduction of the structure of a society, a time when social roles are renewed, and/or reinforced, and an opportunity to negotiate and manipulate social organization. The temple constructions over elite burials were most likely designed and built for royal internent. An entire temple erected over a grave in honour of the deceased was the most elaborate type of funerary construction. A royal woman from Uaxactun (Burial 82, Smith 1950: 101 and 52) and two royal women from Tikal (Burial 166, Cm1965:1412; Haviland 199258; Burial 77, Coggins 1975585; Welsh 1988:207, Tablel07) were honoured with the construction of temples above their graves. A second type of honorific construction was a platform, altar block, stair block, or pedestal erected over a grave placed In an existing temple-pyrarnid or ceremonial platform. One example of this mernorial construction was that built in honour of the royal woman from Aitar de Sacrificios. A stair block (Stair 2) and an altar (Altar P18) were erected over her grave, Burial 128, in Temple A-III ( Welsh 1 %8: NO). The importance of the royal personnage interred within these renovations or new constructions is substantiated by the labour, materials. and wealth neeâed to build the memorials and the wealth in quantity and quality of grave goods. Al1 known burials of Mayan rulers from Tikal had constnictions built over their graves. It becomes evident that these individuals were of significant social status and wealth (Haviland and Moholy-Nagy 199252-54). According to Hammond ( l982:286),the ancient Maya saw death as a change of status. Ancestor status was bestowed on the deceased and through rituals and bloodletting living descenden ts were still connected to their ancestors (Schele and Miller l986:269). The ancient Maya believed in Xibalba, an underworld, and certain customs, practices, and rituals involvlng burial were necessary to ensure a successful transfer from this world to Xlbalba (Welsh 1988:lS). The death of a socially important personnage, such as royalty, initiated another dimension of social discourse that permitted communication with the deceased ancestor through ritual bloodletting and the vision quest (Schele and Miller1 986: 186-187). The indirect evidence for the ancient practice of bloodletting to worship and communicate with deceased ancestors consists of stingray spines and obsidian lancets accompanying royalty in their burials ( Welsh l988:l74, Table 100).The consmiction of memorials to the ancestors of royalty was the impetus for the massive construction projects in the ceremonial centers. The idea of monumentality and ancestors were closely linked (Welsh l988:232). The information on the burials of individual royal women in terms of burial context, type. and construction is included in TABLE 6. TABLE 6 SELECTED BURWOF ELITE MAYA WOMEN AND THEIR. CONTEXT, TYPE AMI CONSI'RUCTION
Site Buriai Context Construction Al tar de 128 Temple Tomb Cornplex, with a Sac rific ios roof of logs covered by a woven mat & 9000 flint chips. Caracol 2nd TempleB-19 Tomb Complex, with a vaulted chamber adorned with painted walls. Uaxac t un B2 Ceremonial C~Ypt Complex Platform BI0 Temple BWII Tomb Stone-lined. Palenque Al Temple VIII-A Tomb Cornplex Pacbitun 2-1 Temple Tomb Complex Seibal 1 Palace A-14 Cap~ed Complex Pit AltunHa TE-1/3 Household C~YP~ Complex Shrine Tikal 166 Temple Tomb Cornplex and stone-lined. with a corbel vaulted chamber adorned with wall paintings. 1 2 8 House hold CWP~ Complex S hrine 77 Temple Tomb Complex A roof of logs covered by a woven mat over which 1000's of pieces of obsidian and flint had ken sprinkled.
THE WTTENRECORD Hieroglyphic Inscriptions The ancient Classic Maya civilization left written dynastic and historical information about the Maya elite on monumental stelae, lintels, wall panels, murals and hieroglyphic staircases (Proskouriakoff 1960, 1963, 1964, 1973). The earliest dated written record from the Maya lowlands is on Stela 29 at Tikal dated July 6, AD. 292 (Hammond 1988: 109).This uniform and complicated system of writing on Stone monuments spread from the core of Tikal to the rest of the lowlands and the Yucatan (Jones l98W).The practice of carving historical monuments with inscriptions is cornmonly known as the 'stela cult'. These free standing monoliths, known as stelae, recorded the important even ts in the life of Maya royalty and were erected in front of prominent public buildings (Marcus l99Zb:8 1). Historical and cornmernorative, the monuments carved with hieroglyphic inscriptions recorded the personal and dynastic history of the Maya royalty and their ancestors. Events such as birth, heir designation, accession. bloodletting , vision quests, warfare, prisoner captures, alliances, and death, were the themes important to the royalty and were recorded on monuments at intervals of five, ten or twenty year intervals (Proskouriakoff 1960, 1963, 1964, 1973; Berlin 1977; Marcus 1976, 1983).The inscriptions also narned the royal person and gave his/her titles along with a parentage statement indicating the protagonist's ancestry. Many of the carved lintels record rftual events such as bloodletting and the vision quest invoking the spirit of deceased royal ancestors. Other events recorded on lintels are political conferences and warfare events, such as warfare victory, the capture of political prisoners, and sacrificial victims (Marcus 1992a:81). The longest texts occur on stelae, lintels, wall panels and hieroglyphic stairways because there was more space in which the scribe could work (Harris and Stearns 1992:3). Wall panels and hieroglyphic staircases contain inscriptions that detail parallel even ts that occured over time during the reigns of multiple rulers at the same site. One example is found at the site of Palenque where wall panels in the temples recount the events of both present and past site rulers and ancestors ( Kubler 1969, 1772, 1974: Lounsbury 1980; Morley, Brainerd and Sharer 1983:fig. 11.33). To date there are a few thousand monuments and 800 different hieroglyphs classified, but there is still much not deciphered or undecipherable (Harris and Stearns 1992:4). Many of the stelae left in situ for over 1Oûû years have suffered substantial deterioration and others were defaced and broken by the ancient Maya themselves. More recently, many othen have been looted and now exist in private (sometimes secret) collections. Classic period hieroglyphic inscriptions are written in paired columns that are read together from left to right and top to bottom (Jones 19844). Archaeologists label the columns A, B, C, and the rows 1, 2,3, so a typical sequence would read: Al, B1, A2, B2, A3, B3, etc., ( Jones 1984:4). A glyph composition usually contains a main sign wi th affixes. Those above the main sign are called superf~veswhile those to the left are called prefixes. The superflx and the preflx are read before the main sign. Those to the right of the main sign are postfixes and those below are caiied subfixes. Both are read after the main sign (Jones 1984; S.D. Houston 1989; Harris and Stearns 1992). Maya hieroglyphic texts are pattemed so that a calendar date is provided first, followed by an event glyph which tells what happened on that date, then the name and titles of the royal person flgured in the event (Jones 19849). Longer texts are a series of this pattern connecting a time, an event and a royal person with titles. The stela, lintels and panels, which celebrate the important events in the lives of the Maya royalsr and their ancestry, can provide historical information about the ancient Maya women in the Classic period. An eduminationof the written record of hieroglyphic inscriptions has the potential to provide insight into the social, political. and ritual status of Classic period royal Maya wornen. There follows selected information frorn the hieroglyphic inscriptions from the sites of Tikal, Naranjo, Altar de Sacrificios, Piedras Negras, Yaxchilan, Palenque, Calakrnul, El Peru and Bonampak, with speciai reference to royal Maya women.
Tikal The first woman documented on a monumental stela at Tikal is the Lady of Tikal (FIGURE 2). Her name is documented on Tikal Stela 23 at C4 dong with her birth at Tikal in A.D. 504. The second date recorded on thls commemorative monument is AD. 5 11 when the Lady of Tikal is only six years old. Tatiana Proskouriakoff (1993:30), as well as Schele and Freidel ( 1990: l67), suggests that this date records either her designation as heir to the throne or her actual accession to the throne, but this is difficult to confirm because the stela is broken and some of the glyphs are partiais. The third important event of her Me is recorded at A.D. 530 but the specific activity glyphs are missing. Her burial, dateâ AD. 530, suggests that the third event refers to her funerary ceremony. She may have died at a young age from birthing complications as an infant is entombed in Burial 162 with the Lady of Tikal in a temple in the Central Acropolis. On the sides of the Lady of Tikal's monument, Stela 23, are parentage statements for both her mother and her father (Michel 1989: 105). Her father has been ldentified as the former ruler of Tikal, Kan Boar ( Proskouriakoff 1WWO). The dedication date on her stela is identical to the dedication date of Stela 25 which commemorates a royal man. This is the first time two stelae are paired with the same dedicatory dates with one documenting historical events of the life of a royal woman and the other documenting the historical events of the life of a royal man. This is the first and the last example of the pairing of male and fernale stelae at Tikal but the beginning of a widespread practice across the Maya lowlands (Proskouriakoff 1993:38). On the sides of the Lady of Tikal's monument are parentage statements for both her mother and her father (Michel 1989:lOS). Alrnost irnmediately after the death of Kan Ebar, her father, and the dedication of the monument to the Lady of Tikal, distant sites such as Caracol, Calakrnul, Yaxchilan, and Quirgua began to erect their flrst stelae. Histories recordeci on later temples, such as that on the back of Temple VI at Tikal and that in the Temple of the Inscriptions at Palenque, begin their historical accounts with the date A.D. 530 (Proskouriakoff 1993:21).Ail known Maya histories that deal with more than one reign begin with this specific date (Proskouriakoff 1993:3 1). Ano ther royal woman iden tified from Maya hieroglyphic inscriptions at Tikal is Lady Yellowbird. She is documented in the inscriptions on Altar 5, Stela 34, Temple II Lintel, Lintel 3 in Temple 1, and inscribed funerary bones. Altar 5 is a funerary mernorial to Lady Yellowbird and was commisioned by her husband, Tikal Ruler A. She is named with the kin-on-pedestal glyph and her death is recorded in AD. 702 (Jonesand Satterthwaite 1982:38). First identified by Proskouriakoff ( 1963:l62), the kin-on-pedestal glyph was interpreted by her as a title of female royalty. O ther interpretations of the glyph include 'queen' (Jones 1984:17) or 'divine lady' (Harris and Stems 1992:65). On Stela 34 her name, Lady Yellowbird. is documented (Coe 1990: 854-855). Across a plaza frorn Temple 1 is Temple 11 where a lintel dedicates Temple II to Lady Yellowbird. In Temple 1, Lintel 3 documents the death of Lady Yellow bird and her birth at Petexbatun. Above Tikal Ruler A's tomb are the inscribed bones whlch record the death of Lady Yellowbird. The daughter of Tikal Ruler A and Lady Yellowbird is also named on Lintel 3 in Temple 1. It identifies her as the first offspring with the 1shell glyph and suggests that this daughter was the natural inheritor of the throne on the basis of the u ahaulll glyph, which Proskouriakoff ( l993:69) translates as 'in the reign OP. In the North Acropoiis of Tikal in front of Structure 33, Stela 5 is dedicated to their daughter and stands together with four plain steia in a row with one other in front. Although most of the inscriptions are destroyed, parentage statements for her mother and father are recorded along with the three Tikal limage glyphs identifiai by Proskouriakoff (1993:70)as the three original matrilineages at Tikal. The inscriptions on the roofcomb of Temple VI identify their daughter as the one who commissioned the Temple VI renovations. Also recorded is a date of an ancient time one thousand years before the Brst inscriptions at Tikal. Despite Haviland's (1997:2) daim that only 3 wornen are recorded in royal parentage statements, 1 have uncovered seven parentage statements which include references to both mother and father. Animal Skull, Kan bar, Ruler A, Ruler B, Ruler C, Daughter of Ruler A and Lady Yellowbird, and the Lady of Tikal al1 document both their mother's names and titles and their father's narnes and titles (FIGURE 3). These paren tage statemen ts were flrst recognized by Christopher Jones in 1977 as a consistent pattern of glyphs preceding the names of presumed parents. Subsequently, Linda Schele and Peter Mathews ( 1983) found numerous examples of parentage statements at many other Mayan sites. Usually both mother and father are recorded, although sometirnes only one is recorded. When both are given, the mother is named first. The typical pattern begins with the names and titles of the royal person to whom the monument is dedicated, followed by a 'child-of-mother' glyph, the narnes and titles of the rnother, 'a child-of-father' glyph, and, finaliy, the narnes and titles of the father (Harris and Stearns lWk6O).
Naranjo Lady Six Sky of Tikal, daughter of Lightning Sky,a ruler of Tikal and sister of Ruler A of TW,came to Nmjoand' married a royal man from this site (Marcus l95)2a:219). The events in her life are recorded on an important serfes of Stone monuments in UIree different locations at Naranjo and on a single monumental stela erected in an ancient astronomical court (Marcus l992a:Z 50). Stela 24, dedicated to Lady Six Sky, is erec ted across a broad plaza facing Stela 22 which is in a line of stelae including Stela 2 1 and Stela 23 (Proskouriakoff 1993:74). Dated AD. 702, this commemorative monument records Lady Six Sky's narne and titles. The kin-on-pedestal glyph is prefixd to her name. Her son, Smoking Squirrel, is eleven years old as documented by his birth recorded on the left side of her monument. Proskouriakoff (1993:74)translates the recorded event as the ceding of her rulership of Naranjo to her son. In addition, Lady Six Sky records her capture and victory of Kinich Cab, a royal lord of the western lands (Schele and Miller 1986:153; Proskouriakoff 1993: 72; Schele and Freidel 1990: 189). Stela 24 is paired, by the same dedicatow date, to Naranjo Stela 22 which documents Lady Six Sky's son,Smoking Squirrel. On this monument he is named heir to the throne. Smoking Squirrel is designated on Stela 2 1 as both a warrior and ruler at 18 years of age. The final monument, Stela 23, in the grouping of Stela 2 1-24, documents Lady Six Sky ceding her nilership to her son Smoking Squirrel ( Proskouriakoff 1993:74). Four more stelae were erected on the platform of a large Naranjo temple; left to right, these are Stelae 28-3 1. Lady Six Sky of Tikal is the principal subject of Stela 29, which is positioned beside her son's monument, Stela 30. All the dedication dates in this stela group are the same as the temple dedication date. The inscriptions record Lady Six Sky performing a bloodletting ritual and docurnenting the same military victory as recorded on Stela 24 (Proskouriakoff l993:75-76). The bloodletting glyph, with a main sign depicting an obsidian lancet, documents the ritual act of bloodletting (HarrisAnd Steams l992:SS). According to Schele and Miller ( 1986:179), the royal act of bloodletting was one of the earliest 'kingly' actions to be documented in a public form. In the early period of the ïate Preclassic, only male rulers were documented performing the bloodletting ritual on public monuments. but by the Early Classic period. royal women began no t only co be documented in monumental art but also to record their performance of bloodletting. This ritual bloodletting was essential to the institution of Maya rulership (Schele and Miller l986:175). For royal women,rit ual bloodlet ting involved the perforation of the tongue with a lancet made of obsidian, stingray spine, or flint. The royal wornan passed a rope, sometimes thom-lined, through the perforation in her tongue, allowing the droplets of her royal blood to saturate strips of paper made from the bark of the fig tree. Held in a ceramic container and soaked in the royal woman's blood, these strips of flg paper were burned in a brazier so that blood could be transformed into sacred smoke, as sustenance for the gods/goddesses (Schele and Miller 1986:176). This bloodletting ritual was described by Diego de Landa (Tozzer 1941), the first Bbhop of the Yucatan in the sixteenth century and also in a native epic manuscript called the Po~olVuh (Tedlock 1985). Lady Six Sky of Tikal is commemorated on another series of four stelae, 1-4,which record her death. She is named and her death recorded on Stela 3 erected beside Stela 2, which documents Smoking Squirrel mourning his motherls death. Stela 4 documents her father Lightning Sky. Stelal , unfortunately, is terribly preserved and the identity of the royal man depicted is unknown (Proskouriakoff l993:76). Although badly eroded, Stela 18 erected in the ancient astronornical court at Naranjo, documents the death and funerary rites of Lady Six Sky of Tikal and her dynastic descent from the ruling family of Tikal. Ntar de Sacrificios The first long count date inscribed at Altar de Sacrificios is AD. 455 and the last dated monument is around A.D. 780 (Weaver 1981:308). The location of the placement of stelae and altars at this site was on the stairways of platforms and buildings, rather than in the courts and plazas (Weaver 1981:308). Set into the retaining walls of the platform on each side of the stairway of Structure A4 on the north side of the court are Sculptured Panels 1, 2, and 3, dated around A.D. 640 (Proskouriakoff 199355). None of these panels have legible inscriptions, but a kin-on-peùestal glyph identifying royal women appears a number of times in the inscriptions. Stela 1, erected on the basal platform of Structure A-II records the birth of a royal woman at Altar de Sacriflcios. Her narne is documented as Lady Katun. A second event glyph twelve years later narnes Lady Katun as ahau and as daughter of the current ruler of Altar de Sacrificios (Proskouriakoff 199355). According to Harris and Stearns (1992:62-63),the ahau title is one of the most important titles carried by rulers and by mernbers of the ruling family. Stela 16, dated around kD. 680, records the name of a royal woman with the kin-on-pedestai glyph, but her name is still undeciphered. Stela 7, dated at AD. 71 1, documents Lady Katun some 50 years after the erection of Stela 1 (Proskouriakoff 1993:55). Another rnoument, Stela 17, dated AD. 730 and described as a giant Ahau Stone, documents another royal woman from Altar de Sacrificios and names the katuns (Graham 1972). In summary, the last three Late Classic monuments erected at this site, Stelae 7, 16, and 17, al1 document royal women of Altar de Sacrificios. The royal woman, in Burial 128, is memorialized on a polchrome funerary vessel, known as the Altar Vase. The event documented on this pottery vessel has ken dated at AD. 754 (Adams 1963). The Altar Vase, inscripted with forty-four glyphs, documents the funerary rites performed in honour of this royal woman. Six rulers from various sites took part in this woman's funerary ceremonies. The vase documents the participants as Bird Jaguar, niler of Yaxchilan, along with several other royal men from this site, a royal man fron the Sky dynasty at Tikal, and a royal man from Alta Verapaz (Weaver 198 l:282). This royal woman's political significance is demonstrated by the attendance and participation of these royal leaders in her funerary ceremonies.
Piedras Negras Over a pendof 200 years, Ca. AD. 600-800, Piedras Negras monumental stelae, altars, and lintels were erected at the end of 5 year periods in honour of members of the royal family. The stela and altars were aligned In front of pyramidal platforms built or refurbished for them ( Marcus 1987). In the south court of Piedras Negras a series of stelae are aligned in front of Temple R-5. Of these, Stela 33 documents a royal woman and her son in an inaugural event. The parentage statement refers to this royal woman as the mother of the young man at age 12 who is now titled as Ruler 2. The texts are badly eroded and other significant historical data has been lost. Lintel 7, located in Temple K-5,documents an heir deslgnation event when Ruler 2 was only 4 years of age and identifies the same royal woman in his parentage statement (Proskouriakoff 1W3:6 1 ). Llnfortunately, the inscriptions related to al1 other events are destroyed. A second royal woman from the site of Piedras Negras is memorialized on Stelal , Stela 2, Stela 3, and on four incised shells found in Burial 5. She has been named Lady Katun by Proskouriakoff ( 1993:84-86)and Lady Darkness by Marcus (1992b:22 1). The inscriptions on Stela 1 begin with the documentation of iady Katun's birth Ca. A.D. 675 and her narne, Lady Katun along with two more glyphs that complete her name. When Lady Katun is twelve years old an event titling her as ahau is documented on Stela 1 and a parentage statemen t which narnes her as daugh ter of the curent ruler of Piedras Negras ( Proskouriakoff 1993:84-86). Unfortunately, the inscriptions on the opposlte side of Stela 1 are illegible, but it is clear that there is a male figure on the front face of Stela 1. As a result we do not know if this royal man is her father, Ruler 3 or her husband. Perhaps the visual evidence may shed some light on the identity of this royal man. The erosion of the inscriptions on Stela 2 at Piedris Negras is extensive but the name of iady Katun and the identity of her father, Ruler 3 of Piedras Negras have ken deciphered (Proskouriakoff l993:84). Proskouriakoff ( 1960) documents the rule of Lady Katunts father as a long one, lasting about 42 years. The few legible inscriptions record the birth of a son to Lady Katun, but the remaining hieroglyphic inscriptions are eroded (Proskouriakoffl993:84). Lady Katun is also memorialized on Stela 3, dated A.D. 71 1, which records her birth, her name and titles, the birth of her daughter and her daughter's name, Lady Sunlight (Marcus 1992b:22 1 ). Also recorded is an event celebrating the 25 th anniversary of an accession. Lady Katun is 37 years of age at this time, which makes this event coincide exactly 25 years after her honorlfic naming ceremony as ahau. The hieroglyphic inscriptions designate Lady Katun's title with a hand glyph, thumb pointeci up. holding an ahau sign. Harris and Stems ( 199255) translate this as the event of the display of the God K Scepter which is associateci with accession to the throne. The display of the God K Scepter is associateci with the legend of the First Mother fully documented at the site of Palenque on wall panels located in the Temple of the Inscriptions, the Temple of the Cross, the Temple of the Sun and the Temple of the Foliated Cross (Schele and Freidel 1990:244-25 3). According to the legend, the First Mother crowned herself as the Rrst ahau (ruler) on August 13, 2305 B.C. In the guise of the Moon Goddess, she was the first to hold and display God K (FIGURE 1),to Wear the royal crown represented as the Jester God K headband (FIGURE 5), to perform the Bloodletting rite (FIGURE6), and to manifest a divinty through the Vision Rite rituai ( Carolyn Tate 1992:141).Accompanying her depiction again is a male figure on the front face of Stela 3, but it is virtually destroyed and no inscriptions remain to identlq the royal man who is memorialized along with Lady Katun and Lady Sunlight. The inscriptions on four incised shells found in Burial 5 at Piedras Negras document the birth, the death, and the funerary rites of Lady Katun, memorialized on Stela 1, 2, and 3 (W.R.Coe 1959). Proskouriakoff ( 1993236) questions the identity of the occupant of Burial 5 in Temple 15, identifîed as a male ruler, because of the textual information on the four incised shells in this grave and because the male ruler's stela is located not in front of Temple 55, but in front of another temple, 54 at the other side of the main court of the Piedras Negras acropolis. Burial 5 contained the skeletal remains of one adult and two children. Around AD. 716,Stela 40 and Altar 2, erected on a stairway to Temple 53, rnemoraîize a Piedras Negras royal woman. The inscriptions on Altar 2 are completely eroded and the inscriptions on Stela 40 are not much better. hoskouriakoff ( 1993:12 1 ) documents glyphs concerning divination and accession. The visual record, to be discussed in the next section, may add to the information base concerning this royal woman and reveal why she is memorialized on these monuments. One of the rnost remarkable sculptures proâuced by the ancient Maya, Lintel 3, is placed on the wall of Temple 0-13.The main inscription documents the katun, 20 year anniversary, of Ruler 4's accession to the throne of Piedras Negras in AD. 749. This event took place one mon th and three days after Bird Jaguar's accession to the throne of Yaxchilan, a site considered to be a regional capital in the Late Classic perioà (Marcus 1973:197). Bird Jaguar is present for this event and his name and titles are docurnented in the main inscriptions (Proskouriakoff 1993: 123). According to Proskouriakoff ( 19%: 124), these inscriptions detail a council gathered to discuss who would be the rightful heir to the throne after Ruler 4's death. To the right of the main inscriptions, are a group of hferoglyphs naming three individuals depicted to the right of the throne: a royal man, a royal woman, and a royal child. The inscriptions beneath the man and boy are partially eroded but the royal man and boy share a relationship glyph and the man is identified with the emblem glyph of Piedras Negras. Heiroglyphic inscriptions located beneath the feet of the royal woman identiw her as a relative of the former ruler of Tikal, Ruler A. Exactly eight years after the event on Lintel 3, Ruler 4 dies and a monument, Steîa 14, is erected on a terrace in front of Temple 0-13 to memorialize the royal woman from Tikal and the accession of her son, Ruler 5. This newly inaugurated ruler of Piedras Negras is the child of a royal man from Piedras Negras and the royal woman from Tikal, both depicted on Lintel 3. Ruler 5's accession monument, Stela 14, documents his parentage statement as son of the royal woman from Tikal (Proskouriakoff 1993: 124). Ruler 5, accedes to the throne of Piedras Negras on AD. 757 which he ruled for only fîve years (Proskouriakoff 19%: 124-125).
Yaxc hilan Yaxchilan, located in the western boundary of the Maya region, began to erect stelae around A.D. 5 14 at the end of the nile of Kan bar at Tikal (Proskouriakoff 1993:21). It was at this rime at the end of the Early Classic period that the practice of erecting paired stelae depicting a man and a woman on their own stela began at Yaxchilan. In the Late Classic period this practice was discontinued and it was architectural sculptures, in the form of lintels and wall panels, that were prevalent in Yaxchiian. According to Proskouriakoff ( 1993: 117), these changes reflect the integration of Shield Jaguar's intrusive line with an earller dynastic system. The chronology of Yaxchilan is complicated by the fact that most information cornes from sculptured lintels with only Calendar Round dates and also by the fact that the lintels in each building often covered an historical period longer than one ruler's reign. Lady Xoc, also identified as Lady God C, is mernorialized over an eighty year period on both stelae and lintels at Yaxchilan: Lintel 25, Stela 11, Lintels 27, 28, 59, Lintel 38, Lintel 32 and Lintel 51. The Cod C glyph in Lady Xoc's name and titles has ken identified as the sign of sacredness and blood (Schele and Miller 1986:182). Although Marcus (1992b:298) identifies this royal woman as the wife of Shield Jaguar and Shield Jaguar as the ruler of Yaxchilan, Proskouriakoff (1993: 109, 113, 114, 119) rnakes a cornpelling argument, based on the hieroglyphic inscriptions, that Lady Xoc is not Shield Jaguar's wife because she is of an older generation and that Shield Jaguar may not have been sole ruler of Yaxchilan because the usual documentation of birth and accession for rulers at Yaxchilan are not recorded for Shield Jaguar in the hieroglyphic inscriptions on his monuments. Perhaps the relationship benveen Lady Xoc and Shield Jaguar may become evident after an examination of the visual record and the inscripted descen t information. A sequence of lintels in Structure 23 feature Lady Xoc and Shield Jaguar; Lintels 24, 25, and 26. Structure 23, along with two other temple pyramids, were built in a row on a low terrace dong the foothills fronting the river at Yaxchilan by three successive rulers. In each of these three temple pyramids one lintel features a royal man while the other two lfntels feature a royal woman. The central lintel of Temple Pyramid 23, Lintel 25, documents a Vision Quest or Invocation Ritual performed by Lady Xoc. She has let blood and invoked the spirit of a deceased ancestor. apparently the lineage founder of Yavchilan (Marcus 1992b:298).This commemorative rite is in honour of an ancestor of Lady Xoc's, who died in battle 42 years .. earlier. Lady Xoc's name is recorded with a kin-on-pedestal glyph followeâ by a God C compound. The bloodletting glyph, with a main sign represen ting an obsidian lancet , documents her performance of the ritual act of bloodletting (Harris and Stearns 1992:55), while the 'hand-grasping-fishl glyph documents her ritual act of conjuring her deceased ancestor (Thompson l962:306; Proskouriakoff 1973: 169- 171 ). Through bloodletting the ancient Maya sought a vision they beiieved to be the manifestation of an ancestor or a god/goddess (Schele and Miller 1986:17 5-186). Scientists acknowledge that endorphins released by the brain in response to blood loss cm induce hallucinogenic experiences or 'visions'. The ancestor or god/goddess king contacted is manifested by the image in the rnouth of the Vision Serpent and named in the associated inscriptions (Schele and Miller 1986: 177). Shield Jaguar is named in the inscriptions as the Captor of ahau (Marcus l992b:298). hdy Xoc dedicates the sculptures on Structure 23 in the year A.D. 723 and in A.D. 7 26 both Lady Xoc and Shield Jaguar perform more dedication rites for the same building. Stela 11 names Lady Xoc and Shield Jaguar in the top portion of the monument which always denotes the ancestors of the person documented on the stela In this case, Bird Jaguar's accession monument dated AD.7 5 2 records Lady Xoc and Shield Jaguar, now deceased, as his parents. Bird Jaguar acceded as ruler of Yaxchilan ten years after the death of his father Shield Jaguar and flve years afrer the death of his mother Lady Xoc. Bird Jaguar accedes to the throne of Yaxchilan in a nine day ritual that ends with the dedication of Temple Pyramid 22. Structure 24 is adorned with three lintels cmeà only with texts and record the deaths of Lady Xoc, Shield Jaguar, and Lady Bird Mask (hoskouriakoff 1993: 108). In Structure 16 there is another series of three lintels of which Lintel 38 records the event of a Vision Quest in whic h iady Xoc and Shield Jaguar are the deceased ancestors invoked in the ritual. In Structure 13, Lintel 32 records the 5 th katun of Shield Jaguar and iady Xoc. Proskouriakoff ( 19%: 119) suggests that this lintel was reset in this temple pyramid from a much earlier location to place his deceased parents in a lintel sequence featuring the events of his life and documenthg his daughter's ancestry to her grandparents. In Structure 5 5, Lady Xoc is memorialized on Lintel 51 which is badly eroded. She is recorded here as ancesror of her grandchildren, who are documented on the other two Untels. A second royal woman records the historical and politicai events in her life in the same time period as Lady Xoc. Lady Bird Mask is documented in Structure 23 on Lintels 24 and 26. Although there are no inscriptions on the edge of Lintel 24, iady Bird Mask is named with the same family name as Lady Xoc in the caption at the left of the main scene. It records Lady Bird Mask performing a bloodletting ritual in the presence of Shield Jaguar. Lintel 26 is broken in half and only the upper portion is well preserved. Lady Bird Mask is documented with the title glyph kin-on-pedestal and is referred to as the Lady of the Conquered Land. Proskouriakoff ( 199390) suggests that Lady Bird Mask is the ruler of the land she has conquered, but unfortunately we do not know if she is the sister or daughter of Lady Xoc because the remaining inscriptions are destroyed. Her death is recorded in Structure 24 along with the deaths of Lady Xoc and Shield Jaguar. Ian Graham ( 1979:120) deciphered her narne and titles on Lintel 56 in Structure 11. Lady Six Lightning of Yaxchilan is commemorated on Lintel 15 in Structure 2 1 and on Lintel 38 in Structure 16. On Lintel 15, she is named with a kin-on-pedestal title and her name consists of a feminine head glyph with a six Cauac plus a tun sign with another feminine head glyph and an & main sign. The event glyph documents Lady Six Lightntng performing a Vision Quest. On Lintel 3 8 she is documented with an event glyph performing another Invocation Ritual and a second event glyph indicating the Vision Quest was associatecî with mourning ceremonies related to Lady Xoc and Shield Jaguar. Recently the MerScan archaeologist Roberto Garcia Mol1 excavated the lower part of a stalactite column that stood in front of Structure 33, one of the three temples erected during the rule of Bird Jaguar (Froskouriakoff 1993:1 18). Beneath this temple thirteen carved panels on steps were found. Two of these panels document the Vision Quest Rite performed by a royal woman. There is no decipherment as yet, but it would be in keeping with the themes presented in this temple to make a probable identification of the woman performing the ancestor invocations as Lady Six Lightning of Yaxchilan. Lady Balam ïx of Yaxchilan is commemorated on eight different !intels in six different structures during the same period of time that the hisrmical events of Bird Jaguar's life are recorded. On Lintel 17 in Structure 2 1 the inscriptions name Lady Balam 1.u and include the statement that she is ahw, Lady Balam and a jaguar glyph followed by Lady Ix and a rnaize title completed by the title Bacab. Ahau, the most important title canied by nilers and members of the ruling family is equivalent to ahm (Harris and Stearns 1992:63). Her Bacab title relates Lady Balam Ix to the four sacred sky-bearers of Maya mythology (Jones 1984:lS). Lady Balam ix performs a bloodletting ritual documented by the bloodletting glyph dong with Bird Jaguar to comrnemorate the birth of Bird Jaguar's son, Chel-Te, on February 18, AD. 75 2 (Schele and Miller 1986: t 89). In another temple, Structure 42, Lady Balam Ix is documented on Lintel 13 performing another Bloodletting Ritual to celebrate the accession of Bird Jaguar. She is also documented on Lintel 41 in the same temple, but unfortunately only a small fragment remains and the event glyph is not present. In Structure 33 on Lintel 1 she is narned and identified as either the daughter or granddaughter of Shield Jaguar (Proskouriakoff 1993: 115). A Bundle Rite Is documented, but this event is still not fully understood by Mayan researchers. Schele and Miller ( 1986:7 2) document that bundles held two classes of artifacts- the instruments of bloodletting and the effigies of gods/goddesses. These sacred objects were covered with cloth and tied with a narrow strip of cloth. Royal women are shown holding them unopened in bloodletting rites, and bundles appear in temple scenes, placed on the flwr near the rulers (Schele and Miller 1986:72). Jones (1984:13) describes the bundle as a sacred tied bundle entrusteci to the der. Lady Balam Ix is named and documented performing another Bundle Rite on Lintel 7 in Structure 1. In Structure 55 a series of three lintels document the death of Lady Xoc and the ancestry of both Lady Balam ïx and Chel-Te to Lady Xoc and Shield Jaguar. On Lintel 52. Chel-Te is documented with a relationship glyph to his grand par en ts, Lady Xoc and Shield Jaguar. On Lintel 5 3, Lady Balam Ix is documented with the same relationship glyph as Chel-Te to Lady Xoc and Shield Jaguar. Since we know from the inscriptions on Lintel 17 in Structure 2 1 that Chel-Te is Bird Jaguar's son. it is reasonable to conclude that Lady Xoc and Shield Jaguar are the grandparents of Lady Balam k and that she is the daughter of Bird Jaguar. Lady Balam Ifs death is documented in Structure 20 on Lintel 14.
Bonarnpak Bonampak, on the banks of the Lancanja River, is a small si that shared a number of architectural features with Yaxchilan: carved Stone lintels, block masonry construction and calendar round dates. Although the temples are small they are al1 built with vaulted roofs (Weaver 198 l:3 1 1). Only eight stelae were erected and of those only three were sculpted. These three were sculpted in a similar style to the stelae at Yaxchilan. The earliest of the three sculpted stelae is Stela 2 on which Lady Rabbit from Yaxchilan is documented. The inscriptions on Stela 2 document her narnes and titles and her birthplace. She is named Lady Rabbit, hmof Yaxchilan and has the title Bacab. Marcus ( 1992b:254) suggests that Lady Rabbit may have been the sister of the Yaxchiian ruler, Shield Jaguar's Descendent. The first event records the death of her husband Lord Ocelot. who died in battle. A second event glyph again names her Lady Rabbit, records her titles and documents her performance of a bloodletting ritual. There is an undeciphered statement regarding Lady Rabbit followed by a head glyph with a sign covering the rnouth, and a lunar postfix Proskouriakoff ( 1993:163) identifies these two glyphs as limage or clan glyphs of Yaxchilan. As documented on Stela 2, Lady Rabbit , born into the royal family at Yaxchilan, took rulership after her husband died in battle while seizing power at Bonampak (Proskouriakoff 1993:162-163). Lady Rabbit is also docurnented In Structure 1, the Temple of the Paintings, in al1 three rooms. In Room 1, she is identified with the -1 x prefix used to indicate her birthplace Yaxchilan and is involved in an heir designation event. In Room 2, Lady Rabbit's name, titles, and birthplace are recorded once again and she is involved in the arraignment of prisoners of battle dong with other royalty. In Room 3, Lady Rabbit and the royal family are performing a bloodletting ritual (Ruppert, Thompson and Proskouriakoff 1955).
Pale nq ue The hieroglyphlc inscriptions at Palenque, a beautiful site nestled in the foothills of the Chiapas Mountains, just above the flood plain of the Usumacinta River, document three royal women; Lady Kanal Ikal, Lady Zac-Kuk, and Lady Ahpo Hel spanning a time period of approximately 150 years during the Classic period. Palenque rulers did not use stelae to memorialize their lives. They chose instead huge panels and tablets to be incorporateci into the walls, piers, and lintels of temples. These wall panels span time periods far greater than one ruler's reign and sometimes thousands of years into the past. Lady Kanai Ikal is documen ted on the Principal Tablet in the Temple of the Inscriptions as acceding to the throne of Palenque on December 23, AD. 583 (Kubler 1969; Mathews and Schele 1974). Her great grandson, Lord Pacal, commissioned this tablet that linked his ancestry and right to rule back to his great grandmother, Lady Kanal Ikal. who ruled Palenque for twenty years until her death on November 7, AD. 604. Her right to rule was passed to her from her father, Chan-Bahlurn 1, who ruled Palenque before her inauguration (Schele and Freidel 1990:2 2 1). Lady Kanal lkal is prominent in al1 inscriptions related to Pacal's ancestry and is mentioned in two different locations on Pacal's sarcophagus, where she is named as Lady Kanal Ikal, Blood Lady of Palenque (Schele and Miller 1986:285). During her reign of Palenque it is likely that she commissioned inscriptions and temple constructions but the evidence is buried under later constructions (Schele and Freidel :l99O:Z 2). Lady Zac Kuk, mother of Lord Pacal, is recorded on the tablets or wall panels In five temples and on Pacal's sarcophagus in the Temple of the Inscriptions. These wall panels were inscripted with long texts that contain chronologically ordereâ sequence of events that took place over the reigns of several different rulers and celebrated the major events in the lives of the royalty and their ancestors (Marcus: l99ZbA8O). On the Principal Tablet in the Temple of the Inscriptions, Lady Zac Kuk's inauguration date of October 22, A.D. 6 1 2 is documented (Lounsbury 1976).This tablet, commissioned by her son, Lord Pacal, describes and titles Lady Zac Kuk as the First Mother of the gods and goddesses and the creatrix in the Maya version of the cosmos. The inscriptions link Lady Zac Kuk's descent to the Firs t Mother and Lord Pacal's descent to his mother Lady Zac Kuk, thus linking himself to his divine descent and right to rule. In parallel inscriptions to the First Mother, Lady Zac Kuk 1s documented performing the same rituals as the First Mother; she gave birth to a ruler, she ruled Palenque, she displayed God K, she bloodlet, and she performed a vision quest. Also in the Temple of the lnscriptions on Lord Pacal's sarcophagus Lady Zac Kuk is documented as Pacai's ancestor and as Lady Blood of Palenque. The Oval Palace Tablet of the Temple Olividado documents Lady Zac Kuk with the Mn-on- pedestal glyph and records an event glyph of the accession of Lord Pacal (FIGURE 7). After the death of Lord Pacal and his wife, Lady Ahpo Hel, their oldest son Chan-Bahlum built the Group of the Cross, which documented the dynastic history of Palenque. In the Temple of the Cross, the Temple of the Foliated Cross, and the Temple of the Sun, Chan-Bahlum retold the sarne historical information as Lord Pacal, but focussed the retellfng on his descent from his grandmother, Lady Zac Kuk and the First Mother. The inscriptions on the right side of the text in each temple recount the Maya story of the First Mother, while the inscriptions on the left document the connections between those sacred events and hls divine right to rule Palenque (Schele and Freidel 1990:245). Lady Ahpo Hel and Lord Pacal had two sons, Chan-Bahlum and Kan-Xul. The Palenque Tablet of Temple 14 documents Lady Ahpo Hel in the underworld, Xibalba, with her son Chan-Bahlum (FIGURE 8).The inscriptions document Chan-ûahlum's trials in getting to Xibalba where his rnother greets him by replicating the actions of the bloon Goddess 932,174 years before this event. Lady Ahpo Hel is documented displaying Cod K just like the Moon Goddess (Schele and Miller 1980:272). Dated AD. 705, this event occurs after both Lady Ahpo Hel and Chan-Bahlum are deceased. In the Temple Olividado on the Palace Tablet, dated AD. 72 1, Kan-Xul documents his right to accede to the throne by recording his descent fiom his mother Lady Ahpo Hel and his father Lord Pacai. This tablet was placed in front of the Oval Tablet which documented the transference of power from Lady Zac Kuk to Lord Pacal. At the time of his accession to the throne of Palenque. both of his parents are deceased (Schele and Mller 1986:1 12).
Calakmul At the end of the rule of Kan Ebar at Tikal, Caîakmul like many other sites in the Maya lowlands, began again to erect stelae. Calakmul erected only one stela in AD. 5 14 and did not erect any more until kD.633 (Proskouriakoff 1993:23, 50). The earliest documentation of a royal woman memoriaiized on a stela is March 19, AD. 642 on Stela 28, which is paired with Stela 29, documenting a royal man with the sarne dedicatory date. These stelae were found, in situ, in front of the north side of Temple Pyramid V on the south slde of the central plaza (Marcus 1987:72). Very Httle is known about this Calakmul royal wornan frorn the inscriptions because they are badly eroded. She is named in an L-shaped name panel which frarnes her face and again in a panel bracketing her headdress and is titled with the kin-on-pedestal glyph (Marcus l387:72,lS2).She will arbiirarily be referred to as Lady Calakmul 1. From AD. 633 to A.D. 683, Calakmul went through a period of growth and expansion (Proskouriakoff 19935 1). Made of soft Stone, the fourteen stelae erected during this period are badly weathered and few texts are legible and many of the stelae were looted. Fottunately, Stela 9, which documents a royal man on the front and a royal woman on the back, is well preserved because it was carved from slate. Located in front of Structure V, Lady Calakmul II is named in the main text above her head and again in a band of eight hieroglyphs incorporateci into the lower part of her skirt (Marcus 1987:lGO). She is titled with the kin-on-pedestal glyph and in a separate register of five to six glyphs, the inscriptions document that on August 21, AmDa 662 she took a captive (Marcus 1987:157). Lady Calakmul III is documented on Stela 88 and little is known about this royal woman fkom the inscriptions which are badly eroded. The inscriptions title her with the kin-on-pedestal glyph. She shares this monument with a royal man who is depicted on the opposite side of Steal 88, located on the south side of Structure XIII. The texts on Stela 88 are situated on the sides (Marcus 1987:139). Lady Calakmul IV is documented on Stela 23 which was found, in situ, on the east side atop of Structure V1 of the astronomical group (Proskouriakoff 1993:79). The dedicatory date of Stela 23 is the same as the deâicatory date on Structure VI, on Stela 24, and on a plain round altar. These monuments were dedicated sirnultaneously on January 24, AD. 702 (Marcus 1987:84). Stela 23 is paired with Stela 24 which stands on the opposite side of the altar. It and tltle glyphs are eroded but the visual evidence is clear and will be discussed later. The inscriptions are not preseved well enough to provide a history.
El Peru Originally looted, the Cleveland Stela and the Kimbell Art Museum Stela have been studied and the hieroglyphic inscriptions connect the royal woman documented and depicted on the Cleveland Stela (Stela 1), to the royal lineage of Calakmul (Jeffrey F. Miller l974:lSS; Marcus l987:251 ). Some believe that the stelae corne from El Peru, so for identification purposes she will be referred to as Lady Caiakmul at El Peru (Marcus 1987:251). She is named and titled with the Mn-on-pedestal glyph in two oval cartouches in her headdress. The main text on the stela documents her name and titles which include batab and the kin-on-pedestal glyph. Batab was first identified by Heinrich Berlin ( 1958:1 14) and according to ethnohistoric sources, this title rneant chief (Roys 1967:188). According to Marcus ( 1992 b:25 1 ), Lady Calakmul at El Pen was the sister of Jaguar Paw, the current ruler of Calakmul who took office on April6, AD. 686. Bas& on the inscriptions we know that she is directly related to Jaguar Paw, but since the relationship glyph is unclear, it is diMcult to determlne whether she is his sister or his daughter. The Stela I inscriptions document Lady Calakmul at El Pem's birth, the event of her presentation of Cod K, her title as captor of a named prisoner, and document her accession to the throne (Miller 197453). As has ken noted, Classic period royal women are memoriaiized on monumental sculptures which include stelae. lintels, panels, tablets, aitars, and temple pyramids. These monuments, dedicated to these royal women, document both personal and historical information including descent, name, title, and events the ancient Maya considered socially, ritually, and poiitically important. The documen ted events lnclude bloodletting rituals, the vision quest to invoke ancestors, the display of Cod K ritual, accession ceremonies, heir designation ceremonies, the celebration of binhs, vtctory in warfare, the capture of prisoners, and mourning ceremonies. The sites documented in this thesis are only nine of the twenty-five sites researched by this au thor, but the rernaining sites document similar historical and personal information on royal Classic pendwomen. The sixteen remaining sites are Caracol, El Cayo, Uxul, Copan, Pechal, El Zapote, Aguateca, Seibal, Tres Mas, Coba, Dos Pilas, Xultun, Tulurn, La Mar, Cancuen, and Naachtun. The site, date, and monument data are summarized in Table 7 (Page 133) .
GENEALOGICAL DESCENT The two main models of genealogical descent presented by Mayanists are patriiîneal and dual descent. Schele and Freidel ( 1990:431) îdentiw Wiliiam Haviland as the main proponent of patrilineal descent for the ancient Maya. Haviland ( 1977) interprets the evidence from Tikal's hieroglyphic inscriptions, visual representations, and burial data as proof of patrilineal descen t and thus concludes that primogeniture was prac tic& by the Classic period Maya royalty at this particular site. This mode1 of genealogical descent is used by Haviland ( 1977) as evidence for succession to rulership solely frorn father to son. He concludes ( 1977, 1997) that the increasing poli tical cornplexity of Maya society in the Classic period resulted in the predominance of men portrayed in monumental art, more richly furnished burial tombs for men, and general male preeminence. Over the last wenty years Haviland's mode1 of patrilineal descent has ben used in interpretation and representation to exclude royal women from subjectivity. Royal Maya women have been represented as objects of exchange in marriage alliances ( Molloy and Rathje 1974:43 1), as subordinate to male dominance (Haviland 1997:9),and as dependent on their husbands and male Wn (Haviland 1997: IO), instead of as subjects of discourse and icons of power. U pon examination of the evidence and assumptions utilized by Haviland ( 1997), it may becorne clear as to whether his case for patrilineal descent for the ancient Maya royalty is strong. The first line of evidence is the predominance of men in monumental art. From this da ta Haviland ( 1997:9) assumes male preeminence, patrilocal residence, and that important power positions were restricted to men. Based on the corpus of monumental art studied to date his evidence is correct, although his assumptions are still only that, assumptions. An alternate explmation for fewer representations in the art of royal women at Tikal is linked to the visuai and written evidence document& at Tlkal and other Maya lowland sites (Maxwell 1995). During the Classic period, Maya çociety was experiencing rapid economic growth and prosperity dong with the development of a complex society chat had its beginnings in the Late Preclassic period. Tikal was the earliest center of political power and the first to have an emblem glyph and to erect a monumental stela, Stela 29 in A.D.292. By the end of the third century AD. Tikal was ruled by an outsider, Curl Nose, from Teotihuacan and rnany central highland Mexican elemen ts were introduced into Tikal's culture ( Weaver 1981 :285 ). The Teotihuacan elements most closely linked with changes in cultural beliefs and royal practices are the introduction of the manikin scepter as a symbol of royalty, the Tlaloc cuit, and the recording of Katun endings. In Teotihuacan iconography and theology female divinities were prominent. After the end of Curl Nose's rule at Tikal, his son Stormy Sky ruled until AD. 480 and continu4 his father's traditions. During this perioà of cultural and theological exchange between Teotihuacan and Tikal, a royal woman from Tikal is commernorated on a monumental stela at the site of El Zapote, located southeast of Tikal (Joyce l992:6). Stela 5, dated AD. 435 is the earliest known example of a royal wornan honoured on a stela and the first time a royal woman is depicted wearing a cerernonial costume consisting of a cape and skirt made of a jade.net design. According to Proskouriakoff ( 1993: 14). the jade-netted cape and skirt was assimilated by the lowland Maya from their cultural and economic contact with highland Mexican cultures, in particuîar, the Teotihuacanoes. The royal woman's ancestry documented on El Zap6te Stela 5 links her to the family of Stormy Sky at Tikal and to one of the founding lineages of Tikal, the Jaguar Baby (Proskouriakoff 1993:l.)). This royal woman from Tikal is the first of many to leave Tikal and take authority under the auspices of Tikal (Maxwell 1995: 16). Th.us, royal Maya women from Tikal are documented and honoured in monumental sculpture at other sites such as El Zapote, Naranjo, Bonampak, and Piedras Negras where their political role was to expand the power and influence of Tikal and consolidate this alliance by creating a new dynasty linked to Tikal's royal lineage. The second Une of evidence for Haviland's theory of patrilineal descent is the rise of a complex society. His assumption is that in complex societies men become more prominent than women and therefore descent must be patrilineal. As noted above, the complexity of Maya society as documented in the vtsual and written records inscribed on monumental art, indicate that this new era opened up political positions of authority to both royal Maya women and men. The next line of evidence used by Haviland to prove patrilineal descent Is the burial data from Tikal. He uses the data arid concludes that men's tombs were more richly furnished. As discussed earlier in this thesis, his archaeological data is questionable and certainly open for alternative interpretations. Also to be considered in the burial data is the probability that the most important royal women of Tikal were most likely buried, not at Tikal, but at the sites they consolidated, like El Zapote, Naranjo, and Piedras Negras. Havüand's final evidence for patrilineal descent is the parentage statement recorded on the nilet's commemorative stelae, lin tels, panels, or hieroglyphic staircases. His data (Haviland 1997: 2 ) suggests that as parents of rulers, mothers were mentioned less often than fathers and claims that only three women are recorded in parentage staternents. Illustrated on page 84 and 85 of this thesis are at least seven paren tage statements that include references to both mother and father. Haviland uses his data to assume patrilineal descent, male only succession to title and office from father to son. Patrick Culbert ( 1991:3 11-345) finds problematic the assumption that a new ruler is a direct descendent of hislher predecessor because there are examples at TWand at other Maya lowland sites where this process is not followed. An illustration of this at Tikal is Curl Nose's mle of Tikal until his death in AD. 378. He was an outsider from Teotihuacan and his hieroglyphic inscriptions con tained no parentage statements, because he was not a direct descendent of one of Tikal's royal lineages. His tight to rule came from his marriage to the daughter of the former ruler of Tikal (Culbert 1991). The ancient Maya used a line of hels (numbers) leading back to a ruling founder which they considered continuous even though sorne did not have direct descent Unes (Culbert 199 1). According to Culbert ( l99l:31 1-36),docurnented cases of royal wornen who ruled demonstrate that sons claimed ancestry through their mother's descent lines. To Ulustrate, Smoking Squirrel the son of Lady Six Sky of Tikal at Naranjo claimed descent from his mother and his materna1 grandfather. Other Mayanists, such as Proskouriakoff (1978, 1993),have studied the same moumental art and hieroglyphic inscriptions at Tikal and concluded that the evidence indicates that both royal Maya men and women had the right to rule. It is from Stela 26 at Tikal that she identifîed the three founding lineage glyphs: the jaguar baby, the masked Rgure holding an animal, and a Sun mask with a square of tied sticks (FIGURE 9) (Proskouriakoff 1393:37-49). Proskouriakoff (l993:37) surmises that wornen founded the firsi three lineages of royalty at Tikal and that women were originators of new dynasties right up to the beginning of the ninth century AD. Her first conclusion is based on the hieroglyphic inscriptions carved on Tikal Stela 26 which identify the three lineages with a feminine head glyph attached to the sign of Tikal without its usual prefixes (Proskouriakoff 1978,1993:37).The historical figure Is the Lady of Tikal (FIGURE 2). Her second conclusion is based on the identication of 'marriage alliances' throughout the Classic period (Moîioy and Rathje 1974; Marcus 1976, 1987). Her mode1 of genealogical descent indicates the importance of fernale descent in legitimate succession (Hammond1988:202). Philip C. Thompson (1982: 26 1-287) researc hed dynastic marriage and succession at Tikal and concluded that dual descent operated at this site. Proskouriakoff ( 1978) suggests that the three founding lineages at Tikal were matrilineal whereas Thompson outlines the possibility of two founding matrilineages and one pamineage from the same data. Subsequent to Haviland's work (1977),genealogical studies at a number of sites, includhg Tikal, indicate the importance of female descent in legitimate succession (Hammond 1988:202). The role of women in Classic Maya politics was a significant factor in dynastic succession, vertically within a site and laterally between sites ( Mathews 1986; Fox and Justeson 1986). Virginia Miller (1988) outlines that in the case of the Yucatan at the time of the Spanish conquest, descent was traced through both the male and female Une. Bishop Diego de Landa describecl the Mayan practice of namlng children by the last names of both their mother and their father (Tozzer 1941: 129). Both rnatrilineal and patrilineal descent were acknowledged in the naming of their c hildren. The sixteenth century ethnohistoric Ilterature about the ancient Maya and con temporary Maya ethnography suggest a system of dual descent (Marcus 1992b:lS). Cair Tourteîlot (1983:48) demonstrates that there is not overwhelming proof for patrilineal descent. This is supported by Richard R Wilk's (1988:139) research among the modern Kekchi Maya as well as a survey of the ethnographic and historical evidence whkh leaôs him to conclude that there is no clear unilineal descent. Likewise, R.L Roys ( l965:659-678) illustrates in his ethnographic study that descent in the Yucatan was traced through the female line as well as the male line. In an earlier study, Roys ( 1940) suggested a paraîle1 system of matrilineal and patrilineal descen t in the Yucatan. Funhermore Leslie Devereaux ( 1987:92) describes the modern Tzotzil Maya of Zinacantan as complementary in their gender Meology wherein ritual specialists are referred to as 'mother, father' tol il me' it. The mother was associated with notions of origin, whlle the father was associated with the notion of authority. In al1 cases of kinship naming, women are nmed as mother or daughter, but never as wife. Paren tage or Lineage Statements Ciassic period hieroglyphic inscriptions illuminate some of the characteristics of the descent patterns of Maya dynasties. The first charac teristic of dynastic descent patterns is the royal prac tice of lineage or paren tage statements. Unfortunately many paren tage statements are unreadable as a result of damage and weathering, nevertheless, the remaining legible lineage statements do illustrate the importance of particuîar kinship relationships in determinhg succession. The most cornmon references in the hieroglyphic inscriptions to the lineage of the niler are from both the mother and the father (Jones1984:22). In the case of the nier Stormy Sky of Tikal, he refers to both his father Curl Nose and his mother, the daughter of the former ruler of Tikal, Jaguar Paw. Stormy Sky's father Curl Nose was an outsider from Teotihuacan who married a royal woman from Tikal (Weaver 198 1: 285). He ascended to the throne of Tikal in AD. 378 commemorated on Stela 4 where he is depicted dressed as a Teotlhuacano and seated frontally, Mexican- fashion. He does not record parentage statements nor are his ancestors depicted in the sky frame of Stela 4 (Weaver 1981:286).Thus, Curl Nose's son Stormy Sky needeâ to record not only his mother and father parentage statement, but also his maternai grandfather as his ancestor to ensure hls right to rule at Tikal. His mother, the daughter of the former ruler of Tikal, Jaguar Paw, was a member of one of Tikal's ruling limages (Weaver 198 1:285-2 87). S tormy Sky's important descent line, in terms of his right to rule, was frorn his rnother's lineage, the Jaguar Pawfs. Although Curl Nose's ancestral lineage was not a factor in Stormy Sky's right to rule, It is apparent from Curl Nose's inclusion in the parentage statement that his success as ruler of Tikal was a significant factor. The Lady of Tikal, the first woman documented on a monumental stela at Tikal. documents her lineage from both her mother and her father. Her father, Kan Boar was the ruler of Tikal and her mother's name remains undeciphered. Lady Six Sky of Tikal left her home site of Tikai to marry into the royal family of Naranjo and to rule at thls site (Marcus 1992k2 19).Her parentage statement on Steia 4 documents her descent from her father, Lighming Sky, the former ruler of Tikal. Lady Six Sky's importance stretched beyond the borders of Naranjo as she is documented at the site of Coba on a cornmernorative monument, Stela 1, which has the same inltial long count date and event glyph as Naranjo Stela 21 which documents her accession to the throne of Nmjo(Proskouriakoff 1993:71-77).At the same time that she mled at Naranjo, her brother Ruler A held the throne at Tikal. Lady Six Sky of Tikal's brother, Ruler A or Caan Chac, recordeci his descent from both his mother and his father (Marcus 1976, 1983; Jones and Satterthwaite 1982). His rnother's name, ~ag* Seat, includes a jaguar cushion while his fathers name, Lightning Sky, includes a shield and a skuli. Caan Chac's paentage statement of his mother and his father were found on inciseâ bones placed in his tomb, Burial 1 16 (Harrisand Stems 1992:100). Hls wife, Lady Yellowbird was bom at the site of Petexbatun. They had a daughter, whose name is undeciphered and a son, Yaxchin Cam, or Ruler B. The daughter of Tikal Ruler A and Lady Yellowbird records her lineage on Stela 5 from both her mother and her father and these statements are documented in association with the three Tikal lineage glyphs identified by Proskouriakoff ( 1993:70) as the three original matrilineages at Tikal. Lady Six Sky's son, Smoking Squirrel, claimed descent from his mother in his parentage statements. As the new ruler of Naranjo, a site previously ruled by his mother, the royal daughter of Tikal's former ruler, Lightning Sky, it was imperative for Smoking Squirrel to document his descent from his mother's father, his materna1 grandfather, Lightning Sky. According to Weaver ( 198 1:282), Naranjo mentions Tikal 47 times in it's hieroglyphic inscriptions. For reasons unknown, Smoking Squirrel's father and his descent Une from Naranjo were not significant factors in his right to rule at Naranjo during the seventh cen tury AD.The importance of Tikal's royal lineage to the rule of Naranjo is also demonstrated by Smoking Squirrel's marriage to a royal woman from Tikal ( Hammond H88:2 18). Lady Six Sky's nephew, Yaxkin Caan or Ruler B took rulership of Tikal after his father Ruler A or Caan Chac's reign (Jones 198422). His lineage statement on Stela 5 and Lintel 3 in Temple IV documents his descen t from his mother Lady Yellow bird and his father Cam C hac or Ruler A of Tikal. In this royal family, Lady Six Sky's father, brother and brother's son successively ruled Tikal, while she and then her son ruled at Naranjo. Furthemore, royal marriage alliances provide dues to dynastic descent patterns. The alliance hypothesis (Molloy and Rathje 1974; Marcus 1987) demonstrates an association between intersite dynastic marriages and the extension of political and economic influence of the donor site and the takeover of the donor lineage at the recipien t site. After the rule of the royal woman who consolidated the smaller site, the nevt ruler, her son, claimed descent from his rnother and his mother's father (Hammond 1988:217). The royal son, in several documented cases, married a royal woman from his mother's home site. To illustrate, Smoking Squirrel, the son of Lady Six Sky of Tikal at Naranjo, married a royal woman from Tikal and documents his descent from his mother and his maternal grandfather. This intersite lateral dynastic succession is documented by the spread of the stela cult from Tikal to other Maya lowland sites commencing with the royal woman of Tikal at El Zapote in AD. 43 5 documented on Stela 5 (Proskouriakoff 1993:XVIII). The practice of erecting paired male and female stelalstelae has been interpreted as evidence of intermarriage between sites (Marcus 1987; Hammond l988:203;Schele and Freidel 1990:166- 167: Proskouriakoff 1993:XXN). An alternate argument can be made that not al1 examples of paired female/male monuments represent royal wives and husbands of marriage alliances, but instead represent the desired politcal and dynastic result of such alliances. Many examples of paired female/male monuments represent deceased royal female rulers and their sons, the current site nilers. This widespread monumental practice is evidence of the extension of powerful royal familles to create new dynastic and lineage affiliations at the recipient site. The evidence for this alternate interpretation is threefold. In examples where the hieroglyphic inscriptions are legible, these royal women are consistently identified as mothers, not wives (Joyce 199 1b: 12). Equally important is the fact that in the few cases where paired stelae are in good condition and total (as much as currently possible) deciphennent has been docurnented, the woman is documented as the former ruler of the site by her son, who is the male paireù figure. Thus mother and son are documented on paired stelae as originators of a new dynastic lineage wlth political, economic, and familial connections to the more powerful site. Two well documented examples are Lady Six Sky of Tikal and her son Smoking Squirrel at Naranjo (Marcus 1992 b; Proskouriakoff 1993) and Lady Batz' Ek' of Site Qat Caracol and her son Kan II at Caracol (Chase and Chase 19%: loi).Lady Batz' Ek' is described as the most important royal woman at Caracol because she is mentioned so often in the inscriptions at Caracol and Naranjo (Chase and Chase 1994:107). Thirdly, it is only after the arriva1 of a royal woman from a more powerful site that the recipient site begins to erect stelae for the first time. Finally, in al1 documented instances where a royal mother and her son are visually represented on paired stela, the mother wears the ceremonial jade.net costume associated with the legend of the First Mother and the Moon Goddess (Maxwell 1995:4-6, 9- 13). In each case, the royal mother wears a xoc Smndvlus belt as part of her ceremonial costume. This symbol has ben interpreted as a signifier of descent from the female lineage and royal women who are depicted wearing the jade-net costume have ken identified as progenitors of new lineages (Coe 1992:242).
Sumrnary Any type of unilineal descent is unlikely for the Classic period Maya. Their complex system of dynastic descent is revealed in known cases where it can be seen that the rîght to rule for a son comes sometimes from his mother and his father. sometimes from his mother and his maternal grandfather, and sometimes from his rnother and his paternal grandmother. The right to rule for a daughter comes sometimes from her father, sometimes from her rnother and her father, and sometimes from her mother and her matemal grandfather. In cases where an outsider is ruler, royal children daim descent from the parent and grandparent whose ancestors are members of the site royal lineage. In simple terms, the Maya documentation of royal ancestry through female as well as male descent lines suggests ambilineal descen t for Classic period Maya society.
THE VISUAL RECORD Introduction The Maya royalty of the Classic period employed public monumental art as a visual and written communication system which encoded the political and reiigious beliefs of the rulers to cast their political actions in a cosmic light (Ber10 l98W).The ruling class documented their secular and sacred authority (Hammond 1988:190). Art was the main vehicle for conveying their claim to dynastic authority through their divine ancestry from the gods/goddesses and of documenting the historical and commemoratfve events of their tives. It was also a unifleâ presen tation of Maya cosmological and historical information where word and image were conjoined to perform multiple modes of communication in which layers of meaning were embedded in parts of the whole (Hanks and Rice 1989). Stelae were rarely erected in isolation. They were s trategically placed in conjunc tion with altars and positioned in association with a temple-pyramid adorned with lintels, architectural sculpture, and sometimes wall panels, and hieroglyphic staircases. The communication of these messages began after the death of a niler in the form of the burial tomb placed within a temple reconstruction, stelae and altars erected to cornmernorate his/her death and funerary rites and in some cases tomb wall murals. Most often, the significance of the message was within the context. Specifically, the media used by these royal women and men have transcended time and space in both vertical and horizontal planes. The ancient Maya ruler was successful in presenting himself/herself as divine to the ancient Maya populations and to future generations of the Maya who reportedly made offerings to their divine ancestors at the ancient ruins in the 15th century. Likewise, many early Eumpean adventurers and early Mayanists, who looked upon these larger than life monumental stelae, in terpreted these historical figures as gods. Since John L Stephens (1841) nota observation that the stela figures represen ted an ancient people, the accepteci interpretation was that the stelae depicted ancient gods. These interpretations were deconstructeû by Proskouriakoffs' ( 1960, 1963, 1964) hieroglyphic research at Piedras Negras and Yaxchilan which proveâ that these depictions represented histoncal figures. It was also Proskouriakoff s ( 1961) research of the hieroglyphic inscriptions and the art of the stela that lead to the knowledge that royal women were ah commemorated in the official pubîic art. The Officia1 Public Art The Classic period witnessed the golden age of Maya art and architecture and a royal system of sacred and secular power manifested in the stela cult, the iconography of rulership, hieroglyphic writing, and ancestor worship. Although regional and site variations exist in the canon of official public art, the political and religious symbols, the ceremonial costumes. the formal conventions, themes, and events were standardlzed in this time period. Beginning at Tikal with the erection of Stela 29, A.D. 292 in the Early Classic period, the spread of the stela cult depicting rulers in official acts and of a shared art style throughout the Maya lowlands over the next six hundred years is evidence of the existence of a pan-Mayan identity with shared ideology, rituals, and institutions (Culbert 1991:333; Proskouriakoff 1993:XVII). It is possible to view the spread of monuments as evidence of the kinds of politicai choices made by the ancient Maya rulers in responding to increasing populations and the need for political change.
Chronology According to Wiîiey and Mathews ( 1985: lis),the stela cult began at Tikal circa AD. 300 and then among sites within a 30 kilometer radius of Tikal including Yaxha, Bejucal, El Zapote, La Sufricaya, Uolantun, Uaxactun, and Xultun as well as three sites, Polol, Balokbal, and El Peru at a 60 kilometer radius. Uaxactun erected its flrst stela, Stela 9 in A.D. 328. The site of El Zapote commences stela erection in A. D. 378 with the first example of a series of paired male/female stelae. The first woman known to be documented on a stela occurs at El Zapote, a site that used Tikal's emblem glyph (Willey and Mathewsi 985:17 5 ). Equally significant is the fact that El Zapote Stela 5. dated A.D. 435, depicts an unidentified royal man on the front and a royal woman from Tikal on the back who documents her ancestry from Stormy Sky, ruler of Tikal, and from one of Tikal's founding lineages. This royal woman is the first, of many royal women, to be depicted in official public art attired in the ceremonial jade-net costurne (Proskouriakoff 1993: 14). These changes occur at the same time as influence from Teotihuacan is evident from the first appearance in AD. 378 of Tlaloc imagery on stelae in the Maya lowlands (Schele and Miller 1986:28). Kubler (1962:37) and others (Pasztory 1974,1976; Furst 1974) propose that Tlaloc. figured in the Tepantitla mur& of Teotihuacan, 1s actuaily a goddess, rather than a god. Miller (1988:VIII) demonstrates the evidence firmly establishes the existence of an important cult to a female deity at Teotihuacan. Stela 26 at Tikal records the life events of the Lady of Tikal and her death in A.D. 5 30. Daughter of Kan Boar, the former ruler of Tikal. she is the ffrst woman to be documented on a stela at Tikal and she is depicted wearing the ceremonial jade-net costume (FIGURE 2). Prior to the death of the Lady of Tikal, the eariiest record of Maya warfare is depicted on Lintel 12 at Piedras Negras. Four kneeling captives are represented with their hands bound ( Proskouriakoff 1993: 29). Almost immediately after her death new sites begin to erect monuments for the first time, including Copan and Quirigua in the southeast, Piedras Negras and Yavchilan on the Usumacinta River in the West, Caraco1 in the southeast, and Naachtun and Calakmul to the north (Willey and Mathews 1985:175). It is interesting to note that al1 known Maya histories that deal with more than a single reign and al1 temples constructed after this period begin their historical accounts with the date of the Iady of Tikal's death. Culbert ( 1991:323) theorizes that it is difficult to understand the history of Tikal without the knowledge of how sites that shared Tikal's emblem in terac ted. A partial understanding of Maya lowland interactions has been elucidated by examining the movement of royal women between sites. El Zapote, El Peru, Naranjo, Dos Pilas, and Uolantun displayed Tikal's emblem glyph. This standardized tradition of royal public officia1 art continues until the end of the Classic period when the final stela was erected In AD. 909 at Tonina in highland Chiapas (Hammond 1988: 110). Maya royalty with political authority were represented in officia1 public art as divine links with the cosmos and as personally engaged in the rituals that rnaintained the ancient Maya world view. Jimenez-Moreno ( 1968) explains that a profound cultural rupture occurs at the end of the Classic period in which new ideological, political and religious systems were fonned hom the traditions of the preceding era.
Costume And Regda According to Bruhns (1988), Classic period costumes and regalia are visual dues to the social, political, and religious systems of the ancient Maya. The role of the person depicted and the meaning of this vlsual representation is embedded in the costumes, the regdia, the context of the material, the component elements of the thernes, the format, and the location. Janet Catherine Berlo ( 1983) theorizes that the costume and regalia cany standardized encoded messages that still communicate across the centuries. Hammond ( 1988: 185) suggests that patterns in costume and regalia may reflect the Maya construction of gender and class. In terms of gender and class construction in Classic period monumental art, there are many similarities in the costume accoutrements and regalia as well as the idealized and standardized royal portrait. Likewise, women and men wear elaborate headdresses composed of thirty elements attached to one of eleven headdress bases (Tate 199250). Both royal women and men Wear layers of cloth garments, sandals, elaborate belts with attached plaques or masks, jade bead collars, wristlets and anklets, zoomorphic personifleci backracks and inciseci pectorals. Furthermore. the double-headed serpent bar, the shield, spears, ritual staffs, the God K scepter, and the personifled flint are held by both royal women and men in monumental art. As well as these examples of regalia, members of both genders Wear symbols of rulership in their headdresses and costumes. These include the triadic symbol, the Cod K mask, the quincum, the PD or mat design, the quadrepartite badge, the Mexican year sign, Tlaloc, and personified deity heads (Maxwell 1994h7). Royal women and men had the right to display similar symbols, regalia, and accoutrements, conveying an ancient Maya system of royalty defined more by royal status than gender (Munn 1966). On cornmernorative stelae royal men and women are depicted as the centrai figure. Both women and men are associateci with the sarne secondary figures on some of these steiae. To illustrate, both male and female personages are sometimes accompanied by a dwarf in full proflle who stands beside them. According to Robert Laughlin (1977:76-77, 179. 330-331, 3370338)~dwarfs were the people of a previous creation who lived in the underworld. The inclusion of the dwarf in the lower register of the stela symbolizes the royal, sacred and mythological connection with the underworld and a time before the present creation. Equally important are the visual representations of royal women and men standing upon the bodies of bound, naked captives in the lower register of the stela (Marcus 1974:86-87). The abject state of the horizontal captive in the crampeâ space of the lower register is in complete contrast to the image of the royal woman or man standing in full glory in a vertical position. The contrastive features of royal costume versus nakedness, vertical central position versus horizontal lower position, and the unbound versus the bound demonstrate that royal status and power could be lost through unsuccessful warfare campaigns (Marcus 1974:86-87). In simpler terms, the dwarf communicates the sacred role of the royal person while the prisoner signais secular power. The de-emphasis of gender differentiation in the iconographic canon suggests that royal status transcendeci gender and was ascribed to both women and men of royal families (Maxwell 1994b:20). However, there are some accoutrements, symbols and regalia that are almost always specifically associated with women. Unlike the attributes associated with men, royal women are associated with iconographic elements that emphasize water symbolism. These water motifs were embedded In their elaborate feathered headdresses, their costumes, and incorporated into the xoc S~ondylusshell pendant. At Calakmul the most cornmon water motifs are 'the fish nibbling water lilies', snails, shells, and the xoc (Marcus 1987:149). Another motif association speclfic to women is the holding of a ceramic bowl filled with ceremonial paraphernalia (Joyce 19925). There are two types of objects : bloodletting tools and flint and shield icons. There are rnarked differences and also some similarities in female and male costumes. Men Wear three different costumes in monumental art: the maxtli or loincloth alone or with a hipcloth, vests of quilted Cotton or mantles, and occasionally the jade.net Mt. Likewise, wornen Wear three types of costumes in monumental art: the hui~ilor long robe, the sarong, and the jadenet auechauemitl or cape and skirt.
The Hui~il The hui~ilis a long elaborately woven garment worn over a long underskirt. This garment was made from long strips of cloth woven on a backstap loom (Schele and Miller 1986:67). The material was sewn together along the outer edges leaving openings for the arms. During the weaving process an opening was formed for the head. According to Joyce (1992:3)these formal costumes were worn by royal women depicted on lintels at the site of Yaxchilan, on the Bonampak rnurals, and on Stone stelae at the sites of Piedras Negras and Bonampak. These woven garments are coded with symbols and glyphs (Taylor 19895 15). The hubils from Yaxchilan have overall repeated symbols and some isolated motifs, whereas hui~llsat Bonampak and Piedras Negras have isolated motifs. An example of the isolated motif on a hui~ilis worn by Lady Shellfist-Quincunx on a wall panel from the site of El Cayo (FIGURE 10).Quadrifoil shapes with crossbands and double scrolls are woven in isolated motifs. The bottom of the hui~ilis banded with a double border adorned with T-shapes, mat symbols, and stepped-frets. Most of the hui~ilsworn by royal women at Yaxchilan have diagonal rows of diamond-shaped interconnected motifs (Untels 5, 17,24, 26, 32, 38, 40,41,43, 55) (Joyce1991~7). Morris (1985: 317,322) identifies the diamond as a symbol of the cosmos. To illustrate, Lady Xoc of Yaxchilan wears a hui~ilwoven in an overall motif ( FIGURE 6). Her costume is woven in a complex diamond pattern with a skyband and fringe as an outer border. Other hul~ilmotifs include zoomorphic toads (Lintel 26, Yauc hilan), Tlaloc (Stela 2, Bonampak), and a stepped ou the enclosing a cross while spirais extend Crom the center (Stela 14, Piedras Negras).
The Sarong The sarong is a less formal garment made of a single piece of cloth wrapped around a woman's body and tied in front of the chest. In the monumental sequence the sarong is presently known only on a female captive from Stela 99 at the site of Tonina (Taylor 1 989: 5 1 6) and on the deceased Lady Zac Kuk on the Palenque Tablet of the Slaves (Bruhns 1988:8). In Tepeu ceramics, the Moon Lady of the Underworld wears a variety of garments including the sarong (Taylor 1989520).The sarong, as an undergarment, is worn by Lady Ahpo-Hel of Palenque under her jade.net costume (FIGURE 8). Lady Ahpo-Hel is deceased in this scene that takes place in the Underworld. Indeed, al1 three examples in monumental art suggest that the sarong signifies the deceased status of these royal women.
The Jade-Net Costume There are three types of female jade-net costumes: the cape and skirt, the collar and skirt over a sarong, and the hui~il. Proskouriakoff ( 196 1) originally identified the jade-net as a female costume based on associated female names and titles in the glyphs. The cape and skirt form of the jade-net costume is worn by the majority of the royal wornen deptcted on stela. Exquisitely constructed of interconnected jade beads and tubes, the cape is composed of diamond-shaped patterns simllar to the designs on hui~ilsat the site of Yaxchilan. The cape is edged with a continuous line of jade beads and evenly spaced paired jade tubes (FIGURE 8). The skirt is below knee length and is adorned with the same diamond-shaped pattern as the cape. This diamond-shaped pattern formed from drilled jade beads and tubes has corne to be known as the jade.net design. The green drilled jade beads assembled in a diamond pattern symbolize the sacred and divine status of the royal women who Wear this costume. Both the diamond syrnbol and the drilled beads were considered sacred symbols of the Maya cosmos. The First Mother's costume made of ddled beads is green in colour as is the center of the Maya cosmos. The skin is fastened by a jade belt with vertical elements characteristic of Maya ceremonial dress in most representations. This belt is embellished at the front with a zoomorphic personifcation head ornament known to Mayanists as the xoc S~ondylusshell pendant (Bruhns 1988; Taylor 1989; Joyce 1991a, 1991b and 1992). The xoc or shark glyph and the Smndvlus shell pendant belt are associated only with the beaded jade garments on monumental stelae, wall panels, and lintels. The xoc S~ondvlus pendant identifies the wearer as the progenitor of a new lineage and has been interpreted as a symbol of descent from the female lineage (Coe 1992:212). The shape of the shell is the same as the glyph identified as T.23,which is found inscribed within the shell pendant. The T.23 glyph, na, translates into first lady or accession house which also identifies these royal women as progenitors of new lineages. The -.uoc Swndvlus shell was scraped to colour it red, symbolic of blood and sacrifice. The royal woman is symbolically represented as the First Lady or Blood Lady, just like the Mmn Goddess in the legend of the First Mother. The jade.net costume is worn primarily by royal women in the monumental canon and by the Moon Goddess on Classic period polychrome pottery. These royal women display themselves in the guise of the Moon Goddess when they Wear the jade-net costume. The jade-net skirt and collar over a sarong is a rare variant worn by Lady AhpHel in two of her representations. The jade.net hui~ilis depicted only once in the monumental canon by the Calakmul woman at El Pem on the Cleveland stela (FIGURE 11 ). She wears a jade-net hui~il,a collar and the xoc Soondvlus shell pendant belt (Miller 1974:15 1). The bead netting has been sewn onto a hui~ilwhich is bloused up over the xoc Smndvlus shell pendant belt and is trimmed along the side sleeve seams with sky band patterns (Bruhns 1988: 125). The jade.net cape has been replaced by a jade collar with a jade-net design of beads and tubes adorned by three anthropomorphic ma&.
The Moon Goâdess and the JadeNet Costume On Classic period ceramics the jadenet costume is worn by the Moon Goddess and manbers of her supernaturd family (Taylor 1989:5 2 1). The Postclassic Maya docurnen t, the Poool Vuh, associates fertility and blood with the Moon Goddess (Tedlock 1985). In this ancient Maya legend the Moon Goâdess Is named Blood Wornan, the progenitor female. Her name is Xauic, which is usually translated as 'Blood Woman', but there is linguistic evidence that suggests it also means 'MoonWoman' (Tedlock l98W 28). Supportive evidence for this association of fenility, blood, birth, and the divine with the Moon Goddess is provided in two early studies that conclude that the Moon Goddess is the female deity of procreation, the personifkation of the moon, and the goddess of weaving (se,Thompson l939:168,1972). Thus, the evidence suggests that the jade-net costume and the xoc Smndylus shell pendant identify these representations as the progenitor female in the guise of the Moon Goddess (Maxwell 1995). This progenitor female is also known as the First Mother.
The First Mother and the Jade-Net Costume The most cornplete ancient documentation of the legend of the First Mother is located at the ancient site of Palenque. Unique in its construction, the Principal Complex, known as the Palace, houses the low relief wail panels which narrate the legend of the First Mother. According to Schele and Freidel ( lWO:2-M-2 5 3), the legend is also inscribed in four other temples at Palenque: the Temple of the Inscriptions, the Temple of the Cross, the Temple of the Sun and the Temple of the Foliated Cross. Schele and Freidel(1990:244-254) have translated the legend of the First Mother who was born on December 7, in the year of 3,121 B.C., a time before the present Maya creation. In ancient Maya belief the present creation of their world began in the year 3,114B.C. At the age of 761, the First Mother, in the guise of the Moon Goddess, gave birth over thirteen days to the Palenque triad of gods, known to archaeologists as GI, C11, and GIII (FIGURE 12). According to the legend, the First Mother crowned herself as the first ahau (ruler) on August 13,2305 B.C. at the age of 8 15. Documenteci as the Creatrix and first ruler in the Maya cosmos, she taught the people how to maintain social order, to offer their blood to nourish life, and to converse with their ancestors in the Otherworld. According to Carolyn Tate ( 19%: 141 ), the First Mother provided a mode1 for human behaviour, through her ritual actions, when she crowneà herself as the first niler. In the guise of the Moon Goddess, she was the first to hold and display Goci K (FIGURE4), to Wear the royal crown representeci as the jester God K headband (FIGURE 5), and to perform the bloodletting rite (FIGURE 6). After a twenty year interval, known as the katun, since her accession to the throne, the First Mother manifested a divinity (cornmunicateà with a god/goddess) through the Vision Rite on February 17,2,325 Bec, (FIGURE 1 3 ). The mode1 of sacreâ and secular mlership for ancient royalty in visual represen tations was set: the dlsplay of Cod K, the Rite of Accession and presentation of the crown, the Bloodletting Rite, and the Vision Rite twenty years after accession. As recorded in the Palenque panels, the transmission of the divine right to rule came from the First Mother and in the jade.net costume the rulers at Palenque claimed their descent From GdK and the divine First Mother. Lord Pacal, ruler of Palenque from A.D. 61 5-683 (Weaver 1981:3 16),claimed his divine right to rule from his mother, Lady Zac Kuk, as described on the Palace Tablet in the Temple of the Inscriptions (FIGURE 14).This sculpted panel has a text of 640 glyphs which tell the mythological story of the First Mother and in a parallel position in the text, the historical account of Lady Zac Kuk who, as Fim Mother, passes on the divine right to rule to her son Pacal. The right side of the Palace Tablet narrates the legend of the First Mother while the left side of the wall panel identifies Lady Zac Kuk as both the First Mother and the Moon Goddess replicating the original actions of the First Mother. The inscriptions present evidence for a lineage of divinity from the First Mother to Lady Zac Kuk to Lord Pacal. In terms of Uneage and descent, it appears that the female line was critical to the legitimate daim to the throne at Palenque. Classic period monumental stelae and wail panels depict royal women wearing the jade.net costume. At Palenque, the Ovaî Palace Tablet, situated in the center wall of House E facing West into the tower court, depicts a figura1 scene representing the transference of royal power from Lady Zac Kuk to Lord Pacal (FIGURE 7). Kubler ( 1969:26) identifies House E, also known as the Temple Olividado, as the most ancient of the Palace Cornplex Royal accession rituals are exquisitely carved in low relief on oval panels which narrate the legend of the First Mother. House E has accession symbols, in the northern doorway chamber, the same as later stelae at Piedras Negras. There are stairs that lead up to the northem doorway charnber from the sou thern subterranean chamber presenting the 'ascensional' idea on Piedras Negras stelae. Over the vault of the stairs are bicephalic sky canopies. This architectonic sky frame links the three planes of the Maya cosmos: the underworld, the middle world (earth) and heaven (sky) (Freidel1992:133).Comrnissioned by Lord Pacal, House E contains a throne and the portrayal of his accession on the Oval Palace Tablet, a rellef depiting Lady Zac Kuk handing him the crown of rulership. The doorways embellished with sky symbols are like portais connecting House E to the spiritual world (Freidel 1992:122). In this sacred space. the house of rulership, House E is the physical center of the Maya cosmos and of the ritual of accession at Palenque (Kubler 1969:26). Freidel ( 1992: 116) interprets this Maya ideology as shamanic because the Maya ruler is represented as king capable of passing between this world and the supernatural one and is able to invoke and communicate with the spirits, the ancestors, and the gods/goddesses. Thus, shamanistic power, represented by the Vision Quest and the Bloodletting Rite which faciiîtates the practitioners communication with the Otherword, has been connected to rulership. From an early colonial manusript, The Book Of Chilam Balam Of Churnavel, we discover that the Maya had a conceptual division of the world into quadrants based on the four directions. In this Chumayel document the colour green is associated with the center of the Maya world ( Bassie-Sweet 199 1: 2 3). Cosmologically, royal wornen represented as the First Mother are the embodiment of the center of the Maya world when they Wear the jade-net costume (Maxwell 19%: 16). The narrative of Lady Zac Kuk is the most complete documentation of royal women who guise themselves as the moon goddess in the jade-net costume as the First Mother. Based on available documentation, the following table forms a substantial list of royal women in the jade-net costume. TABLE 7 THE JADE-NET COSTUME AND THE FIRST MOTHER: A PRELIMINARY LIST Date And Place Distribution
SITE DATE MONUMENT( S) REFERENCE El Zapote A.D. 43 5 Stela 5 Proskouriakoff ( 1993:14) Tikal AD. 530 Stela 25 Proskouriakoff ( l993:30-3 1 ) Tulum A.D. 534 Stela 1 Proskouriakoff ( 1993:36) Caraco1 A.D. 580 Stela 1 Proskouriakoff ( 1993:39) A.D. 620 Stela 3 Chase and Chase (1992:W Uxul A.D. 623 Stela 2 Marcus (1987:lZO) A.D. 657 Stela 12 Marcus (1987: 120) Calakrnul AD. 642 Stela 28 Marcus ( 1987:1 50) AD. 662 Stela 9 Marcus (1987:157) A.D. 652 Stela 88 Marcus (1987:161) AD. 702 Stela 23 Marcus (1987:84) A.D. 73 1 Stela 54 Marcus ( 1987:87) El Peru A.D. 692 Stela 1 Marcus ( 1387:167) Palenque A.D. 65 2 Oval Palace Schele & Miller ( 1986: 1 14) Tablet A.D. 672 Tablet Pier D Freidel, Schele & Parker ( 1993:274) A.D. 705 Palenque Freidel, Schele & Parker Tablet (1993:279) AD. 721 PalaceTablet Basie-Sweet (l991:165) Altar de A.D.660 Stelal Proskouriakoff (199355) Sacrificios AD. 680 Stela 16 Proskouriakoff ( 1993:SS) A.D. 711 Stela 7 Proskouriakoff ( 19935 5) A.D. 730 Stela 17 Proskouriakoff ( 1 W3:83 ) Coba A.D. 682 Stela 4 Proskouriakoff (1993232) Naran jo A.D. 702 Stela 24 Proskouriakoff (1993:72) A.D. 712 S tela 3 1 Proskouriakoff Stela 29 (1993:75-76) A.D. 713 Stela 3 Schele & Freidel ( 1990: 193) Copan A.D. 736 Stela H Proskouriakoff ( 1993:127) Xultun A.D. 750 Stela 23 Proskouriakoff ( 1993:99) AD. 750 Stela 24 Proskouriakoff ( 1993:99) A.D. 750 Stela 25 Proskouriakoff ( 199399) Tres Islas A.D. 780 Stela 2 Proskouriakoff ( 1993:15) Cancuen AD. 790 Stela 1 Proskouriakoff ( l993:l?î) Headdresses And The Jade.Net Costume The Maya headdress is constructed on frames made from the bark of the great alamo tree Ficus colinifdia (Roys 1367:93). The main sign of these headdresses was a zoomorphic head usually without a lower jaw. Thus, the royal person's head appears to be emerging from the mouth of the zoomorph (Schele and Miller 198658).This zoomorphic image relates to the wearer in connection to the god/goddess displayed. This main zoomorph has multiple zoomorphic heads on top of one another, similar to the crests of the North West Coast groups such as the Haida. If these multiple zoomorphs are crests, it may be possible to uncover lineage information. These royal headdresses were ornate and weighty, like the jade-net costume, but embodied lightness and movement in the green quetzal feathers usually arrangeci in a triad composition. The quetzal feathers, jade, and S~ondvlusshells used in the construction of the Maya headdress are considered symbols of rulership and exotic trade goods (Demarest 199250). The headdress worn with the jade-net costume has a quadripartite zoomorph or badge consisting of a bowl marked with the Sun glyph surmounted by a cut shell square-noseci serpent head, and crossed bands (Bruhns l988:12). One variation of the quadripartite badge is the square-nosed serpent relaced by a stingray spine. An illustration of this variation is found on Lady Zac Kuk's headdress depicted on Lord Pacal's sarcophagus in the Temple of the Inscriptions and again on a waîl panel in the Temple of the Cross at Palenque. The quadripartite badge has ken interpreted as a representation of the world tree in a condenseci fom and is worn by both royal women and men (Schele and Miller 1386; Bruhns 1988:12; Joyce 1931 b: 13-14). On mainly monumental stelae, women also display the quadripartite badge on their backracks (Taylor1989 :5 18).The quadripartite badge, a symbol of the world tree in condensed form has been analyzed as a sacrificial motif related to bloodletting (Schele 1979; Stuart 1988). As the most cornmon of headdress symbols, the quadripartite badge is made up of the TlOOO glyph which is also part of the glyph for the Mmn Goddess. The TlOOO glyph is the anthropomotphic version of the First Mother and signals the legend of the First Mother in condensed form. Al1 the women in this study who Wear the jade- net costume are titled with the TlOOO glyph: k'in (day),ch'ul (divine blood), fi ( first lady, flrst house, accession house). Thus, they are identified as the First Mother. Another badge worn in the headdresses of royal Maya women is the triadic sign with a fish nibbling a water lily, a spiral serpent and a leaf or fire drill or crossed bands, a shell and a leaf (Kubler 1969:33). This triadic badge is fully describeci in the inscriptions and imagery at Palenque in the legend of the First Mother and is cornposed of the three gods, GI, GII, GII, birthed over 13 days by the First Mother in the guise of the Moon Goddess. This image suggests that the Palenque triad of gods were ancestral to al1 Maya rulers and thus a central image in Maya lconography (Schele and Freidel 1990:413-414).The triadic badge is found in royal Maya costume. on double-headed animal elements, and where the undenvorld and the middleworld meet (Kubler 1969:3 3). It is also associateci with a skeletal long-nosed zoomorph bearing the kin sign in the forehead. The three themes related to the triadic badge are the underworld signaled by the aquatic theme of the water lily on which a fish nibbles, the insignia of rulership (Proskouriakoff 1960:454-474), and with death ( the triad badge with a cimi or death sign instead of the crossed bands). For example, the aquatic theme is represented in the headdress of a royal woman from Tikal depicted on Stela 9 and Lin tel 2 in Temple 11 by an imposing triadic badge conjoined with the water My, as does a woman from Yaxchilan on Lintel 14,and a Palenque woman on Pier C of House A (hoskouriakoff 1950: 192). Spinden ( 1969;10) identifies the triadic badge as the other most common headdress symbol w hich slgnals the ancestor status of the royal woman. Similarily, the triadic badge's association to the three gods birthed by the First Mother signifies the legend in condensed forrn. Other badges worn by women in the jade.net costume include a snail, a bone, elements of the serpent bar, two TlOOO glyphs, the Jester God K, the Mexican year sign, the katun sign, the skeletal serpent, and the monkey skull. To illustrate, a royal woman from Calakmul attired in the jade-net costume wears a headdress with the combination of badges: the water Iily, the Swndvlus shell, the mail, and the bone (Stela 9). A royal woman from Calakmul at El Peru wears the two TlOOO glyphs as a badge in her headdress (Stela 1). Lady Six Sky at Naranjo wears the Mexican year sign badge in her headdress (Stela 24). Furthet, Lady AhpHel from Palenque (Palenque Tablet) and two royal women from Xultun (Stela 24, Stela 25) Wear the quadripartite badge in their headdresses. Al1 in all, the main badges embedded in headdresses worn by royal women in the jade-net costume represent their symbolic ernergence from the gods/goddesses (triadic sign) and frorn the axis mundi or world tree (quadripartite sign) as the First Mother in the guise of the Moon Goddess. The adjunc t badges symbolically represen t t hese royal women as 'blocxi lady', as lineage founders, displaying God K and symbols of rulership. The badges these women display represent the same themes of the legend of the First Mother: lineage, divine descent, fertiliw, birth, rebirth, bloodletting, and the vision quest.
The Ceremonial Hui~iland Headdress Badges The katun badge, embedded in the headdress of a royal woman from Piedras Negras (Stela 1) is worn with an elaborate hui~il.This royal woman is the principal subject of discourse and it may be of interest to note that in the colonial period the female head of a religious order of women in the Yucatan was called Ix Nacan Katun (Proskouriakoff 1961:83). Lady Xoc of Yaxchilan (Lintel 24) wears an elaborate hui~iland has a God C badge on her headdress. The contextual associations of the GdC badge are in bloodletting activities, in the sky, related to ancestors, in the vision rite, and always with royalty (Tate 199250).Also in association with the ceremonid hui~ilis the skeletal serpent/monkey skull badge (Yaxchilan, Lintel 25) and GI badge (Yaxchilan, Lintell). It is interesting to note that CI'S headdress is the quadripartite monster which is a symbol of the world tree and is associateci with bloodletting (Schele and Freidel1990:414). As has been noted, the headdresses of royal women wearing ceremonial hui~iishave badges that signiw sacred and perhaps shamanic roles for these women who perform the Vision Quest and the Bloodletting Rite, display Cod K and are associated throug h sym bol, accoutrements and headdress badges with lineage, divine descent, fertility, blrth, and rebirth. Proskouriakoff ( 196 1:8 1, 9 1 ) determined that royal women in the Peten wore the jade-net costume in contrast to women in the Usurnacinta region who Wear the ceremonial hui~il.Her study demonstrated that bath the Peten jade-net costume and the Usumacinta ceremonial huipil were used by royal women at the site of Palenque. It may be possible that these two female costumes may be a regional variation of the sarne symbolic canon.
Summary The iconic images on stelae and the narrative images on wall panels and lintels communicate visually the legend of the First Mother. The iconic images represent the condensation of the legend into a single moment in time and space. These representations of royal women signify the importance of these women in Maya society and the esteem and respect that theirsociety held for these women. Maya monurnental art articulates the important social, poli tical, and rit ual involvemen t these women had in their society. CHAPTER FOUR RE-VISION
Introduction In a re-vision of the representations of royal Maya women, it is eviden t to this writer that both royal Maya women and men are represented in ancient monumental art, in the hieroglyphic inscriptions, and in the complex tomb burials fllled with elaborate grave goods. When depicted solely on steiae, lintels, or wall panels, these women and the events of their lives are the primary subjects of discourse as was the case for royal men when they are figured solely on monumental art. The archaeological, written, and visual evidence ernbodies the political, ritual, and social roles of these ancient royal Maya women.
Archaeological Re-Vision Archaeologists determine the importance of a deceased individual from the context of a burial, from the elaborateness of the type of constniction, and from the quality and quantity of grave gooâs. This archaeological evidence tells us about the status of the interred personnage and also about how the death of a paricular individual may have influenced the reorganization of political, social, and ritual relations arnong surviving royalty. For the ancient Maya, ancestor worship was very important. Communication with deceased ancestors was achieved by bloodletting and the vision quest performed by these royal women. To illustrate, Lady Six Sky Lightning of Yaxchilan (Lintel 38, Structure 16) is documented bloodletting and perforrning a vision quest. The archaeological evidence for women bloodletting are stingray spines and obsidian or flint lancets found in their burials. The hieroglyphic inscriptions tell us that Lady Xoc and Lord Shleld Jaguar of Yaxchilan are the deceased ancestors invoked by Lady Six Sky Ughtning in the vision quest documented on Lintel 38, Structure 16, Yaxchilan. The bloodlettlng and vision quest rituals performed by royal Maya women were sharnanic and supernatural in nature, opening a portal of sacred communlcation with deceaseâ ancestors and divine communication with the goddesses/gods in the undenuorld. The death of an important Maya woman from Altar de Sacrificios (Buriai 128) resulted in the reinforcement and negotiation of roles among the royalty of Tikal, Yaxchilan, and Altar de Sacrificios. Her high political status is documented by one of the richest burials filled with elaborate grave goods placed within a memorial reconstruction of Temple-Pyramid IIIk In conjunction with her funerary ceremony, a young woman was sacriflced In her honour. This great Mayan royal woman held power that had influence over the political, social, and ritual relations between Altar de Sacrificios, Tikal, and Yaxc hi1an as evidenced through her elaborate funerary ceremony and the funerary rituals perforrned by the six royal dlgnitaries who journeyed to Altar de Sacrificlos. The archaeological evidence presented in this thesis documents the earliest corbel vaulted tomb at Tikal as that of a royal Maya woman who was mernorialized by the construction of an entire temple-pyramid over her grave (Burial MG). Royal Maya women from Tikal ail had constructions butlt over their graves, the same as the 'identifled' male rulers at Tikal. In addition, royal Maya women had the single richest buriais at Altar de Sacrificios, Caracol, Pacbitun, Seibal, and Santa Rita Corozol. Equally important, fernale and male burials are comparably furnished and constmcted in the core zones at rnost of the sites in this study.
A Re-Vision of the Written and Visual Evidence Approximately 100 years after the first appearance of the practice of erecting stelae at Tikal, the earliest known example of a wornan on a stela occurs at El Zapote, a site close to Tikal. This royal woman, born at Tikal into the ruling lineage of Lord Stormy Sky and linked through the inscriptions to one of the founding lineages of Tikal, is the first documented royal woman to leave her birth site and take external authority under the auspices of Tikal (Stela 5, El Zapote, AD. 435). The Lady from Tikal at El Zapote is depicted in formal pose wearing the ceremonial costume of the Rrst Mother. On the opposite side of the stela a royal Lord is depicted. This is the first e.xample of a female/male pairing on opposite sides of a single stela. Her political role involved the expansion of Tlkal's power and influence w hile her sacred role as First Mother was to maintain social order, to offer her blood to nourish life, to converse with the ancestors, to originate a new dynasty, and to give birth to a divine heir (Tate 1992:141 ). Her success in these sacred and secular roles resulted in the consolidation of this alliance between El Zapote and Tikal. During this new era of expansion and growth, new political positions of authority opened up to royal women. The Lady of Tikal is the first woman at Tikal to be visually represented in the monumental canon (Tikai Stela 26, kD.530). She wears the cerernonial jadenet costume, which signals her status as the First Mother. Her stela is paired with Stela 25, the first documented example of two separate stelae paired with the same dedicatory date. The hieroglyphic inscriptions on Stela 26 document her designation as kir to the throne at six years of age and her death in A.D. 530. The common in terpre tation for female/male pairing on single or separate stelae is that the pairing documents marriage alliances where the royal woman from a more powerful site marries a royal man from a less powerful site. The royal women and men depicted on pair4 stelae are interpreted as wives and husbands. Supported by the lines of evidence, it appears that an alternate interpretation is required. On the basis of the four most well documented examples of paired female/male figures, two on stelae and two on wall panels, 1 will present the evidence. In fact, the translated hieroglyphic inscriptions document the relationship between the paired women and men to be that of mother and son in al1 cases. These paired historical figures are Lady Slx Sky from Tikal at Naranjo with her son Lord Smoking Squirrel, Lady ka'Ek' from Site Qat Caraco1 and her son Lord Kan II, Lady Zac Kuk at Palenque with her son Lord Pacal, and Lady Ahpo-Hel at Palenque with her son Chan-Bahlum. Relationship phrases in the hieroglyphic inscriptions iden ti@ royal women as divine mothers (Joyce 1991: 12). Other relationship glyphs identiw royal Maya women as daugh ter, sister, granddaugh ter, and grandmother. These women are not identifled as wife. The decipherments reveal standardized information recorded on the stelae of the royal women paired with their sons. The written record documents name, titles, paren tage statemen ts, their rulership, bloodletting, the vision quest, the display of GdK, the birth of a divine heir, and sometirnes warfare engagement and the capture of a royal prisoner (Naranjo Stela 24). Equally important, it is the royal Maya woman's arriva1 that initiates stelae erection for the first time at the satellite sites. The stela cult spread in association with the movement of powerful royal women in political alliances during the rise of Maya statehood. It is during this period of tirne that 60% of al1 stelae were erected in the Maya lowlands. The parentage statements of these royal wornen document their royal descent from both their mother and their father. Further, the next heir to the throne at the satellite site is the royal woman's son. His birth is documented in the hieroglyphic inscriptions on her stelae. The son documents his descent and limage from his mother and either his materna1 grandfather or grandmother. There is no mention of the biological father in the son's parentage statements. Moreover, the hieroglyphic inscriptions document the death of each of the royal women and their transfer of rulership to their sons in the deciphered examples of paired stelae. These stelae are memorial monuments erected by sons to honour their deceased mothers. The sons document the secular and sacred history of their mothers. In al1 cases, the dedicatory date of the paired stelae is the same date as the death of the royal mother. The fact that these women are deceased 1s also supporteci by death symbols in the visual imagery: the drooping serpent (Tulum Stela 23, Xultun Stela 23, 24, 29,the serpent bar (Caraco1 Stela 3, Uxul Stela 2, 12, Caîakmul Stela 9, 28, Altar de Sacrificios Stela 1, 7, 16, 17, Coba Stela 4, Naranjo Stela 3 1, Tres Islas Stela 2, and Cancuen Stela 1), the serpent staff (El Peru Stela I), a water register (Palenque, Palenque Tablet), the water lily (Calakrnul Stela 9, 54, Palenque, Oval Palace Tablet), and a crucfform aperture (Tres Islas Stela 2). Proskouriakoff (19935)demonstrates that stelae depicting the serpent bar signal posthumous erection of stelae. These royal sons honour their mothers through the erection of memorial stelae. temple- pyramid reconstructions, and the performance of funerary ceremonies. It is true that in al1 documenteci instances of motherhon pairing, the mother wears the ceremonial jade.net costume with the -xoc Swndvlus pendant on a jade belt. This costume is associated with the legend of the First Mother and the Moon Goddess. These women are the incarnation of the Moon Goddess and the First Mother. They are documented in the written and visual record as having replicated the sacred and secular actions of the Moon Goddess. They originate new dynasties, rule, display Cod K, bloodlet, perform the vision quest, and birth a 'godaor divine heir. This thesis documents 3 1 examples of motherhon pairing in the Maya lowlands. Of these 90.33% Wear the cape and skirt version, 6.45% Wear the collar and skirt version over a sarong, and 3.22% Wear the huioil version (Maxwell 1995:31-32). The jade belt with the -mc Swndvlus pendant is worn by 96.78% of the royal women while 3.22% Wear a variant with astronornical signs (Maxwell 1995:3 1-32). The xoc Srmndvlus pendant Mentifies the wearer as the progenitor of a new lineage and has been interpreted as a symbol of descent from the female lineage (Coe 1992:242). In addition. ail 3 1 royal women in this study are depicted displaying Cod K: 25 -80% in zoomorphic form, 6.45% in anthropomorphic form, 3.23% in full-bodied form as a scepter, 51.81% as a serpent bar and 9.68% in the glyphs (Maxwell 1995:3 1- 32). Cod K signifies the status of these deceased women as sacred and divine ancestors. These cultural representations of royal Maya women as the First Mother in the ceremonial jade.net costume displaying God K are depicted on al1 the stelae of women in the Peten, whereas only 12.90% are on wall panels (Maxwell 1WS:32). Al1 wall panel depictions of women as the First Mother are found at the site of Palenque. Feminist postmodern theory encourages scholars to use the active voice in scholarly writing. Feminist postmodernism calls for women to disrupt, interrupt, and deconstruct male discourse and language. Through the process of writing the author transforms herself, and through the process of reading, the reader brings herlhis know ing , experience, i-mage, and thus, the process of transformation becomes a cycle - from author to reader to author. lncluded here is a fictional letter which may have been sent to Lightning Sky, the ruler of Tikal, from his daughter Lady Six Sky who took power at Naranjo through a politicai alliance. Although there is no evidence that this communlcation took place between daughter and father, we do know that the facts in this fabricated letter are document& on her Stone stelae at Naranjo. The use of the active voice of Lady Six Sky of Tikal allows for the examination of the political alliance between Tikal and Naranjo from a royal Maya wornan's point of view. In addition, th& letter places emphasis on text as a social construct.
A Letter From Lady Six Sky A letter delivereà to Lord Llghtning Sky of Tikal by a Sky Dynasty warrior retuming from Naranjo.
TO: The Great Ahau of Tikal, Lord Lightning Sky FROM: The Ahau of Naranjo, Lady Six Sky of the Sky Dynasty of Tikal
Dearest Fa ther, This letter brings good news. My journey from Tikal to Naranjo has ken a success. Over the long journey under my miiitary direction, the Sky Dynasty warriors successfully defeated aii minor uprisings with the lords of rebellious cities. Through peace councils 1 was able to gain allegiance with several minor lords who were keen to gain poîitical and economic advantages through alliance wi th Tikal. These lords have pleàged thelr allegiance both to me and to you, my great father. The second piece of good news is my miiitw victory over the western lands and the capture of Lord Kinich Cab. 1 have the sworn and signed allegiance of the western lands to Naranjo and Tikal and have sacrificecl Lord Kinich Cab to demonstrate the consequence of political deflance. My warriors have fought bravely and triumphantly. This victory will strengthen the political and economic power of Naranjo and thus, strengthen our dynasty's political and economic power in the new Mayan state. Tikal and Naranjo will prosper through my victories and political allegiances in the western lands. My third, and not the least message to you father is that 1 must now keep the sacred tzolkin carefully, as 1 am now pregnant. Soon there wiil be a future heir to the throne of Naranjo. As First Mother and mler of Naranjo, 1 will begin a new dynasty to cernent lineage ties between Tikal and Naranjo. 1 will send word again after the birth of your grandchild. Respect and Love Your Daughter, Lady Six Sky of Tikal, Ahau of Naranjo
The in terpretive and critical framework of this theore tical position insists upon clarity in deflning assumptions, theory, what is evidence and what is interpretation, and the active voice of the interpreter and in this thesis the active voice of royal Maya women in the Classic period. The letter from Lady Six Sky can be defined as revealing both evidence and interpretation along with the active voice of this interpreter and Lady Six Sky of Tikal. This letter combines narration, theory, analysis, evidence, interpretation, and places emphasis on the active voice of the prehistoric woman and the active voice of the writer to define the text as a social construct. This letter and this thesis, as social constructs, are a response to the problem of how and if ancient royal Maya women get represented in the archaeological canon. Feminist theory provides an explanatory mode1 for the interpretation and critique of canonical representations. This thesis confront the ways in which aspects of past archaeological representations of royal Maya women and subject matters of the past are defined and re-deflned in relation to the present. It is an attempt to illuminate the interna1 contradictions in seemingly coherent systems of thought and examine the same events from differen t pints of vlew. This frarnework consists of theory, critique, and revision.
Critique This thesis has attempted to critique narrow and restrictive in terpretations of royal Maya women (Molloy and Rathje l974:131 - 444; Haviland 1997: 1- 12). Their reductionist perspectives maintain the invisibility of royal women and rnarginalize the sacred and secular roles women held in ancient Maya society. Other scholars render Maya women invisible by writing entire scholarly books about the Maya with little or no mention at al1 of royal women and their roles in Maya society (Fash 1991 ). They present a picture of a male-only society. Feminst theory calls for a critique of the inconsistencies between the evidence and androcentric interpretations and leads to questioning why the same conclusions are not reached for wornen as they are for men. These dissimilar interpretations based on the same evidence and data are discrepant constructions which reflec t the gendered cultural assumptions and biases of the particular archaeologists. These androcentric representations present the roles of royal Maya women as subordhate to men's roles and as peripheral to the social and political events of Maya society. Guarded by the 'gatekeepers' who control what gets published in modern scholarly journals and publications, these representations form the corpus of the contemporary arc haeological canon. Alternate interpretations are literally subordinated and made invisible as are the women scholars through systemic barriers in production, publication, and citation embedded within a larger social and political context. This process of controlled knowledge is as serious a problem as the lack of content of representations of ancient Maya women in scholarly publications. Similarily, as in Fash ( 199 1 ), there is a centrality of essen tial assumptions, categories, theories, and practices that direct attention away from gender. These 'canonical' texts are historically selected to enforce and legitimate the status quo. These practices inhibit the free expression of alternate models. Claims of neutrality and objectivity notwithstanding, the subjectivity of the thinker/writer as a gendered human king must be considered in al1 interpretations. To illustrate, the separation of evidence from interpretation demonstrates that Haviland's ( 1997) abstract, article, and conclusions are heavy in interpretation and hght in evidence. His bias in data selection, his minor errors in evidence, his assumptions, sexist language, exclusions, and his inconsistencies between evidence and interpretation deflnes his work as exclusionary and, in fact, prej udicial. By interpreting and narrating only some (male), but not al1 (fernale), fragments of the past he uses, perhaps unconsciously, his point of view to appropriate royal Maya women's power in the past and to control women scholars in Mayan archaeology In the present. These distortions of the evidence and attacks on alternate interpretations result in the marginalization of women in the past and in the present.
Summary The archaeological, written, and visual evidence of Classic period royal Maya women cornmunicates an equality between women and men of royal status. The ancient Maya honoured royal women as they did royal men, with elaborate burials and funerary ceremonies, through the erection of monumental stelae, Untels, and wall panels as memorials, and through the construction or reconstruction of temple-pyramids over their tombs. The importance of these royal Maya women to ancient Maya society is demonstrated by the labour and expense needed for the creation of the mon urnen ts, cos turnes, regalia, and for the construction of funerary temple-pyrarnids and funerary reconstructions. These labour and raw material intensive activities must have had a great impact on trade and econornics. As secular and sacred heads of state, these women were important historically and politicaily in the expansion of the state through political and military alliances and the initiation of new dynasties at satellite sites. As sacred and social leaders, these royal Maya women were the divine representation of the First Mother enacting the social and sacred rituals to maintain order in a rapidly changing time period of expansion and social unrest. Ancient Mayan cultural representations of royal women in monumental art during the Classic period reinforced their secular and sacreci power, confirmed their dynastic relationship to historical and mythological ancestors and their divine status as the First Mother. The most important Mayan cultural representation of royal women In the Classic period 1s that of the First Mother, in the guise of the Moon Goddess. This represen tation is posthumous and sugges ts that the status of complete divinity was not achieved until the royal woman became a divine ancestor. These royal Maya women were worshipped as divine incarnations of rhe Moon Goddess and played an important role as subjects of discourse, icons of power, producers of meaning, and definers of the ancient Maya world view. CHAPTER FIVE CONCLUSIONS
Inroduc tion My conclusions are that ancient Maya women are marginalized and made invisible in the archaeological canon as are women SC holars of Maya archaeology, that there was gender equality among Maya royalty during the Classic period, that descent was ambilineal, that the roles of royal women were both secular and sacred, and that depictions of royal women in the jade-net costume signal status as the First Mother and as divine ancestor.
Women Marginalized Ancient royal Maya women are marginalized and made invisible by reductionist perspectives (Molloy and Rathje 1W4:341œ 444: Haviland 1397:1-1 2). Some schoîars render Maya women invisible by writing entire scholarly books about the Maya with little or no mention of women and their roles in Maya society (Fash 199 1). These scholars present the view of a makcentered ancient Maya civilization. Feminist analyses provide a framework to critique.these constructions of Maya prehistory which reflect the gendered biases and assumptions of the particular archaeologists. These modern day cultural representations of ancient Maya royal women form the corpus of the contemporary archaeological canon which is guarded by the 'gatekeepers' who control what gets published. Women scholars and their alternate interpretations are literally subordinated and made invisible through systemic barriers in production, publication, and citation. There is a centrality of essen tial assurnptions. theortes, practices and categories that direct attention away from gender (women).These 'canonical' texts enforce and legitimate the status quo, as does Haviland ( 1997: 10) when he specificaily marginalizes the Maya gender research of Joyce ( 1992). These practices inhibi t the expression of alternate interpretations and the discourse of gender.
Gender Equality The social discourse of burial data from the Classic period of ancient Maya society articulates an equality of gender relations in terms of tomb construction, context, and the quaiity and quantity of grave fumiture. The hieroglyphic inscriptions document similar political, historical, and ritual information concerning the important events of the lives of both royal women and men who are the primary subjec ts of discourse. The visud represen tatioris presen t royal women and men as divine icons of power. As has ken noted, the ancien t Maya reveal gender equality in their parallel cultural representations of royal women and men in their burial practices, their monumental art and in their hieroglyphic inscriptions: the formal poses of persons depicted on stelae, lintels, and wall panels, the temple-pyramid associations, the elaborate tomb burials and grave gooàs in templepyramids, the hieroglyphic inscriptions documenting accession, titles, names and dynastlc geneaologies. the symbols of power, and the elaborate accoutrements of royalty.
Descen t The lines of evidence including the hieroglyphic inscriptions, Maya documents, and ethnographie studies indicate that ambilineal or dual descent is the most Hkely type of descent practiced by the Classic period Maya. Based on deciphered parentage statements, mos t royal Maya cldm descent from both their mother's and father's lineage. Speciflcally, the Lady of Tikal, the daughter of Ruler A and Lady Yellowbird of Tikal, Stormy Sky of Tikal, Ruler A of Tikal, and Ruler B of Tikal al1 claim royal descent from both parents as documen ted in their parentage statements inscribed on their stelae. Others, such as Lord Smoking Squlrrel of Naranjo, Ruler 2 of Piedras Negras, and Lord Pacal and Lady Zac Kuk of Palenque claim descent from only their mother's lineage. Whlle others, such as Lady Kanal Ikal of Palenque and Lady Six Sky of Tikal at Naranjo, claim descent from rheir father's lineage. It is clear that the importance of female descent in legitimate succession vertically within a site and laterally between sites is documented in parentage statements as is the importance of male descent. Parentage or lineage statements support ambi lineal descen t.
The Roles of Royal Maya Wornen The roles of royal Maya women were both secular and sacred in the Classic period. The royal women documented in this thesb let blaod and performed the vision quest to communicate with divine ancestors, spirits, and goddesses/gods in the underworld. These sacred and ritualistic roles were shamanic in the context of crossing between the underworld (Xibah) and the middleworld (earth). The secular roles of these 3 1 Classic period royal Maya women include warfare, political and military alliances, the capture of prisoners, and accession to the throne (Lady Kanal Ikal and Lady Zac Kuk of Palenque, Lady Six Sky of Tikal at Naranjo, Lady Batz' Ek' of Caracol, the Lady of Burial 128 at Altar de Sacrificios, the Lady of Burial 77 at Tikal, Lady Calakmul at El Peru, Lady Rabbit at Bonampak, and possibly the Lady from Tikal at El Zapote and the Lady of Tikal). The lines of evidence presented in this study suggest that women, who are titled with the Mn-on-pedestal glyph (First Lady) and Wear the ceremonial jadenet costume, are most likely rulers in their own right. This author concludes that the First Lady title parallels the First Lord (ahau) title used to deslgnate male rulers by Mayanists. Similarily, royal Maya women and men display parallel regalia, symbols, and accoutrements and are both assoclated visually with the sacred (dwarfs) and the secular (prisoners).
Status as First Mother and Divine Ancestor The monumental stelae, wall panels and lintels in this study were erected posthumously in al1 3 1 documented examples of royal Maya women attired in the ceremonial jade-net costume. These royal Maya women, as divine ancestors, were culturally represented as the First Mother in the guise of the Moon Goddess. As in the legend of the First Mother, the ritual and sacred roles of bloodletting and the vision quest are shamanic because these ritualistic activities document the passing of these royal Maya women between this world and the supernatural one to invoke and communicate with ancestors, spirits and goddesses/gods.
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mers Gender or Class Advantages Race analyt icai Down cri tia ue.
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Television and Media 8 LIST OF FIGURES
FIGURE 1 Female Glyphs FIGURE 2 The Woman of Tikal FIGURE 3 Maya Paren tage S tatemen ts FIGURE1 TheFirstMotherintheGuiseoftheMoonGoddess FIGURE 5 The Jester God K Headband FIGURE G Lady Xoc Performing the Bloodletting Rite FIGURE 7 The Oval Palace Tablet FIGURE 8 Lady Ahpo Hel in the Underworld FIGURE 9 The Original Three Lineages of Tikal FIGURE 10 The Isolated Motif on a Huipil FIGURE 11 The Jade.Net Hui~il FIGURE 12 The Palenque Triad of Gods FIGURE 13 The Vision Quest Performed by Lady Xoc of Yaxchilan FIGURE 14 Lord Pacal's Divine Right to Rule From his Mother, Lady Zac Kuk FE3lALE GLYPHS
Esny 6 TATIANA PROSKOURlAMOFF
Fm. 1. Clyplis referring to clic wuinan dcpicccd on Stcloe 1 and J nt Pialras Negras. ~r:I'roiii Srclo 1. b: b'roiii Steh 3. c: Froiii slicîls EounJ in Llurid 5.
Hatched Oval
b
A Strand of Hair
Figure 1: Proskouriakoff 196 l:83. 89. THE WOhIAN OF TIML
The Woman of Tikal is the second wornan to appear in Maya monumental art. Depicted on Stela 25, Tikal and dated ca. kD. 530. she is the daughter of the ruler Lord Kan bar. Figure 1: Hammond 1988:209. MAYA PARENTXGE STATENENTS
The text of Yoxchilan Hiero~l~phicShimmy 3, Step IV-trcod, which records the parentage of Shield Jaguar I of ~~cklan,
Shield child Lody Lady of child 4 K'ahin He of Bird Yax Chakte Jaguar l of Pacal Yaxchilon of Ahau 6 Tuns Jaguar E.G. motiier father
In parentage statements the mother is usually named fint. The typical pattern begins with the names/titles of the child, followed by a child-of-mother glyph, the names/titles of the rnother, a child-of- father glyph, and the names/titles of the father. Figure 3: Harris and Stearns l992:6O. THE 31OON GODDESS FIRST DISPLAYED GOD K
!O Mol 4 Oaktuns
5 caiabtuns
me Moon Goddess
bisolay or Goa K
(and ihen) 9 Anau
~inad nappened Giii
Goddess of and lhen was !he Nurnbef 2 me anniversary
his blûûd
The First Mother in the guise of the Moon Goddess recorded on the Temple 14 limestone panel, AD. 705. Figure 4: Schele and Miller 1986:273. FIGURE 5 THE ROYAL CROWX: THE [ESTER GOD K HWBAND
The Jester Cod is named for the resernblance of his tri-pointed forehead to the cap of medieval jesten. This naming has no significance in ancient Maya ideology. Figure 5: Schele and Miller 1986:s3. FIGL'RE b THE BLOODLETTING RITE
%
Lady Xoc of Yairchilan pulls a thom-lined rope through her tongue. She wears a diamond pattern huidl. Lintel 21, Yaxchilan, AD. 725. Figure O: Schele and Miller 1986:187. THE OVXL PALACE TABLET
Lady lac Kuk as First Mother presents her son Lord Pacal with the Cod K royal crown. Lady Zac Kuk is deceased and in the undemorld. Figure 7:Schele and Miller 1986: 114. Oval Palace Tablet. Palenque AD.Gj2. L4DY .\HP0 HEL IN THE UNDERWORLD
water register I l",
Both deceased, Lady Ahpo Hel welcomes her son Lord Chan-Bahlum to the watery underworld. Palenque Tablet, AD. 705. Figure 8: Schele and Miller 1986:272. FIGCRE 7 THE THREE ORlGlNAL LINEAGES AT TIKAL
Jaguar Babv (TIK Sc 26, LU)
sun mut. (nKSC 26, dg)
Figure 9: Proskouriakoff 1993:3 8. Tikal Stela 26. The ISOUTED MOTIF ON .A HL'IPIL
Lady Shell-Fist Quincunx is wearing a huioil wlth an isolated motif. Figure 10: Schele and Miller 1986:86, Plate 1, El Cayo. THE IADE-NET HL'IPIL
Figure 1 1: Miller 1974: 15 1. The Cleveland Stela, El Peru, AD. 692. Figure 17 THE PMENQUE TRIAD OF GODS
GIII The Palenque Triad
The Palenque Triad of Gods were born to the First Mother, the Moon Goddess. Figure 12: Schele and Freidel 1990:413. FIGURE 13 THE VISION OUEST PERFORMED BY LADY XOC OF YAXCHILAN
Lady Xoc of Yaxchilan performs the vision quest by manifesting a vision serpent with her ancestor emerging from its jaws. Figure 13: Schele and Miller 1986: 199. Lintel 25, Yaxchiian AD. 725. FIGURE 14 LORD PACAL'S DMNE RIGHT TO RULE FROM HIS MOTHER MYZAC KUK
The Palace Tablet documents Lord Pacal's right to rule from his mother, Lady Zac Kuk and his grandmother Lady Kanal Ikal. Figure 11: BassieSweet 199 1: 165. The Palace Tablet, Palenque IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (QA-3)
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