Hamilton Fish Armstrong

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Hamilton Fish Armstrong october 1932 Versailles: Retrospect Hamilton Fish Armstrong Volume 11 • Number 1 The contents of Foreign Affairs are copyrighted.©1932 Council on Foreign Relations, Inc. All rights reserved. Reproduction and distribution of this material is permitted only with the express written consent of Foreign Affairs. Visit www.foreignaffairs.com/permissions for more information. VERSAILLES: RETROSPECT By Hamilton Fish Armstrong or "We may perceive plenty of wrong turns taken at the cross roads, time misused wasted, gold taken for dross and dross for gold, manful effort misdirected, facts misread, men no a misjudged. And yet those who have felt life stage-play, but hard campaign with some lost battles, may still resist all spirit of general insurgence in the evening of their day. The world's black catastrophe in your new age is hardly a proved and shining vic over ? tory the principles and policies of the age before it." Morley: "Recollections." was torn IN THE hundred years before 1914 Europe by the wars one which gave people after another varying degrees of was one liberty and union. In its origins the Great War of that series. It seemed like the last, for it threw practically the whole Continent into the melting pot, snapped old bonds of servitude from the Baltic to the ^.gean, ended in the complete victory of the side which as a had proclaimed self-determination guiding principle, was a men and followed by conference in which high-minded an armed with impartial and thorough documentation exercised influence unparalleled in the history of peace making. All the elements seemed to be at hand for a final decision based on ab stract justice. Unfortunately they were not so clear-cut and above was a contention that the only thing needed decision by ordinarily or even an honest men, honest decision by supermen. Old inva wars sions, and colonizations had pushed peoples this way and that, squeezed them across mountain ranges and rivers into lands races occupied by other and tribes, here mingling their blood, new there dividing fields and villages between them, opening up streams of commerce and culture and old cease damming ones, Thus lessly modifying, rearranging, mixing. along every proposed were frontier ethnic, historical and economic rights in conflict. The first mistake made by critics of the peace treaties, then, is to a say that their territorial provisions represented compromise between clear and clear In most cases right wrong. the choice which the had before them was not between and delegates ? right but wrong, between right and right the right of the victor and the of the were not right vanquished. On the whole, when rights in to on conflict, the Conference tried base its decisions high prin were ciples; when rights in conflict it usually favored the victors. These notes, it should promptly be explained, will not try to even a view of the whole but will give birdseye ? peace settlement, merely survey one part the part in which there has been little Council on Foreign Relations is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve, and extend access to Foreign Affairs ® www.jstor.org 174 FOREIGN AFFAIRS or no the frontiers. In other the treaties have revision, particulars already been revised, drastically and often, notably in the sec war con tions regarding reparation, the trial of criminals, military trol and the occupation of German territory.1 It was Stresemann who won most of these victories for Germany. Had he lived to pur sue his program of piecemeal revision he doubtless would have turned next to a discussion of arms as of the ? equality part general question of disarmament and would very likely have been suc cessful. He even have found a of once for all might " way dealing ? a with Article 231? the "war guilt clause continuing psycho barrier to true Franco-German It was logical any rapprochement. Stresemann's that he saw the value to of genius Germany accept as so ing the Versailles Treaty the fundamental law of Europe, to that, strengthened by having accepted it, he might proceed de was error mand revision of palpably unjust provisions. It his that never a he educated the German people to realization of the bene fits actually secured for Germany by cooperation with France. was no And after his death there sufficiently weighty body of to German opinion force the continuation of his policy. That it had lapsed, the Anschluss fiasco of March 1931 gave definite proof. Stresemann would never have sanctioned that dangerous and ob saw was viously futile gesture. He clearly something which hidden from his Count Bethlen. Bethlen said of the Hungarian colleague, " " Treaty of the Trianon, and endlessly repeated, Nem, nem, sohal to ?"No, no, never!" He rejected it in toto. The degree which the Treaty of Versailles has been modified, while the Treaty of the Trianon remains unaltered, is a measure of how far each states man was right. at were not The delegates Paris handicapped merely by the on disarray the ethnic chessboard, but also in another way fre met quently forgotten. The Peace Conference formally for the on new first time January 18, 1919. The states of Europe had come into existence long before that, and their governments and were armies already exercising effective control within frontiers on. much the same as those officially delimited later This is not true of one most controversial part of the final settlement: the Peace Conference awarded the Corridor to Poland deliberately. as start But with this notable exception the Conference took its ing point the lines of demarcation determined locally when 1 not Interpretations of the Treaty have also been revised. Thus Mr. Lloyd George only did not hang the Kaiser, but came around to being sorry he could not hang M. Poincar?. VERSAILLES: RETROSPECT 175 hostilities ceased. The Conference did make a number of frontier rectifications, and in several debatable regions, for example insisted on Schleswig, Upper Silesia and the Klagenfurt basin, into plebiscites. But orders for sweeping alterations of the pattern autumn which Europe had fallen in the of 1918 would have had to be backed force. That was out of the even on up? by ? question, the assumption far from accepted that sweeping alterations were or were desirable would be just. Victors and vanquished alike exhausted and alike knew that communism, already entrenched in several centers, would be the only beneficiary of any such folly as renewed hostilities. In almost no cases were alterations feas on a ible scale which would have markedly changed the present or discontent and geography of Europe mitigated the fundamental desire for revision which have prevailed among the defeated peoples. of the To understand the powerful moral and material position events new states we only need try to disentangle the military war which closed the from the developments which had brought a the various national movements to head and gained them the were support of the Allied world. So closely they connected that we are at a to as cause effect. loss what put down and what On September 15,1918, the Allies (with the Serbian army bear which ing the brunt) launched the offensive in Macedonia two the crumpled up the Bulgarian front and in weeks forced to Bulgarian army capitulate (September 29). Almost simultane ously (September 18) Allenby started rolling up the Turkish front in Palestine. The collapse of Bulgaria and Turkey ushered war on western in the final phase of the the front, where the in German lines had been rocking since Haig's attack early August. On October 3 Hindenburg informed the new Chancellor, Prince Max of Baden, that the military situation was desperate, and the next day the Chancellor sent his first note to President an was not Wilson asking for armistice. But Germany yet ready to recognize defeat, and military operations and negotiations continued simultaneously. The Allies broke in turn the "Sieg fried" and "Hindenburg" lines. On October 27 Austria-Hungary accepted President Wilson's conditions of Jugoslav and Czecho same slovak independence and asked for pourparlers; that date the line on the Piave was broken and on November 3 Austria an Hungary signed armistice with Italy. The Emperor Carl's last-minute offers of with the of races over compromise congeries so went which his family had ruled long almost unnoticed in their 176 FOREIGN AFFAIRS rush to their own national standards. On November 7 the German Armistice Commission left for the Allied lines, on November 9 the Kaiser abdicated, and on November 11 hostilities ceased on the western front. The next day the Emperor Carl abdicated. was over. more two were to The fighting But than months In elapse before the Peace Conference could begin its labors. the states to con interval the new-born and aggrandized hastened were solidate their positions. Those positions already very strong, due to the deliberate leaders in and ? policy adopted by England France once President Wilson had relieved them of ? partially the weight of the Treaty of London of encouraging the subject to assert and for their peoples of the Central Empires fight of the national rights. For illustration take the transformation Czech and Slovak people into the Czechoslovak Republic. The national revival of the Czechs, like that of the Poles and but took on the Jugoslavs, began early in the nineteenth century, new momentum after '48 in view of the refusal of the Austrians and Magyars to solve the nationality problem of Austria-Hun a From the start of gary in spirit of federalism and equal rights. the war the Czechs and Slovaks showed their feelings by passive secret resistance, by wholesale desertions, and by organizations making ready for the day of open action.
Recommended publications
  • UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
    UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title A Soldier at Heart: The Life of Smedley Butler, 1881-1940 Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6gn7b51j Author Myers, Eric Dennis Publication Date 2012 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles A Soldier at Heart: The Life of Smedley Butler, 1881 - 1940 A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History by Eric Dennis Myers 2013 ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION A Soldier at Heart: The Life of Smedley Butler, 1881 - 1940 by Eric Dennis Myers Doctor of Philosophy in History University of California, Los Angeles, 2013 Professor Joan Waugh, Chair The dissertation is a historical biography of Smedley Darlington Butler (1881-1940), a decorated soldier and critic of war profiteering during the 1930s. A two-time Congressional Medal of Honor winner and son of a powerful congressman, Butler was one of the most prominent military figures of his era. He witnessed firsthand the American expansionism of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, participating in all of the major conflicts and most of the minor ones. Following his retirement in 1931, Butler became an outspoken critic of American intervention, arguing in speeches and writings against war profiteering and the injustices of expansionism. His critiques represented a wide swath of public opinion at the time – the majority of Americans supported anti-interventionist policies through 1939. Yet unlike other members of the movement, Butler based his theories not on abstract principles, but on experiences culled from decades of soldiering: the terrors and wasted resources of the battlefield, ! ""! ! the use of the American military to bolster corrupt foreign governments, and the influence of powerful, domestic moneyed interests.
    [Show full text]
  • Annual Report
    COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS ANNUAL REPORT July 1,1998 - June 30,1999 Main Office Washington Office The Harold Pratt House 1779 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. 58 East 68th Street, New York, NY 10021 Washington, DC 20036 Tel. (212) 434-9400; Fax (212) 861-•1789 TTele . (202) 518-3400; Fax (202) 986-2984 Website www.cfr.org E-mail communications@cfr. org Officers and Directors, 1999–2000 Officers Directors Term Expiring 2004 Peter G. Peterson Term Expiring 2000 John Deutch Chairman of the Board Jessica P.Einhorn Carla A. Hills Maurice R. Greenberg Louis V. Gerstner Jr. Robert D. Hormats* Vice Chairman Maurice R. Greenberg William J. McDonough* Leslie H. Gelb Theodore C. Sorensen President George J. Mitchell George Soros* Michael P.Peters Warren B. Rudman Senior Vice President, Chief Operating Term Expiring 2001 Leslie H. Gelb Officer, and National Director ex officio Lee Cullum Paula J. Dobriansky Vice President, Washington Program Mario L. Baeza Honorary Officers David Kellogg Thomas R. Donahue and Directors Emeriti Vice President, Corporate Affairs, Richard C. Holbrooke Douglas Dillon and Publisher Peter G. Peterson† Caryl P.Haskins Lawrence J. Korb Robert B. Zoellick Charles McC. Mathias Jr. Vice President, Studies David Rockefeller Term Expiring 2002 Elise Carlson Lewis Honorary Chairman Vice President, Membership Paul A. Allaire and Fellowship Affairs Robert A. Scalapino Roone Arledge Abraham F. Lowenthal Cyrus R.Vance John E. Bryson Vice President Glenn E. Watts Kenneth W. Dam Anne R. Luzzatto Vice President, Meetings Frank Savage Janice L. Murray Laura D’Andrea Tyson Vice President and Treasurer Term Expiring 2003 Judith Gustafson Secretary Peggy Dulany Martin S.
    [Show full text]
  • 8216;The Council Has Been Your Creation
    Journal of American Studies, (), , – Printed in the United Kingdom # Cambridge University Press ‘‘The Council has been your Creation’’: Hamilton Fish Armstrong, Paradigm of the American Foreign Policy Establishment? PRISCILLA ROBERTS He was born in in the New York brownstone house near Washington Square where he lived all his adult life, a member of Edith Wharton’s settled, circumscribed world of ordered privilege whose affluent, well-travelled, and sophisticated men and women traced their lineage back to the Founding Fathers and their principles to the American Revolution. His father was an artist who served as Consul General to Italy, and Armstrong was brought up in a milieu which took for granted " the fact that there existed a world outside the United States. He died in , as the United States finally withdrew from the Vietnam War, a conflict which deeply distressed him and shattered the foreign policy elite and its controlling consensus, whose creation had been a major part of his life’s work. In an obituary notice Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., described him as ‘‘a New York gentleman of a vanishing school,’’ who ‘‘treated every one, old or young, famous or unknown, with the same generous # courtesy and concern.’’ The career of Hamilton Fish Armstrong, a founder and mainstay of the Council on Foreign Relations and of its influential journal Foreign Affairs, which he edited for fifty years, for all but six serving as its most senior editor, spanned the development, apogee, and disintegration of the Priscilla Roberts teaches in the Department of History, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong.
    [Show full text]
  • Public Service, International Affairs and Rockefeller Philanthropy: Papers of Raymond Fosdick
    Public Service, International Affairs and Rockefeller Philanthropy: Papers of Raymond Fosdick PUBLIC SERVICE, INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS AND ROCKEFELLER PHILANTHROPY The Papers of Raymond Blaine Fosdick (1883-1972) from the Seeley G. Mudd Manuscript Library, Princeton University Contents listing PUBLISHER'S NOTE TECHNICAL NOTE NOTE ON CITATION CONTENTS OF REELS INDEX TO SERIALIZED CORRESPONDENCE Public Service, International Affairs and Rockefeller Philanthropy: Papers of Raymond Fosdick Publisher's Note “The Papers of Raymond B Fosdick (1883-1972) are an invaluable resource for students of American political, social, and diplomatic history and also for those interested in the history of philanthropy. Fosdick was a gentlemanly social reformer who became a lifelong disciple of Woodrow Wilson. His papers cover his entire career from the First World War until his death in 1972. They contain in particular a treasure trove of material on the inter-war American movement to enter or at least cooperate with the League of Nations, containing extensive correspondence with all the important figures involved in that enterprise. His papers provide unique insight into American internationalism between the wars and also its relationship to the interlocked worlds of big business and philanthropy. Throughout his life, Fosdick was also a dedicated social reformer, and his papers contain much material on this aspect of his career, especially on movements and organisations based in New York City and State. The Fosdick Papers shed interesting light upon the sometimes complicated links between American reformers and interwar internationalism. Fosdick’s association with the Rockefeller Foundation, an institution of which he was a trustee for many years before becoming its president from 1936 to 1948, dated back to the First World War, as did his personal closeness to the Rockefeller family.
    [Show full text]
  • Walter Lippmann, Strategic Internationalism, the Cold War, and Vietnam , 1943-1967
    ABSTRACT Title of Dissertation: WALTER LIPPMANN, STRATEGIC INTERNATIONALISM, THE COLD WAR, AND VIETNAM , 1943-1967 Matthew A. Wasniewski, Doctor of Philosophy, 2004 Dissertation Directed By: Professor Shu Guang Zhang, Department of History This dissertation examines the Cold War writings and activities of the American commentator Walter Lippmann—in particular his observations about U.S. policy in Vietnam. Lippmann was the preeminent columnist of his era, writing 2,300 installments of his Today and Tomorrow column between 1945 and 1967. Lippmann crafted a conceptual framework for promoting American internationalism that blended political realism, cosmopolitanism, and classical diplomacy. That approach shaped his role as a moderator of the domestic and international dialogue about the Cold War, as a facilitator of ideas and policies, and as a quasi -diplomat. Chapter one suggests that based on new archival sources a re -evaluation of Lippmann is necessary to correct inadequacies in the sta ndard literature. Chapter two surveys his strategic internationalist approach to foreign affairs from the publication of his first foreign policy book in 1915 to three influential volumes he wrote between 1943 and 1947. Chapter three explores Lippmann’s position on a prominent and controversial Cold War issue—the partition of Germany. Chapter four makes a comparative analysis of Lippmann with the French commentator Raymond Aron, examining Lippmann’s part as a dialogue-shaper and public broker during the Cuban Missile Crisis and the subsequent debate about nuclear sharing in the Atlantic Alliance. Chapter five moves the study toward his writings on U.S. policy in Asia —particularly U.S. -China policy and the Korean War.
    [Show full text]
  • Hungarian Studies Review
    Hungary in the Journal Foreign Affairs 1922-1939 Gergely Romsics What today is in all likelihood the best-known periodical in international relations, Foreign Affairs, was first published in 1922 by a then-unknown informal body of foreign policy experts, academics, journalists, lawyers and bankers, the Council on Foreign Relations.1 The review, as well as the Council itself, has since become known the world over. In this paper I use the first 16 volumes of Foreign Affairs as my primary source material, in the hope that these will offer an insight into the world of International Relations as politics and also as an academic discipline in the very moment it was about to be bom. Yet the articles in Foreign Affairs themselves are as much a part of the history of mentalities — in fact, intellectual history — as they are of the history of international rela- tions. Taking one country, Hungary, as a kind of prism, I will attempt to demonstrate how early International Relations discourse was shaped by diplomacy, home politics, ideologies and even philosophies of knowledge and science. In offering an overview of the articles dealing exclusively or partly with Hungary, and also supplying some background information, I would like to make a contribution towards understanding the difficulties involved in communicating across cultures and the socially conditioned differences of perspective2 — demonstrated in this case by the incom- patibility of the fundamentally Wilsonian, liberal internationalist discourse relied on by the American and British elite groups associated with the journal and the nationalist, state-centric and survival-oriented Welt- anschauung behind the contributions of Central European politicians and intellectuals.
    [Show full text]
  • Tomorrow, the World the Birth of U.S. Global Supremacy in World War II Stephen Alexander Wertheim
    Tomorrow, the World The Birth of U.S. Global Supremacy in World War II Stephen Alexander Wertheim Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2015 © 2015 Stephen Wertheim All rights reserved ABSTRACT Tomorrow the World: The Birth of U.S. Global Supremacy in World War II Stephen Wertheim This dissertation contends that in 1940 and 1941 the makers and shapers of American foreign relations decided that the United States should become the world’s supreme political and military power, responsible for underwriting international order on a global scale. Reacting to the events of World War II, particularly the Nazi conquest of France, American officials and intellectuals concluded that henceforth armed force was essential to the maintenance of liberal intercourse in international society and that the United States must possess and control a preponderance of such force. This new axiom constituted a rupture from what came before and a condition of possibility of the subsequent Cold War with the Soviet Union and of U.S. world leadership after the Soviet collapse. Thus this dissertation argues against the teleological interpretations of two opposing sets of scholarship. The first set, an orthodox literature in history and political science, posits a longstanding polarity in American thinking between “internationalism” and “isolationism.” So conceived, internationalism favored global political-military supremacy from the first, needing only to vanquish isolationism in the arena of elite and popular opinion. The second, revisionist camp suggests the United States sought supremacy all along, driven by the dynamics of capitalism and the ideology of exceptionalism.
    [Show full text]
  • United States Opinion from Munich to the Blitzkreig Barbara Evans
    University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Honors Theses Student Research Winter 1967 United States opinion from Munich to the Blitzkreig Barbara Evans Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/honors-theses Recommended Citation Evans, Barbara, "United States opinion from Munich to the Blitzkreig" (1967). Honors Theses. Paper 310. This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Research at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. UNIVERSITY OF RICHMOND LIBRARIES . 1111 1111 1111 ~11~111111~~3 3082 II~ 1~111111~01029 0293~I~ I~ ~1111111 UNITED STATES OFI!JIOi~ mo:: L::mrcrr TO' T:lE ELITZKriEIG Barbara Evans January 16, 1967 Outline Introduotion I. The flbdd before Munioh. A. Revisonism. B. Isolationism. c. Roosevelt. II. Fall, 1939. A. Munich. B. Pogroms. III. Winter, 1938-1939. A. Roosevelt's new polloy. B. Isolationist reaotion. c. Publio reaction. N. Spring, 1939. A. Rape of Czeohoslovalda. l. Government reaction. a. Public reaction. B. Saturday Surprise. 1. Goverru1111nt intention. 2. Public reaction. v. Summer, 1939. A. Neutriil.ity legislation. B. Public mood. VIo. War, 1939. A. Gerlnan-Soviet pact. l. Government reaction. 2. Public reaction. B. War. 1. Roosevelt. a. Reaction b. Attitude toward Europe. 2. Public reaction. a. War. b. U.S. non-involvement. Introduction Jl Q...4-CL ra "' I "._J) In the late nineteen-thirties 11 isolationism11 1M•l:· I- tiDt American a.t- titude~toward Europe. Basically, the term, used to describe that period, v.thi~ ~ .
    [Show full text]
  • Download Report
    COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS ANNUAL RE PORT JULY 1, 2004-JUNE 30, 2005 Main Office Washington Office The Harold Pratt House 1779 Massachusetts Avenue, NW 58 East 68th Street, New York, NY 10021 Washington, DC 20036 Tel. (212) 434-9400; Fax (212) 434-9800 Tel. (202) 518-3400; Fax (202) 986-2984 Website www.cfr.org E-mail [email protected] OFFICERS and DIRECTORS 2005-2006 OFFICERS DIRECTORS Term Expiring 2009 Peter G. Peterson* Term Expiring 2006 Madeleine K. Albright Chairman of the Board Jeffrey L. Bewkes Richard N. Foster Carla A. Hills* Henry S. Bienen Maurice R. Greenberg Vice Chairman Lee Cullum Carla A. Hills*t Robert E. Rubin Vice Chairman Richard C. Holbrooke Joseph S. Nye Jr. Richard N. Haass Joan E. Spero Fareed Zakaria President Vin Weber Term Expiring 2010 Janice L. Murray Senior Vice President, Treasurer, Term Expiring 2007 Peter Ackermant and Chief Operating Officer Fouad Ajami Charlene Barshefsky David Kellogg Senior Vice President, Corporate Kenneth M. Duberstein Stephen W. Bosworth Affairs, and Publisher Ronald L. Olson Tom Brokaw Irina A. Faskianos Peter G. Peterson*! David M. Rubensteint Vice President, National Program Robert E. Rubint and Academic Outreach Thomas R. Pickering Laura DAndrea Tyson Suzanne E. Helm Richard N. Haass Vice President, Development ex officio Term Expiring 2008 Elise Carlson Lewis Vice President, Membership Martin S. Feldstein and Fellowship Affairs Helene D. Gayle OFFICERS AND James M. Lindsay Karen Elliott House DIRECTORS, EMERITUS Vice President, Director of Studies, AND HONORARY Maurice R. Greenberg Chair Michael H. Moskow Leslie H. Gelb Anne R. Luzzatto Richard E. Salomon President Emeritus Vice President, Meetings Anne-Marie Slaughter and Outreach Maurice R.
    [Show full text]
  • Instructions for Use Title Robert Kerner and the Northeast Asia Seminar
    Title Robert Kerner and the Northeast Asia Seminar Author(s) Kotkin, Stephen Citation Acta Slavica Iaponica, 15: 93-113 Issue Date 1997 Doc URL http://hdl.handle.net/2115/40139 Right Type bulletin (article) Additional Information Instructions for use Hokkaido University Collection of Scholarly and Academic Papers : HUSCAP Robeyit Keifmeeff dipmdi glae Ndyecgineassg Asfies Semafipmaif Stephen Kotkgpt Robert J. Kerner (1887-1956) taught Siavic history at the University of Caiifornia, BerkeleB for almost three decades, from 1928 untii 1956, during whick time he founded Berl<eley's Institute of Slavic Studies. Along with Frank Golder, professor at Stanfbrd University and curator of the Hoover Library (l920-1929), Kerner helped to establish northern California as a world center fbr the study ofthe Slavic world. Kerner also directed attention, even more than Golder, to the Asian part of Russia and sought to connect Russian with Asian studies.i Kerner began his career researching Central European or Habsburg historB espe-- ciaily the quest for statehood ofthe Czechs (western) and YIJtgo (southern) Slavs as wel} as Slav relations with Germans.2 By the end ofthe 1920s, he moved to Russian (eastern Slav) history, focusing on Russia's interaction with the Turl<ish world and its ambitions in the southern Slav region ofthe Balkans, and then on Russian expansion eastward. He eventually took up Russia's position in Asia and relations with China and Japan. In short, Kerner's life work encompassed the entire Slav ecumene: from the Ba}tic Sea down through the Danubian basin and the Dardanelle Straits; from the Black Sea across the Urals to the Pacific Ocean, and even across the Bering Straits to the short-}ived Russian colonization of Alaska and California -not far from where Kerner himselE arriving from the other direction, settled.
    [Show full text]
  • Download the Publication
    POETRY and POLITICS in the CRUCIBLE of HISTORY: Joseph Brodsky, James H. Billington, and the End of the Soviet Union John Van Oudenaren March 2021 O CCASIONAL PAPER # 311 The Kennan Institute is a division of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. Through its programs of residential scholarships, meetings, and publications, the Institute encourages scholarship on the successor states to the Soviet Union, embracing a broad range of fields in the social sciences and humanities. The Kennan Institute is supported by contributions from foundations, corporations, individuals, and the United States Government. Kennan Institute Occasional Papers Occasional Papers are submitted by Kennan Institute scholars and visiting speakers. The Kennan Institute makes Occasional Papers available to all those interested. Occasional Papers published since 1999 are available on the Institute’s website, www.wilsoncenter.org/kennan. This Occasional Paper has been produced with the support of the George F. Kennan Fund. The Kennan Institute is most grateful for this support. The views expressed in Kennan Institute Occasional Papers are those of the author. ISBN: 978-1-7359401-3-7 © 2021 Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C. www.wilsoncenter.org THE WILSON CENTER, established by Congress in 1968 and headquartered in Washington, D.C., is a living national memorial to President Wilson. The Center’s mission is to commemorate the ideals and concerns of Woodrow Wilson by providing a link between the worlds of ideas and policy, while fostering research, study, discussion, and collaboration among a broad spectrum of individuals concerned with policy and scholarship in national and international affairs.
    [Show full text]
  • Continuing the Inquirycontinuing the Continuing the Inquiry the Council on Foreign Relations from 1921 to 1996
    CONTINUING THE INQUIRY CONTINUING THE INQUIRY THE COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS FROM 1921 TO 1996 Direct heir to the academic think tank called “The Inquiry” that prepared Woodrow Wilson for the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, the Council on Foreign Relations has filled a unique and sometimes controversial place in America’s history. Nonpartisan and private, the New York–based Council has been called an “incubator of ideas.” From its book-lined meeting rooms, the pages of its journal Foreign Affairs, and its many books and other publications have come much of the most important thinking about U.S. foreign policy, from the isolationist era of the 1920s, through World War II and the Cold War—and now into the twenty-first century. Peter Grose’s fresh and informal history reflects the diverse voices of PETER GROSE Council members, with influence in both political parties, in all administrations since Wilson’s, and on competing sides of most important issues. Richly illustrated with photographs and cartoons, and reprinted with a new Foreword by Council President Richard N. Haass in honor of the Council’s eighty-fifth anniversary, this book reveals a group of men and women engaged in spirited and informed debate on the foreign policy problems of the day and devoted to the ideal of nonpartisanship set out by the Council’s founders. PETER GROSE was managing editor and then executive editor of Foreign Affairs from 1984 to 1993. Previously, he was senior fellow for the Middle East at the Council on Foreign Relations. He was also a foreign and diplomatic correspon- dent for the New York Times and was appointed to its editorial board in 1972.
    [Show full text]