The Realism of Erhard Reuwich's

ECA 8 (2011), p. 15-28; doi: 10.2143 / ECA.8.0.2961363

The Realism of Erhard Reuwich’s Cityscape of Jerusalem (1486)

Louis VAN EMPELEN

INTRODUCTION praise the realism of the woodcuts and the great art historical value of the cityscapes and harbour Around the year 1450 some views of Jerusalem in scenes. They point out that the view of Jerusalem French and Flemish manuscripts for the first time is the first realistic cityscape of the Holy City with displayed a certain degree of correspondence with an accurate topography and a reliable perspective5. reality1. The miniaturists who drafted these illustra- However, this laudatory opinion is hardly substan- tions did not strive for accurate topographic repre- tiated by arguments. Some deviations from reality sentation because their emphasis lay on the spiritual were noticed by these authors which primarily value of the Holy City2. At the end of the fifteenth cover the embedding of Jerusalem in the map but century a noticeable change occurred in the degree not the city itself. The recent work of Frederike of realism of portraits of Jerusalem. The progress Timm, which stresses the importance of an accu- reached its first apotheosis with a woodcut by rate comparison with reality, also discusses the city- Erhard Reuwich, a Dutch engraver and printer who scape of the Jerusalem only superficially6. There- worked mainly in Mainz (Fig. 1). fore, she does not notice a number of deviations. The dates and places of Reuwich’s birth and The present contribution is an attempt to fill this death are unknown and the remainder of his bio- gap; this paper focuses on the extent to which the graphy is uncertain. It has been suggested that the cityscape of Jerusalem corresponds to the actual master descended from a family of painters in situation in 1483. Utrecht; his father may have been Hildebrand Reuwich, who was dean of the city’s painters’ guild METHOD AND SOURCES in 14703. Reuwich accompanied Bernhard von Breydenbach, a canon from Mainz, on a pilgrim- The analysis of the realism of the cityscape of Jeru- age to the Holy Land in the year 1483. The mas- salem focuses firstly on the accuracy with which the ter’s view of Jerusalem is therefore based on per- urban structure is represented. To a large extent sonal observation. His cityscape is inserted as the this fabric is determined by the position of the middle section of a large woodcut of Palestine and buildings relative to each other and the application Egypt4. This map is included in a pilgrim itinerary entitled Peregrinatio in Terram Sanctam (‘Pilgrim- age to the Holy Land’), which was published by 1 Jerusalem: London, British Library, Egerton Ms. 1070, Breydenbach in 1486. fol. 5r; Jerusalem: Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Ms. In addition to the map of the Holy Land with Français 9087. 2 Meuwese 2005, 147. Jerusalem, woodcuts of important places en route, 3 Boon 1961, 59 n. 17. folk types of the Holy Land, and useful informa- 4 Copies: Avi-Yonah et al. 2008, Pl. IV; Davies 1911, 25-29; tion for pilgrims were included. The Peregrinatio is Nebenzahl 1986, 21. 5 therefore regarded as the first printed and illus- Bachmann 1965, 3; Betschart 1996, 295; Braunfels 1960, 119-120; Burgoyne/Richards 1987, 38, 194 n. 121; Davies trated guidebook. Consequently, it forms a mile- 1911, I, XXI; Fuchs 1960, 31; Ganz-Blättler 1990, 303; stone in the renewal of the world of books during Grisebach 1912, 262; Haussherr 1987/1988, 66; Hind the transition period from the Middle Ages to 1935, 354; de Jong 1934, 100; Krinsky 1970, 17; Lievens- Modern Times. Therefore, art historians, historical De Waegh 1994, 66; Muther 1922, 91; Nuti 1996, 93; Pächt 1973, 93; Schock-Werner 1986, 266; Weinmayer geographers, and cartographers have studied the 1982, 166. Peregrinatio intensively. These authors unanimously 6 Timm 2006, 122.

95300_ECA8(2011)_02.indd 15 27/02/13 15:16 Translation: David Flusse (after Avi-Yonah et al. 2008, Pl. IV) more was closed at first miraculously to the Emperor Heraclius, when he arrived with imperial pomp, and which was opened after he humiliated himself, and which today remains closed to the Saracens, so that it is unrepair- able for them by any art, because if they try it they suddenly die; that is why don’t use it for either entering or going out’ 20. ‘The place where St Stephen was stoned’ 20. f i aram al-Shar Î Christians and named the Castle of David’) the pilgrims coming to Jerusalem, rest’) donkey, entered on Palm Day, which further- 10. The City of Jerusalem 11. The Brook Kedron 12. The Garden of Gethsemane 13. The Tomb of the Virgin Mary 14. The Dome of the Rock (‘Solomon’s Temple’) The Citadel (‘The castle once erected by the 15. The Hospital of St John (‘The hospital, where 16. 17. The glorious Temple of the Holy Sepulchre Al- 18. The ‘The Golden Gate, where Christ, sitting on a 19. Mosque (‘The Temple of Simeon’) a ÈÒ signalized that in this place there is a full remission of all sins, but where a simple cross, there is the indulgence for seven years and times forty days’ Fig. 1. Erhard Reuwich, centre part of the woodcut Holy Land with Civitas Iherusalem (1486); detail, later colouring 1. The Mount of Olives 2. Bethany 3. Betphage 4. The Mount Zion Al-A 5. The 6. The Pool of Siloam 7. The Tomb of Absalom 8. The Valley of Jehoshaphat ‘Note, wherever you find a double cross, this 9.

95300_ECA8(2011)_02.indd 16 27/02/13 15:16 of linear perspective. Secondly, the accuracy and the city wall, this portrayal of the situation has detail of a number of landmarks are assessed. This hardly changed. inquiry focuses on the main religious sanctuaries, Reuwich’s rendition corresponds to the vista but which were well preserved during the ages. also shows some deviations. Jerusalem stretches out To assess the realism of the cityscape, an accu- like a theater in front of the viewer and dominates rate reconstruction of the outline of the city at the the middle part of the woodcut of the Holy Land. end of the fifteenth century is required. To this The impressive sight from the Mount of Olives end the descriptions of Jerusalem by contemporary must have been the main reason to portray the city- Muslim authors are very useful. Their historical scape to the west, opposed to the eastern orienta- surveys give a detailed impression of the Islamic tion of the map of Palestine and Egypt of which it buildings. The main Arabic source is Al-Uns al-Jalil is a part11. Moreover, Jerusalem is represented on Fi Taiikh al-Quds wa-al-Khaiil (‘Beautiful Guide a much larger scale than the map, which empha- for the History of Jerusalem and Hebron’). This sizes the city’s religious importance. The larger two-volume treatise was written in 1495 by the scale allows a clear image of the holy places where historian and jurist Mujir al-Din, who was a resi- indulgences could be obtained. In this way the dent of the Holy City. Key passages are translated practical usefulness of the map for pilgrims was from Arabic by Guy Le Strange and Sebastianus assured. The sanctuaries are marked by textual Marmardji7. For the description of Christian edi- notes and single or double crosses. These signs are fices, in addition to Breydenbach himself, Felix explained in a legend at the bottom of the woodcut Fabri is an important source. This Dominican (no. 9 on Fig. 1). scholar wrote two itineraries about his pilgrimages The inclusion of the cityscape in the geographi- to the Holy Land in the years 1480 and 1483- cal map, which is oriented to the east, caused some 1484. The journal of his second voyage includes problems with the representation of the surround- accurate accounts of the Christian sanctuaries in ing region. The western orientation of Jerusalem Jerusalem. In several passages Fabri refers to the was retained at the bottom side of the woodcut. journal of Breydenbach whom he accompanied for However, this caused difficulties for the depiction some time8. The information in these primary of the Brook Kedron (no. 11 on Fig. 1). This part sources is verified by descriptions in the standard of the map contains a view of the Valley of Jeho- surveys of Michael Burgoyne, Keppel Creswell, and shaphat with the sanctuaries of the Garden of Denys Pringle9. As a basis for visual comparison, a Gethsemane and the Tomb of the Virgin (nos 8, photograph from around 1865 is utilized (Pl. 1). 12-13 on Fig. 1). In Reuwich’s woodcut the creek This picture is very useful, because the Old City flows from the south (left) parallel to the city wall within the walls largely retained its character until and then rounds the two holy shrines, whereas in the mid-nineteenth century because of age-long fact it pursues its direction in the Valley of Jeho- stagnation. In addition, attention is paid to the shaphat. On the left side, another deviation appears; changes in the structure and architecture between the creek bends upwards at the level of the Tomb 1483 and 1865. of Absolom (no. 7 on Fig. 1), and then joins with a rounded, elongated, forested hill that encloses INTEGRATION IN THE GEOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE Jerusalem on the south (left) side. This ridge ends on the southwestern side (top, left) near the villages In his Evagatorium, Felix Fabri describes the fabu- Betphage and Bethany and the Mount of Olives lous panorama which extends from the top of the (nos 1-3 on Fig. 1). This rendition is not possible; Mount of Olives. Jerusalem stretched west from the cityscape portrays Jerusalem seen from the East this hill and the Mount of Destruction (Mount Scopus); the city was separated from the mountain range by the Valley of Jehoshaphat. This vale and 7 Le Strange 1890; Marmardji 1951. the Brook Kedron started at the site of the Stoning 8 Felix Fabri 1892, I, 206, 406, 427, 431, 438-439, 629; idem 1892, II, 92, 104, 392, 446, 671-672, 675. of Stephen and ended at the foot of Mount Zion 9 at the spot where the water from the source of Burgoyne/Richards 1987; Creswell/Allan 1989; Pringle 10 2007. Siloah flowed into the brook . Today, apart from 10 Felix Fabri 1892, I, 462-463. the greatly increased number of buildings outside 11 Oehme 1950, 75.

95300_ECA8(2011)_02.indd 17 27/02/13 15:16 (bottom of the woodcut), so Reuwich must have (Fig. 1). The latter is reflected in the buildings that been positioned on the same mount when he are vaulted with domes, the minarets, and above all sketched the city12. in the edifices on the Al-Îaram al-Sharif which dominate the field of vision. However, apart from VIEW OF JERUSALEM the monastery on Mount Zion and the Hospital of Saint John (nos 4 and 16 on Fig. 1), no ruins can The appearance of the city of Jerusalem in the year be seen, which does not correspond to the desolate 1483 was determined predominantly by Islamic state of the city as observed by Fabri. sanctuaries. This primarily regards the Al-Îaram al-Sharif, the great temple square with the Dome of URBAN STRUCTURE the Rock and Al-AÈÒa Mosque, dating from the late seventh and early eighth century, respectively The urban structure is defined as the outline of the (nos 18, 14 and 5 on Fig. 1). Most of the other city and the position of the buildings relative to Muslim buildings were erected after the recapture each other. In the case of Jerusalem, this fabric is of the city from the crusaders by ∑alaÌ al-Din in determined mainly by the course of the city walls, 1187. This victory triggered a major revival that the location of the buildings on the Al-Îaram al- was mirrored in a building campaign which reached Sharif, and the Holy Sepulchre with two flanking its apex in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries minarets. These buildings can therefore be used to under Mamluk sultans13. In accordance with the assess the accuracy with which Reuwich depicted oriental character of the city, Felix Fabri notes that, the structure of the city. For this purpose their besides the dominant ‘Temple of Solomon’, as he position and situation in the year 1483 must be calls the Dome of the Rock, and the Church of the assessed. Holy Sepulchre, a large number of chapels of During the fifteenth century, the Muslim rulers ‘unbelievers’, such as mosques, synagogues, and took little care of the fortification of Jerusalem, so Samaritan tabernacles could be seen. According to the defensive walls went into decline. To ensure the him, the main streets of the city were vaulted and security of the land, the authorities relied more on the houses were constructed of stone, although closely monitoring foreign nationals entering the some shabby mud huts could also be made out14. country than on solid walls17. However, the wood- Around 1480, the heyday of Jerusalem was over. cut shows no trace of the dilapidated state of the At the end of the fifteenth century Palestine was fortifications, so Reuwich apparently pimped up stricken by the plague which decimated the popula- their condition. The neglect ended during the reign tion. The situation was exacerbated by severe of the Ottomans, who conquered Jerusalem in droughts, heavy rain bursts, and a locust plague 1517. Between 1537 and 1541 the defensive walls which ravaged the Holy Land. As a consequence of were rebuilt by Sultan Süleyman18. Gregory Wight- the malaise, the population impoverished, which man draws the following conclusion from archaeo- had an impact on the state of maintenance of the logical research: “The Ottoman walls essentially buildings15. In accordance with this situation, Felix follow the line of the late medieval walls as they Fabri reports that part of the city lay fallow and existed in the early thirteenth century”19. As this many houses were in ruins and uninhabited16. design did not change in subsequent centuries it The stonework and the predominantly Muslim can be used for the analysis of the urban fabric. character of the city are clearly shown by Reuwich The Al-Îaram al-Sharif forms another large assembly partly defining the urban structure. According to Mujir al-Din, there was no complex that was comparable to the ‘Noble Sanctuary’ in 12 Fuchs 1960, 59. 13 Burgoyne/Richards 1987, 33. terms of beauty and size. The Arab historian used 14 Felix Fabri 1892, II, 226. ropes to determine the dimensions of the courtyard. 15 Burgoyne/Richards 1987, 41; Little 1995, 246. To ensure accuracy, he even executed the measure- 16 Felix Fabri 1892, II, 226. ments twice20. Le Strange converted the results and, 17 Felix Fabri 1892, II, 224-225. 18 according to him, the length was 1485 feet and the Ben-Dov/Louvish 2002, 246-248. 1 19 Wightman 1993, 5. width 913 ⁄2 feet. After comparison with the size 20 Marmardji 1951, 247, 255. in 1890, he concluded that the boundaries of the

95300_ECA8(2011)_02.indd 18 27/02/13 15:16 -127878, http://lcweb2.loc.gov/ Comparison of the urban structure Jerusalem in Erhard Reuwich’s cityscape and a photograph from ca 1865 cgi-bin/query) Fig. 2. Detail of Fig. 1 Pl. 1. Jerusalem, ca 1865 (photograph: W. Hammerschmidt, Jerusalem from the Olive Mountain US Library of Congress LC-USZ62 Pl. 1.

95300_ECA8(2011)_02.indd 19 27/02/13 15:16 Al-Îaram al-Sharif hardly changed over the centu- the west (top). Comparison with a modern map ries21. Therefore, the dimensions of the ‘Noble shows that the northern part of the city is not only Sanctuary’ must have been preserved since the late strongly rounded, but has also been shortened by fifteenth century. The position of the monumental approximately 70%. Christian shrines, which relate shrines on the temple square, such as the Dome of to the Passion of Christ, are still shown, but the the Rock and the Al-AÈÒa Mosque did not change buildings of less interest to Christian believers to over the centuries. Although their appearance was the northern side are left out as a result of this altered to a certain extent, their location was abbreviation. By this curtailment, the Dome of the anchored because of the importance of the religious Rock is positioned in the middle of the composi- events that took place on their sites. The same rea- tion, making it more balanced22. The rounding on soning covers the location of the Church of the the north side and the curved ridge in the south Holy Sepulchre. (left) give the city a symmetrical, oval-shaped Since the course of the city wall and the loca- appearance. This recalls the idealized round shape tion of the main landmarks remained the same of the Holy City in medieval illustrations23. between the end of the fifteenth century and the Because the photograph and the cityscape are nineteenth century, the photograph from 1865 is reproduced here on the same scale, Pl. 1 and Fig. 2 representative for the urban structure in 1483. The can also be used to determine the relative size of the snapshot is taken from the same position on the buildings in the woodcut. The comparison shows Mount of Olives as Reuwich’s cityscape. This is an that the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, the Golden important advantage for the assessment of the Gate, and the minarets are portrayed around twice accuracy of the urban structure on the woodcut. their real size. The height of the Al-AÈÒa Mosque Because of this correspondence, direct comparison reflects reality but the length is curtailed. The of the location of the landmarks on the photo Dome of the Rock is enlarged about one and a half and the woodcut is possible. In Pl. 1 and Fig. 2, times and the Citadel, looming in the distance, is the walls of the Al-Îaram al-Sharif are put on the even four times larger. A systematic amplification same scale horizontally. In both images the main of the Christian with respect to the Muslim sanc- landmarks of Jerusalem are easily recognizable and tuaries cannot be established from these measure- can be linked together. This construction shows ments. Perhaps Reuwich did not deem this neces- that the distances between the main buildings sary because he suggests a link with Christendom on the picture match the photograph so well that by his Christian denotations of the Dome of the Reuwich must have drawn an accurate sketch Rock and the Al-AÈÒa Mosque. The main reason on the spot. However, the Church of the Holy for the aggrandizement of the landmarks must be Sepulchre with its belfry and the two flanking their recognizability; they are larger than in reality minarets is depicted too much to the north (right). to prevent them from disappearing in the amor- This divergent position can be explained by the phous sea of city dwellings. religious importance of this sanctuary; the distinc- tion with the dominant Dome of the Rock is PERSPECTIVE stressed by this displacement. A larger deviation occurs on the northern (right) The northern and southern walls of the Al-Îaram side of the woodcut. This area is closed in by a run fairly parallel to each other and to the northern rounded, partially wooded, earth slope. In fact, the and southern sides of the platform of the Dome of city wall at the end of the fifteenth century ran the Rock. Moreover, these building elements are north, just as today, and then made a right angle to laid out perpendicular to the eastern wall. It is therefore easily possible to determine whether the linear perspective construction is applied correctly (Fig. 3). In establishing the vanishing point, it 21 Le Strange 1890, 57, 115-117. turns out that Reuwich made a mistake. The 22 Fischer 1940, 63. orthogonal through the northern (right) side of the 23 The curtailment, the positioning of the Dome of the Rock, Î i the bird’s eye view, and the rounding are reminiscent of the podium on the Al- aram al-Shar f does not run so-called Firenze della Catena by Francesco Rosselli, through the vanishing point. This causes a signifi- printed before 1483. cant distortion on this side of the cityscape.

95300_ECA8(2011)_02.indd 20 27/02/13 15:16 Fig. 3. Perspective in Erhard Reuwich’s cityscape of Jerusalem

It is evident from the position of the vanishing problems created by consistently applying the single point that Jerusalem is shown from a high viewpoint perspective in close proximity to the displayed point. This point, which is located above the high- objects. The effigy that results in that case differs est peak of the Mount of Olives, was obviously strongly from the impression of reality to the human unattainable in the days of Reuwich. The master eye because of the excessive amount of shortening. must therefore have recast his original sketch into According to Timm, the perspective construc- a bird’s eye view. The monumental buildings on tion of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre is so suc- the other hand, are shown more or less frontally cessful that it is questionable whether Reuwich is and therefore are seen from a lower viewpoint than the original designer of the woodcut. She believes the city. This deviation, which also often occurs in that he probably used sketches by Gentile Bellini. later cityscapes, can easily be assessed at the Dome According to her, this Venetian master would have of the Rock. The flight points are on a much lower paid a visit to Jerusalem during a two-year stay in line than the horizon of the cityscape which runs Constantinople. In the course of this pilgrimage he through the vanishing point. The bird’s eye view would have drawn the Church of the Holy Sepul- projection combined with the level view of the chre. Reuwich could have seen this sketch in the buildings caused problems for the Al-AÈÒa mosque. lagoon city on his way to the Holy Land. She sup- Because of the great length of the entrance, Reu- ports this hypothesis by pointing out that Bellini’s wich had to conform here to the perspective con- mastery of perspective is praised by his biographer struction of the entire cityscape with its high hori- Giorgio Vasari26. zon. However, the remaining parts of the mosque, Clearly, Reuwich tried to construct a cityscape such as the nave, are shown frontally, which leads that combines clarity with convincing depth. The to a slightly distorted picture (Fig. 5). master has chosen a (virtual) viewpoint that was The Church of the Holy Sepulchre is included higher than possible in his days to portray the city in Breydenbach’s guidebook as a separate woodcut. as clearly as possible. Both the oblique perspective By drawing the vanishing points it can be shown that the one-point linear perspective is not consistently applied; three points can be distinguished 24 In translation, the Latin captions read: “This is the layout (Fig. 4)24. Timm assumes that the deviation is and format of the Church of the Sepulchre of the Lord caused by the use of a number of different view- from the outside” and: “Before the Church of the Sepul- chre of the Lord is the rock on which Christ fell when he points; as a consequence, the image would have carried the cross”. been composed on the basis of several separate 25 Timm 2006, 183. sketches25. Actually, this matter is related to the 26 Timm 2006, 188-189, 312.

95300_ECA8(2011)_02.indd 21 27/02/13 15:16 construction and the magnified view of monumen- form of this church, make him look at the ‘Pil- tal buildings should be seen as artistic means to grimage’, written by that eminent lord and clever manipulate the representation in order to increase man, Lord Bernhard Braitenbach, Dean of the clarity. Reuwich demonstrates knowledge of per- Metropolitan Church of Mainz, where he will be spective theory to a certain degree. However, able to see clearly its image drawn as if he were because of the deviations at the right side of the standing in the courtyard and behold it with his woodcut, Timm overstates her position when she eyes”30. The façade on the woodcut likewise con- concludes that: “[It] is a construction that largely forms well with the present view of the sanctuary. follows the laws of linear perspective which […] The Chapel of the Franks, together with its access points to an artist who is proficient in drawing and stairs and the column in front is depicted faithfully perspective”27. Therefore her hypothesis about the although the dimensions are a bit too large com- influence of Bellini’s sketches is not convincing. pared to the other parts of the woodcut. The dome over the crossing, which shows prominently, is REALISM OF SANCTUARIES AND OTHER LANDMARKS similar to the dome in a reconstruction of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre by Melchior de The Church of the Holy Sepulchre in the separate Vogüé31. Comparison with the photograph also woodcut is shown from the south (Fig. 4). Pilgrims shows remarkable similarities (Pl. 2). entered the sanctuary from this side, which also The belfry was capped by a squat, domical spire offered the most beautiful view. The church has an set within an enclosing parapet with triangular impressive history of destruction due to fire, crenellations32. According to Felix Fabri, the tower neglect, and earthquakes. These calamities particu- was covered with white marble, which does not larly affected the dome over the crossing, the large correspond with the photograph and the current dome over the so-called Rotunda which covered situation33. Reuwich’s belfry is too lean compared the Sepulchre and the adjacent bell-tower28. The with the squat original. A striking difference occurs main south façade and the adjoining Chapel of the in the windows of the tower. The three upper sto- Franks to the right largely retained their original reys in Reuwich’s woodcut have three Gothic form, which was defined by the Franks after the arched windows separated by columns. The pho- capture of Jerusalem in 1098 (Pl. 2). The façade tograph on the other hand shows a lower floor has two registers, comprising a double portal and with one large arched barred recess and a storey double window respectively, each composed of above with two windows. These deviations and the arches with a slightly pointed form. The doors of present lower altitude of the bell-tower can partly the twin portal are flanked to each side by three be explained by an earthquake in 1545 which marble columns. The windows in the upper storey destroyed the spire; the two storeys below were are surrounded by colonnettes. The open-arched demolished in 1719-172034. The Church of the porch before the external door into the Chapel of Holy Sepulchre in the cityscape of Jerusalem is a the Franks is reached from a flight of stone steps. simplified version of the separate woodcut. In line The chapel is capped by a small dome on a cylin- with the importance for Christian pilgrims, the drical drum29. church clearly stands out from the urban network. According to Felix Fabri, Reuwich depicted the Because Reuwich depicted the most prominent façade of the church accurately. He refers to the southern façade, he had to turn the sanctuary 90 woodcut as follows: “If anyone wishes to see the degrees with respect to the cityscape. Portraying the individual buildings of the cityscape, Reuwich touched on the boundaries of art; 27 Timm 2006, 256. it is impossible to display every building in Jerusa- 28 Pringle 2007, 6-72. 29 Pringle 2007, 54-56. lem realistically within the restricted space of 30 Felix Fabri 1892, I, 427. a woodcut. Therefore, the master limited himself 31 De Vogüé 1864, Appendix. to the most prominent buildings and he drafted 32 Pringle 2007, 57. Pringle derives this description partly the other buildings only as a general shape. This from Reuwich’s woodcut, so this account cannot be used to verify the veracity of the depiction. need not be a great obstacle for a realistic picture, 33 Felix Fabri 1892, I, 426. because the most impressive architecture deter- 34 Pringle 2007, 57-58. mines to a large extent the overall impression of

95300_ECA8(2011)_02.indd 22 27/02/13 15:16 Fig. 4. Erhard Reuwich; Church of the Holy Sepulchre Pl. 2. Church of the Holy Sepulchre, ca 1900 to 1920 (after Davies 1911, 30) (US Library of the Congress LC-M31- 63 [P&P], http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/mpc2004000314/PP)

a city. Consequently, the veracity of the monumental buildings, like the Al-AÈÒa Mosque, the Dome mosque. The Al-Aksa had ten gates; seven were to of the Rock, and the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, the north side, opening from each one of the seven defines the realism of the cityscape of Jerusalem. aisles of the mosque. In front of the building ran a The Al-AÈÒa Mosque in the cityscape is the first colonnade with seven portals, correspondent with building of which the realism is assessed (Fig. 5 and the gates on this side. At the back of the main Pl. 3). The ‘Further Mosque’ (Temple of Simeon building a meeting hall was added with a roof of in the woodcut) is located on the southern side of plastered brick. Next to this vast space was a large the Al-Îaram al-Sharif. The initial construction vaulted hall on the north side. On the western side took place between 709 and 715 on the order of of the mosque lay a great hall that consisted of two the Umayyad Caliph al-Walid Ben ‘Abd al-Malik naves with ten arches that rested on nine piers. A (704-715)35. Since then, a number of major recon- madrasa (school) was added to the northern portico structions was necessary, mainly because of earth- around the year 1350. In the period between 1430 quakes36. The mosque is an important Muslim and 1495, a restoration was carried out and a para- sanctuary because of the association with the Night pet with battlements at the entrance was added37. Journey of the Prophet Muhammad. Mujir al-Din Just like the Al-Îaram al-Sharif, Mujir al-Din left us an accurate description of the state of the mentions the length and width of the mosque. mosque in the year 1495, which is corroborated by According to Le Strange, the dimensions and Burgoyne and Creswell. According to the Arab his- appearance of the Al-AÈÒa Mosque described by the torian, the Al-AÈÒa was a large building with a Arab historian are identical to the situation in dome on a drum, decorated with coloured mosaics. 189038. However, today, as a result of restorations The mosque had seven elongated contiguous vaults in the twentieth century, the resemblance with the resting on marble columns and pillars (a seven bay mosque at the end of the fifteenth century is lost. hypostyle hall). It had a clerestory and the first seven bays were covered by a gable roof. The central aisle was nearly double the width of the rest of 35 Creswell/Allan 1989, 73. 36 Creswell/Allan 1989, 73-95. the naves. The dome and the roofs of the naves 37 Burgoyne/Richards 1987, 45-47; Creswell/Allan 1989, 77; were covered with lead. Coloured marble decorated Marmardji 1951, 247-248. the southern base and part of the eastern side of the 38 Le Strange 1890, 110.

95300_ECA8(2011)_02.indd 23 27/02/13 15:16 Fig. 5. The Al-AÈÒa Mosque; detail of Fig. 1 Pl. 3. The Al-AÈÒa Mosque; detail of Pl. 1

The photo from around 1865 is therefore used as remained unaltered for centuries39. However, the a visual basis for the determination of the degree of outlook of the sanctuary has frequently been realism. Comparison of the shape of the mosque changed. At the end of the thirteenth century, for with the photograph shows remarkable similarities. instance, the mosaics on all eight faces had to be In particular, the annexes to the main building look renewed40. In 1448 the roof of the Dome of the very similar. The original main building with its Rock was consumed by fire and restored ‘so as to clerestory and gabled roof can clearly be distin- be more beautiful even than it had been afore- guished from these later extensions. The differences times’41. In 1552 Sultan Süleyman the Magnificent between the building and the picture concern the ordered a renovation which thoroughly changed length of the building. In the woodcut the dome is the external appearance42. onion shaped, presumably to emphasize its oriental Originally, seven tall, recessed panels were cut character. Furthermore, Reuwich depicted five out on each face of the octagon of the substructure. entries on the north side, whereas in reality there These bays were crowned by semicircular arches, were seven. The recently added parapet is not which were given a slightly pointed outline in shown. 1552. The ones next to the corners were treated as The Dome of the Rock (Kubbat as-Sakhra) is blind panels. The original windows probably con- the first major sanctuary that was built for Muslim sisted of pierced marble, with openings which were believers in Jerusalem (Fig. 6 and Pl. 4). According filled in with glass. The iron grilles on the outside to tradition, the Dome is dedicated to the memory of the windows were replaced in 1552 by grilles of of the Ascension of the Prophet after his Night faience. A parapet ran along all sides of the octa- Journey from Mecca to Jerusalem. The construc- gon, just above the arches of the panels. It was tion of this architectural masterpiece began in the decorated with thirteen little semi-domed niches, year 688 by order of ‘Abd al-Malik ben Marwan. which were covered by faience since 155243. The Already four years later the shrine was completed. original construction comprised a ‘dome over a Ibn al-Fakih’s description (903) shows that, despite dome’ on which sheets of lead and plates of copper many restorations, the structure of the edifice gilt were fitted. It was crowned by a finial of bronze, surmounted by a crescent44. According to Al- ’Umari (1342), sixteen glazed and gilded window 39 Le Strange 1890, 114. openings were fitted in the drum of the dome. He 40 Burgoyne/Richards 1987, 77; Little 1995, 243-244. also mentions that the four porches were preceded 41 Le Strange 1890, 136. by porticoes, each on eight columns, with a tunnel- 42 Ben-Dov/Louvish 2002, 252-253. 43 vault in the centre and wings with flat ceilings to Creswell/Allan 1989, 24-25; Marmardji 1951, 229. 45 44 Creswell/Allan 1989, 33. the right and the left . According to the same 45 Creswell/Allan 1989, 22-24; Marmardji 1951, 229. author, the exterior of the building was covered

95300_ECA8(2011)_02.indd 24 27/02/13 15:16 with a layer of white marble up to a height of three meters, which was painted with leaf patterns. Above this stratum, the faces up to the gutter were adorned with gilded, polychrome mosaics showing vegeta- tive motifs46. Felix Fabri mentions that the mosaics represented palm trees and cherubim, but Pantaleo d’Aveiro, in 1552, saw designs of branches, roses, and other beautiful flowers47. D’Aveiro was the last visitor who described the mosaics because in the same year the outer walls were faced with the char- acteristic blue faience tiles which still define the appearance of the Dome of the Rock today. Because the sanctuary substantially preserved its shape over Fig. 6. Podium with Dome of the Rock, the centuries, the picture from 1865 can be used as other domes and entrances; detail of Fig. 1 a basis for determining the realism of the woodcut. Of course, the changes in appearance during the Ottoman reign must be taken into account. In its general form, the sanctuary on Reuwich’s woodcut (Fig. 6) is in agreement with the view on the photograph (Pl. 4). The perspective construction of the substructure is not entirely successful since the eight sides of the octogon are not equally distributed around the periphery. Moreover, Reu- wich depicted only six bays on each side of the Pl. 4. Podium with Dome of the Rock; detail of Pl. 1 octogon instead of the seven which were actually present, and the articulation of the drum does not fully correspond with reality. Instead of the thirteen southwest. Near the other stairway on this side, a little niches that decorate the parapet, Reuwich marble minbar (pulpit) could be seen with a miÌrab shows only ten48. The onion shape of the dome in (niche in the direction of Mecca) nearby. In addi- Reuwich’s woodcut differs significantly from the tion to the Dome of the Rock, Mujir mentions rounded form on the photo. On the lower part of three small cupolas on the platform; the elegant the dome, a distinctive crescent is shown; in reality Dome of the Chain (Kubbat as-Silsilah) a few paces this symbol was fixed to the top of the finial which to the east of the Dome of the Rock, and to the crowned the dome. Perhaps the artist based his northwest the Dome of the Ascension (Kubbat al design on the literal meaning of Breydenbach’s Mi’raj). The Dome of the Roll (Kubbat at Tumar) Latin text: “Sup(er) ambitu(m) illium Templi in the south-east is no longer extant52. Mujir al- eclipsim lune posueru(n)t pagan” (‘On the border Din’s text shows that the platform, stairs, and col- of that temple the pagans put a crescent moon’)49. onnades in 1495 match well with the situation on In accordance with the convention during the Mid- dle Ages, he refers to the Dome of the Rock as 50 ‘Templv(m) Salomo(n)is’ (‘Temple of Solomon’) . 46 i i Marmardji 1951, 229. According to Muj r al-D n, the raised terrace on 47 Creswell/Allan 1989, 33-34; Felix Fabri, 1892, II, 243. the Al-Îaram al-Sharif with the Dome of the Rock 48 Creswell/Allan 1989, 25. had a rectangular shape and was paved with slabs 49 Bernhard von Breidenbach 1486, fol. 1r; Felix Fabri 1892, II, 244. of white marble. The Arab historian gives the 50 Felix Fabri 1892, I, 334; Krinsky 1970, 5. Felix Fabri measures he himself had assessed, which prove that expressed disgust about the gullibility of most pilgrims. in his day the platform occupied exactly the same According to him, by using the designation ‘Temple of lines as it does at the present time51. A number of Solomon’, they showed little knowledge of the Bible and even less of architecture. The Dome of the Rock was usu- stone stairways led from the court of the ‘Noble ally called the ‘Templvm Domini’. Sanctuary’ up to the platform. Each flight had a 51 Burgoyne/Richards 1987, 219-222, 570-571. colonnade at the top, except the stairway to the 52 Marmardji 1951, 252.

95300_ECA8(2011)_02.indd 25 27/02/13 15:16 the photograph from 1865, so this can be used for description of Mujir al-Din and the reconstruction comparison with Reuwich’s cityscape (Fig. 6 and by Burgoyne56. Therefore, this detail is suitable for Pl. 4). visual comparison with the cityscape of Reuwich On the woodcut, the long, wide, marble Al- (Pl. 5 and Fig. 7). Burak stairway which provides access to the eastern The northern (right) side of the platform of the side of the podium can be discerned. It ends in a Al-Îaram al-Sharif shows significant differences still existing colonnade with five arcades. The addi- with van Scorel’s panel. Instead of the two colon- tions to the left and right side of the stairs are not nades at the top of two stairways, Reuwich depicted shown on the photo. These small dwellings are a kind of wall with two gates. The deviations con- described by Al-’Umari as houses for the poor53. tinue on the northern and northwestern line of The top of the Dome of the Ascension is visible buildings of the Al-Îaram. On van Scorel’s panel above the colonnade of the stairs. The arcades at a number of galleries surmounted by buildings can the top of the entrances at the northern and south- be seen. These edifices are not displayed by Reu- western sides are depicted realistically. This also wich. Instead, he depicted a row of fantasy build- applies to the southern flight of steps opposite to ings. The still extant Ghawanima minaret at the the Al-AÈÒa Mosque, but there was no room here northwest corner of the Al-Îaram al-Sharif has a for the other stairway on this side, nor for the min- square base. However, Reuwich suggests a round bar and its miÌrab. shape. The Al-Ghawanima gate with its staircase According to Le Strange, the colonnades which which is visible to the left of the minaret is enlarged border the Al-Îaram al-Sharif must have been in the woodcut. The Madrasa Manjakiyya on top repaired frequently since Mujir al-Din’s days; but, of the northwestern arcade is recognizable on van in 1890, they were to all intent identical with those Scorel’s panel by the small red dome above a bay described in 149554. The colonnades cannot be dis- window. Reuwich depicted this Muslim school cerned very well on the photograph. Therefore, it incorrectly, at an angle of about 90 degrees with is preferable to use other means to reconstruct their the other buildings. view at the end of the fifteenth century. Burgoyne Outside the Al-Îaram, the Afdal Ali and Sala- made a number of drawings on the basis of the hiyya minarets, which still flank the Holy Sepul- accounts of Al-’Umari, Mujir al-Din, and archaeo- chre, can be seen (Fig. 7). They are both of the logical research. When these drawings are com- square type which is reflected well in the woodcut. pared with Reuwich’s woodcut, it turns out that The central part of the Citadel (Pl. 1 and Fig. 2) the western colonnade and the tall Bab al-Silsila was constructed in the fourteenth century. The ori- Minaret to the left of the Dome of the Rock are in entation and the appearance of the fortification on good agreement with these reconstructions55. In the woodcut are in line with the photograph from contrast, the deviations on the northern and north- 1865. On the south side a defensive tower is shown western side of the Al-Îaram al-Sharif are consid- that, in reality, rises behind the other parts of the erable. This can best be assessed by comparison fortress. The minaret on the photograph was added with a detail of Christ’s Entry into Jerusalem, a panel in 1655 and is therefore not shown by Reuwich. by Jan van Scorel. In 1520, this Utrecht master The Hospital of St John was a large vaulted build- undertook a pilgrimage to the Holy Land and ing, squalid and ruinous, that stood on the north- made a sketch in situ of Jerusalem. Based on this ern side of the Citadel (Fig. 6). Determining the drawing, he painted the Holy City in the back- degree of realism of this complex runs into prob- ground of the central panel of his triptych. The lems because it was completely demolished in the northern and northwestern galleries of the platform nineteenth century. The woodcut agrees, however, of the Al-Îaram al-Sharif correspond well with the reasonably well with the description by Felix Fabri57. Possibly, the arcades and columns on the woodcut are the remains of the Crusader churches of Sancta Maria Latina and Sancta Maria Majora, 53 Marmardji 1951, 233. which belonged to the complex. The Golden Gate 54 Le Strange 1890, 192. 55 (Pl. 1 and Fig. 2) is located on the eastern side of Burgoyne/Richards 1987, Appendix. Î 56 Burgoyne/Richards 1987, 109. the Al- aram. According to Christian tradition, 57 Felix Fabri 1892, I, 295. Jesus Christ rode through the gateway on Palm

95300_ECA8(2011)_02.indd 26 27/02/13 15:16 CONCLUSION

The comparison of Erhard Reuwich’s cityscape of Jerusalem with the actual situation in 1483 shows that the opinion in the literature on the degree of realism must be nuanced. Though the deviations in the vicinity of the city and the enlarged and rotated view of the cityscape were noted before, this does not apply to a number of other aspects. Under close scrutiny the structure of the town largely seems to correspond to reality in 1483. However, this is not the case for the northern (right) side of the city which is heavily shortened and rounded. The ruin- Fig. 7. Northern and northwestern buildings on the Al- ous state of the city wall and many buildings is Îaram; detail of Fig. 1 barely visible. Obviously, Reuwich idealized reality; artistic and religious reasons counted more than realism. The bird’s eye view and the larger scale of the monumental buildings can be explained by a desire for clarity and practicality. The perspective of the cityscape is only partially successful. The faulty construction in the right half of the cityscape may be the cause of the large deviations of the buildings of the Al-Îaram al-Sharif on this side. The appearance of the other monumental buildings agrees reasonably well with reality in 1483.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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