DOCSLIB.ORG

The Hungarian Royal Patronage and Supremacy (1417–1918)

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Hungarian Royal Patronage and Supremacy (1417–1918) APOSTOLIC RIGHTS OF A CATHOLIC MONARCH? THE HUNGARIAN ROYAL PATRONAGE AND SUPREMACY (1417–1918) I. The historiography known from secondary references and was quoted to prove the canonical origin – was only identified dur- There is hardly another question in Hungarian ing the Second World War thanks to Elemér Mályusz. historiography spanning from the time of the estab- lishment of the kingdom to the beginning of the 20th century, which would have been paid such focused II. The origin and the beginnings of the attention, mainly for reasons of current church politi- Hungarian Royal Patronage (15th–16th century) cal interests, as the question of Royal Patronage the ever increasing control of Hungarian monarchs over Let us see in short, what the real historical context ecclesiastical benefices. of the Hungarian royal patronage’s development was. The historiography of the question is diverse and In accordance with the general European tendencies, exciting. A long list of historians, canonists, church- from the second half of the 14th century secular influ- men and laymen dealt with the problem in Hungary, ence over the granting of ecclesiastical benefices was as well as in Rome from the 17th century to the 20th growing in Hungary as well, which relatively soon century. At the turn of the 1630/1640s the forgery of became manifested legally in the form of decrees. The a papal bull also took place for proving the canonical decrees stated not only that papal conferment of legal ground of the Hungarian royal patronage. Ac- benefices without the monarch’s consent were invalid cording to that, Pope Sylvester II (999–1003) granted (1394, 1397), but also placed the enactment of all the right of patronage to King Stephen I (997–1038, papal decrees, provisions etc. under the monarch’s king from 1001), the founder of the Hungarian state control (placetum regium, 1404). and church. The text of the bull was published by These developments, which in the early phases Melchior Inchoffer, who also took part in the Galilei could be likened most to those in England, went way trial, in 1644 (Annales Ecclesiastici Regni Hungariae), beyond every contemporary example already in the which was influential for some hundred years. Ádám first decades of the 1400s. What is more, at the Ferenc Kollár was the first to call attention to its Council of Constance, taking advantage of contem- falsehood; in 1762 he originated the right of patron- porary power relations, King Sigismund of Luxem- age from directly the royal right of supremacy. (There bourg (1387–1437) became the first European mon- are various answers for the question of the bull’s arch to get the Holy See to acknowledge his influence forgery; however, there is none that was satisfactory.) over the conferment of ecclesiastical benefices in his In 1885, based on the Hartvik-legend from the early country. The “bull” issued by the College of Cardi- 12nd century, Lajos Balics suspected its origin in the nals, which got lost for more than four hundred years role of a quasi apostolic legate bestowed upon Saint after the Battle of Mohács (1526), outlined the Hun- Stephen, while based on his research in the Vatican, garian king’s licenses in this way: the cardinals cove- Vilmos Fraknói did the same relating to the estab- nanted that in the future, the Apostolic See would lishment of the dioceses. Besides, Ferenc Kollányi consider the Hungarian monarchs’ personal sugges- regarded it as the extension of the royal private right tions concerning bestowal of the Hungarian episco- of advowson, while Ferenc Eckhart as the effect of pacies and other greater benefices. They would do it the German Eigenkirche-phenomena in Hungary. The due to Sigismund’s services for the whole Christianity debate became rather heated and was spread in the at the Council of Constance and Hungary’s heroic forum of publicity after the abdication (his royal countermove against the Ottoman expansion. rights were suspended from the autumn of 1918) and The document signed by twenty-one cardinals death of the last Hungarian monarch, Charles IV took unambiguous measures in the question of an- (1916–1918). Even the Hungarian Catholic canonist nates and minor benefices, the canonical institution clergy split in two groups: the determined ultramon- of which, after some temporary hesitation, was also tanists and those who were extra loyal to the state placed within the country’s borders, under the au- party, they even accepted the supremacy of the re- thority of an ordinary. The case was different with the publican government. The parties having scientific bishoprics. Sigismund’s far-reaching demands were arguments could not even agree in the fact whether only indirectly satisfied, inasmuch as the document the right of the Hungarian monarchs was based on contains an introductory part mentioning, without canon law or public law. In the 1960s, Andor Csiz- going into details, that the Hungarian kings’ right of madia originated it from the monarch’s jurisdiction as presentation (praesentare), based on ancient tradition the head of state, primarily from the legal grounds of (ex vetere consuetudine), will not be called into question the state – which could hardly be separated from the in future. At the same time, it only gives authorization ultra-statist state-socialist approach. Besides the for- to nominate the persons deemed suitable (although gery of the bull, the other sensational historiograph- instead of the Latin verb nominare, the text uses its ical excitement is served by the fact that the text of equivalent supplicare). In spite of its cautious formula- the so-called “bull of Constance” – which was only tion, the document provided a basis for considering Apostolic Rights of a Catholic Monarch? The Hungarian Royal Patronage and Supremacy (1417–1918) the Hungarian sovereign’s full-fledged influence over The concession of Constance of 1417 was a ra- the country’s ecclesiastical positions formally accept- ther early, though only a syndical promise given in the ed by Rome in Hungarian legal practice and legisla- milieu of Conciliarism despite its form of a bull; even tion (as in the laws of the years 1439, 1440, 1445, if it was not owing to the council – as it was thought 1446, 1447, 1458, 1486, 1495 and 1514). to have been by Werbőczy – but to the College of The Hungarian legal conception became crystal- Cardinals. Yet, the future was not about the Concil- lized as early as the beginning of the 16th century. In a iarism, neither about the oligarchy of the cardinals form that was to prevail for centuries, it was formu- but about the papal centralization, then about the lated by István Werbőczy (in the Tripartitum of 1514). absolutism. This latter bracketed such conciliar deci- According to this formulation, in Hungary the con- sions like that of the decree of Sacrosancta… which ferment of every ecclesiastical benefice was the king’s pronounced the conciliar superiority. It comes as no privilege, while the pope only had the right of con- surprise that the papacy did not regard the concession firmation (confirmatio). This tenet is supported by four compulsory, of which text fell into oblivion for some arguments. 1. In Hungary every church, including 500 years. Why did the popes abide by the Hungarian bishoprics, abbeys and provostships, was founded by monarchs’ right of patronage in the 16th–17th century? the kings of the country; therefore, as patron lords The country was more and more of a peripheric they are entitled to dispose of these churches. 2. The nature, and its battle against the Ottoman territorial Hungarian people adopted Christianity not because expansion became more and more emphatic (the role of apostolic teachings, but because of their monarch, already mentioned in the bull of Constance, the role King St. Stephen I. The prelates heading the churches of the Bulwark of Christianity), which war was con- that he had founded were appointed by him, and cluded in 1718 by the Treaty of Passarowitz. were approved and confirmed by the pope. 3. Even if The curial expertise of the 17th century considered the pope had had some kind of right that became the Hungarian patronage as an existing phenomenon obsolete during the 500 years while the filling of of an uncertain origin. At most, they were inclined to benefices was carried out by the kings without papal interpret it as a privilege of the prevailing Hungarian intervention. 4. This liberty of the country (libertas monarch. In the meantime, the Roman Curia did not regni) was acknowledged by the Council of Constance hinder the royal bishop appointments in the case of in a separate letter of privilege. such dioceses that were under the Hungarian mon- archs’ authority. In parallel, Werbőczy’s Tripartitum became the bi- III. The development of the Hungarian ble of the Hungarian feudal state administration, in Royal Patronage (16th–17th century) spite of the fact that it was never enacted. It is im- portant to know that until 1687 Hungary was an There is no space to survey the process of the state elective monarchy. Moreover, after the declaration of control’s development over the Hungarian church the inheritance of the House of Habsburg, and then realizing in the early modern period and late Middle of the female succession (1723, Pragmatica Sanctio) Ages. Yet, some of its characteristics can be empha- until 1848 – regarding public law – it remained to be sized. Firstly, the Hungarian royal patronage was never a feudal monarchy despite the Leopoldian, Theresian, regulated by a concordat or papal bull, as opposed, for Josephinist and post-Josephinist efforts. By 1608 the instance, to French, Spanish or Portuguese examples. administrative conditions of the so-called feudal From the beginning of the 15th century, the Hungarian dualism had been clarified: the power was mutually practice meant practically a total control over the per- wielded by the estates and the elected monarch.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Law and Religion in Colombia: Legal Recognition of Religious Entities Vicente Prieto
    BYU Law Review Volume 2011 | Issue 3 Article 6 9-1-2011 Law and Religion in Colombia: Legal Recognition of religious Entities Vicente Prieto Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.byu.edu/lawreview Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Human Rights Law Commons, and the Religion Law Commons Recommended Citation Vicente Prieto, Law and Religion in Colombia: Legal Recognition of religious Entities, 2011 BYU L. Rev. 691 (2011). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.byu.edu/lawreview/vol2011/iss3/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Brigham Young University Law Review at BYU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in BYU Law Review by an authorized editor of BYU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DO NOT DELETE 1/31/2013 3:49 PM Law and Religion in Colombia: Legal Recognition of Religious Entities Vicente Prieto I. INTRODUCTION In 1810 there began in Colombia, as in most Latin American countries, the process leading to independence from Spain.1 Though this process necessarily and permanently altered relations between Spanish rulers and their former subjects in America, the separation did not bring immediate radical changes in relations between the Catholic Church and the emerging republics. Those changes came about gradually as a result of developments within Colombia in particular and throughout Latin America generally. Spain determined in the New World that the Catholic Church was the only recognized and established religion. With independence in the nineteenth century, the new authorities maintained the same state- religion model.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Introduction 2 the New Religious Orders 3 the Council of Trent And
    NOTES 1 Introduction I. This term designates first of all the act of 'confessing' or professing a par­ ticular faith; secondly, it indicates the content of that which is confessed or professed, as in the Augsburg Confession; finally then it comes to mean the group that confesses this particular content, the church or 'confession'. 2 The New Religious Orders I. The terms 'order' and 'congregation' in this period were not always clear. An order usually meant solemn vows, varying degrees of exemption from the local bishop, acceptance of one of the major rules (Benedictine, Augustinian, Franciscan), and for women cloister.A congregation indicated simple vows and usually subordination to local diocesan authority. A con­ fraternity usually designated an association of lay people, sometimes including clerics, organized under a set of rules , to foster their common religious life and usually to undertake some common apostolic work. In some cases confraternities evolved into congregations, as was the case with many of the third orders, and congregations evolved into orders. 2. There is no effort here to list all the new orders and congregations that appeared in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 3. An English translation of Regimini Militantis Ecclesiae, the papal bull of 27 September 1540 establishing the Society ofJesus, is found in John Olin, The Catholic Reformation: Savonarola to Ignatius Loyola: Reform in the Church, /495-1540 (New York: Harper and Row, 1969), pp. 203-8. 3 The Council of Trent and the Papacy I. The Complete Works of Montaigne: Essays, Travel journal, Letters, trans. Donald M. Frame (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1957), p.
    [Show full text]
  • A Prophetic Challenge to the Church
    15-10-13 A Prophetic Challenge to the Church A Prophetic Challenge to the Church: The Last Word of Bartolomé de las Casas Luis N. Rivera-Pagán We were always loyal to lost causes . Success is for us the death of the intellect and of the imagination. Ulysses (1922) James Joyce Perhaps there is a dignity in defeat that hardly belongs to victory. This Craft of Verse (1967) Jorge Luis Borges To see the possibility, the certainty, of ruin, even at the moment of creation; it was my temperament. The Enigma of Arrival (1987) V. S. Naipaul To the memory of Richard Shaull (1919-2002), first Henry Winters Luce Professor in Ecumenics When things fall apart In 1566, after more than five decades of immense and exhausting endeavors to influence and shape the policy of the Spanish state and church regarding the Americas, years of drafting countless historical texts, theological treatises, colonization projects, prophetic homilies, juridical complaints, political utopias, and even apocalyptic visions, Bartolomé de las Casas knows very well that the end is at hand: the end of his life and the end of his illusions of crafting a just and Christian empire in the New World. It is a moment of searching for the precise closure, the right culmination and consummation of a human existence that since 1502 had been intimately linked, as no other person of his time, to the drama of the conquest and Christianization of Latin America, a continent, as has been so aptly asserted, “born in blood and fire.” He painfully knows that there will be no time to finish his opus magnum, the History of the Indies.
    [Show full text]
  • Constructing 'Race': the Catholic Church and the Evolution of Racial Categories and Gender in Colonial Mexico, 1521-1700
    CONSTRUCTING ‘RACE’: THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE EVOLUTION OF RACIAL CATEGORIES AND GENDER IN COLONIAL MEXICO, 1521-1700 _______________ A Dissertation Presented to The Faculty of the Department of History University of Houston _______________ In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy _______________ By Alexandria E. Castillo August, 2017 i CONSTRUCTING ‘RACE’: THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE EVOLUTION OF RACIAL CATEGORIES AND GENDER IN COLONIAL MEXICO, 1521-1700 _______________ An Abstract of a Dissertation Presented to The Faculty of the Department of History University of Houston _______________ In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy _______________ By Alexandria E. Castillo August, 2017 ii ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the role of the Catholic Church in defining racial categories and construction of the social order during and after the Spanish conquest of Mexico, then New Spain. The Catholic Church, at both the institutional and local levels, was vital to Spanish colonization and exercised power equal to the colonial state within the Americas. Therefore, its interests, specifically in connection to internal and external “threats,” effected New Spain society considerably. The growth of Protestantism, the Crown’s attempts to suppress Church influence in the colonies, and the power struggle between the secular and regular orders put the Spanish Catholic Church on the defensive. Its traditional roles and influence in Spanish society not only needed protecting, but reinforcing. As per tradition, the Church acted as cultural center once established in New Spain. However, the complex demographic challenged traditional parameters of social inclusion and exclusion which caused clergymen to revisit and refine conceptions of race and gender.
    [Show full text]
  • Fiestas and Fervor: Religious Life and Catholic Enlightenment in the Diocese of Barcelona, 1766-1775
    FIESTAS AND FERVOR: RELIGIOUS LIFE AND CATHOLIC ENLIGHTENMENT IN THE DIOCESE OF BARCELONA, 1766-1775 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Andrea J. Smidt, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2006 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Dale K. Van Kley, Adviser Professor N. Geoffrey Parker Professor Kenneth J. Andrien ____________________ Adviser History Graduate Program ABSTRACT The Enlightenment, or the "Age of Reason," had a profound impact on eighteenth-century Europe, especially on its religion, producing both outright atheism and powerful movements of religious reform within the Church. The former—culminating in the French Revolution—has attracted many scholars; the latter has been relatively neglected. By looking at "enlightened" attempts to reform popular religious practices in Spain, my project examines the religious fervor of people whose story usually escapes historical attention. "Fiestas and Fervor" reveals the capacity of the Enlightenment to reform the Catholicism of ordinary Spaniards, examining how enlightened or Reform Catholicism affected popular piety in the diocese of Barcelona. This study focuses on the efforts of an exceptional figure of Reform Catholicism and Enlightenment Spain—Josep Climent i Avinent, Bishop of Barcelona from 1766- 1775. The program of “Enlightenment” as sponsored by the Spanish monarchy was one that did not question the Catholic faith and that championed economic progress and the advancement of the sciences, primarily benefiting the elite of Spanish society. In this context, Climent is noteworthy not only because his idea of “Catholic Enlightenment” opposed that sponsored by the Spanish monarchy but also because his was one that implicitly condemned the present hierarchy of the Catholic Church and explicitly ii advocated popular enlightenment and the creation of a more independent “public sphere” in Spain by means of increased literacy and education of the masses.
    [Show full text]
  • Tension Between "Roman" and "Catholic" in Catholic Missiology
    Tension Between “Roman” And “Catholic” In Catholic Missiology And Why It Matters William R. Burrows DOI: 10.7252/Paper. 000049 About the Author William R. (“Bill”) Burrows, Ph.D., is Research Professor of Missiology in Te Center for World Christianity at the New York Teological Seminary. Bill’s lifelong scholarly interest has centered on the adaptation of Christianity in non-Western environments and on Christian relations with persons in other faith traditions, particularly on how Christian mission should be understood and carried on in an ecumenical age. He is also Managing Editor Emeritus of Orbis Books. 26 | Tension Between “Roman” And “Catholic” In Catholic Missiology Introduction Te news in these very days about Pope Francis’s encyclical about humanity and the environmental crisis ofers a good occasion to illustrate what is at stake in the topic I chose to talk on several months ago. Praise and criticisms have been abundant, but few on either side of the argument show a very deep understanding of why a pope would write such a document, nor for the way in which Francis documents his thought in a large-scale hermeneutic of Scripture and in things said by his predecessors. Te directness and the marshalling of scientifc evidence for the case he makes is new. But he feels compelled to root the seeming novelty in Roman Catholic Tradition. In doing so, he shows that he is not a freelancer nor benevolent dictator. Indeed his way of proceeding is vintage “Roman” in its innate conservatism, and the way he proceeds shows the way in which he feels compelled to be “Catholic” – which is to say, speaks to the whole world, on the one hand, and is anchoring himself in the spirit of the whole Christ, not just in a sectarian enthusiasm for an aspect of Jesus’ life, work, and teaching.
    [Show full text]
  • Title <Articles>Church-State Relations in the 1899 Malolos Constitution
    <Articles>Church-State Relations in the 1899 Malolos Title Constitution: Filipinization and Visions of National Community Author(s) Aguilar Jr., Filomeno V. Citation Southeast Asian Studies (2015), 4(2): 279-311 Issue Date 2015-08 URL http://hdl.handle.net/2433/199718 Right ©Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University Type Departmental Bulletin Paper Textversion publisher Kyoto University Church–State Relations in the 1899 Malolos Constitution: Filipinization and Visions of National Community Filomeno V. Aguilar Jr.* The most contentious issue in the Revolutionary Congress that crafted the 1899 Malolos Constitution pertained to the separation of church and state, which won by a mere one vote. Until now this episode in Philippine history has not received a satisfactory explanation, which this article seeks to offer. The debate in Malolos, as argued here, was profoundly divisive because the two sides were driven by dif- fering visions of national community. A crucial point was the Filipinization of the Catholic Church, which the proponents of church–state unity championed and which their opponents sidestepped. Even as the debate raged, however, Aguinaldo’s revolutionary government acted on the church–state issue out of political expedi- ency. In the end, the issue that Filipino elites could not resolve was settled by US colonialism, which imposed church–state separation without Filipinization. Keywords: separation of church and state, Catholic Church, Filipino nationalism, Spanish friars, Masonry, Mabini, Aglipay The Revolutionary Congress that convened on September 15, 1898—which Apolinario Mabini, who became Aguinaldo’s chief adviser, originally conceived to be merely an advisory body—went on to write a constitution for the fledgling Republic of the Philip- pines whose independence was declared on June 12, 1898 (Agoncillo 1960, 294–295).
    [Show full text]
  • By Sarah Smith Madison a Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The
    Church-state relations in Mexico, 1924-1929 Item Type text; Thesis-Reproduction (electronic) Authors Madison, Sarah Jane Smith, 1937- Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 29/09/2021 13:44:55 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/551875 CHURCH-STATE RELATIONS IN MEXICO: 1924-1929 by Sarah Smith Madison A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 1 9 6 6 STATEMENT BY AUTHOR This thesis has been submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for an advanced degree at The University of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library to be made available to borrowers under rules of the Library. Brief quotations from this thesis are allowable without special permission, provided that accurate acknowledgment of source is made. Requests for permission for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by the head of the major department or the Dean of the Graduate College when in his judgment the proposed use of the material is in the interests of scholarship. In all other instances, however, permission must be obtained from the author. SIGNED: APPROVAL BY THESIS DIRECTOR This thesis has been approved on the date shown below: au / ?-r 6 RUSSELL C, Date Professor of ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to express my appreciation to Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Quae Mari Sinico and the Church in Disarray
    Daniel Franklin E. Pilario, CM Introduction: Quae Mari Sinico and the Church in Disarray When the Spanish political administration ended its rule in the Philippines and a new era was inaugurated by the signing of the Treaty of Paris on 10 December 1898, the Philippine Church was in a sad state of “disarray.” This was how the late Jesuit church historian, John Schumacher, described the situation.1 The dioceses had no bishops. The Spanish bishops were either prisoners of the revolutionary government or had to flee to avoid capture. Most parishes had their convents and churches used as military barracks and were in really bad shape; they had also no priests in charge. The Spanish friars who were left behind wanted to go home to Spain or were suffering from poor health caused by the war and their captivity. The few who wanted to do pastoral work became a cause of irritation among the people who clamored for the native clergy to take over. Some Filipino clergy had joined the guerillas and many others had died—leaving the few to take care of so many parishes. Beyond this everyday experience of a “church in disarray,” there were other forces that threatened the Church’s 1 John Schumacher, Readings in Philippine Church History, 2nd ed. (Quezon City: Loyola School of Theology, 1987), 292. 1 existence in the anxious eyes of the Catholic insider: the cessation of the Spanish patronato real, the arrival of the Protestants and their proselytizing missionaries, the Aglipayan schism, the “friar question,” the anti-clerical sentiments brought about by the revolution, the inroads of American democratic ideals, the separation of church and state, etc.
    [Show full text]
  • The Board of the New Code of the Indies (1776-1820): Observations and Clarifications for a Revised Interpretation
    SPANISH JOURNAL OF LEGISLATIVE STUDIES ISSN 2695-5792 2019. Artículo 5 THE BOARD OF THE NEW CODE OF THE INDIES (1776-1820): OBSERVATIONS AND CLARIFICATIONS FOR A REVISED INTERPRETATION Dr. José María Vallejo García-Hevia Professor of History of Law at the University of Castilla-La Mancha Correspondence: josemaria.vallejo@uclm How to cite this paper Vallejo García-Hevia, José Maria (2019): The board of the New Code of the Indies (1776-1820): observations and clarifications for a revised interpretation. Spanish Journal of Legislative Studies. (1), p1- 57. DOI: https://doi.org/10.21134/sjls.v0i1.1710 THE BOARD OF THE NEW CODE OF THE INDIES (1776-1820): OBSERVATIONS AND CLARIFICATIONS FOR A REVISED INTERPRETATION Dr. José María Vallejo García-Hevia Resumen El estudio del proceso de formación y el análisis del contenido del conocido como Nuevo Código de Leyes de las Indias, aprobado, sancionado y promulgado por Carlos IV, en 1792, pero no publicado de forma general y conjunta, permite llegar a nuevas conclusiones y a una renovada interpretación historiográfica sobre su origen, su elaboración y las causas de su secreta vigencia, excepción hecha de doce de sus leyes, mandadas aplicar, por parte de las autoridades gubernativas y judiciales indianas, entre 1789 y 1804. Años antes, en 1776, Carlos III había ordenado que la ya centenaria Recopilación de Indias, de 1680, fuese adicionada e ilustrada con las disposiciones normativas promulgadas con poste- rioridad. Pero, de los nueve libros recopilados por mandato de Carlos II, a finales del siglo XVII, el único que terminaría siendo propuesto por la Junta del Nuevo Código, para ello creada, en las postrimerías del XVIII, y finalmente aceptado, fue el Libro I, que era una compilación de la legislación borbónica sobre el gobierno eclesiástico de América, que giraba alrededor de su institución clave, el Patronato Real.
    [Show full text]
  • The Influence of Roman Catholic Mission on Comity Agreements: Development of Territorial Division in Christian Mission History
    KOREA PRESBYTERIAN JOURNAL OF THEOLOGY Vol. 52 No. 4 The Influence of Roman Catholic Mission on Comity Agreements: Development of Territorial Division in Christian Mission History BYUN Chang-Uk, Ph.D. Professor, Mission History Presbyterian University and Theological Seminary, South Korea I. Introduction II. Biblical and Historical References to the Territorial Division III. Line of Demarcation between the Two Catholic Powers IV. Patronato Real (Padroado) V. Precursors to Comity Agreements VI. Conclusion Korea Presbyterian Journal of Theology Vol. 52 No. 4 (2020. 11), 159-186 DOI: 10.15757/kpjt.2020.52.4.006 160 KOREA PRESBYTERIAN JOURNAL OF THEOLOGY Vol. 52 No. 4 Abstract This paper examines how the territorial division of the Roman Catholic Church has influenced the mission practices of the Protestant Church. Spain and Portugal, the two Catholic maritime powers, took the lead in pioneering the New World. In 1493, the Pope gave the two kings of the Iberian countries the right (patronato real) to colonize and Christianize the new colonies. The Pope entrusted this task to the kings of Spain and Portugal and divided the world into two regions distributed between them. The kings of Portugal and Spain performed their missions sincerely at first, but as time passed, they failed to fulfill their missions properly. To resolve this situation, the Holy See established the Propaganda Fide in 1622 and granted the jus commissionis (the right of entrustment) to the religious orders. Special authority was granted to the missionary order to carry out mission work in the designated area. Other missionary societies were not allowed to enter the field without the consent of the preoccupying missionary order.
    [Show full text]
  • Church-State Relations in the 1899 Malolos Constitution: Filipinization and Visions of National Community
    Ateneo de Manila University Archīum Ateneo History Department Faculty Publications History Department 2015 Church-State Relations in the 1899 Malolos Constitution: Filipinization and Visions of National Community Filomeno V. Aguilar Jr Follow this and additional works at: https://archium.ateneo.edu/history-faculty-pubs Part of the Asian History Commons Kyoto University Church–State Relations in the 1899 Malolos Constitution: Filipinization and Visions of National Community Filomeno V. Aguilar Jr.* The most contentious issue in the Revolutionary Congress that crafted the 1899 Malolos Constitution pertained to the separation of church and state, which won by a mere one vote. Until now this episode in Philippine history has not received a satisfactory explanation, which this article seeks to offer. The debate in Malolos, as argued here, was profoundly divisive because the two sides were driven by dif- fering visions of national community. A crucial point was the Filipinization of the Catholic Church, which the proponents of church–state unity championed and which their opponents sidestepped. Even as the debate raged, however, Aguinaldo’s revolutionary government acted on the church–state issue out of political expedi- ency. In the end, the issue that Filipino elites could not resolve was settled by US colonialism, which imposed church–state separation without Filipinization. Keywords: separation of church and state, Catholic Church, Filipino nationalism, Spanish friars, Masonry, Mabini, Aglipay The Revolutionary Congress that convened on September 15, 1898—which Apolinario Mabini, who became Aguinaldo’s chief adviser, originally conceived to be merely an advisory body—went on to write a constitution for the fledgling Republic of the Philip- pines whose independence was declared on June 12, 1898 (Agoncillo 1960, 294–295).
    [Show full text]