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THE IN THE IN ONE HUNDRED YEARS: FROM THE SPANISH COLONIAL PERIOD TO THE END OF THE MARCOS DICTATORSHIP 1886-1986

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THE IN THE PHILIPPINES IN ONE HUNDRED YEARS: FROM THE SPANISH COLONIAL PERIOD TO THE END OF THE MARCOS DICTATORSHIP 1886-1986

LA IGLESIA CATÓLICA DE FILIPINAS DENTRO DE CIEN AÑOS: DE LA ÉPOCA COLONIAL ESPAÑOLA DE LA DICTADURA DE MARCOS

A thesis presented to the Department of Social Science of the College of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in Political Science

Aaron James Ricardo de VELOSO 2008-47231

University of the Philippines, March, 2012

LA IGLESIA CATÓLICA DE FILIPINAS DENTRO DE CIEN AÑOS- DE LA ÉPOCA COLONIAL ESPAÑOLA DE LA DICTADURA DE MARCOS, 1521-1986 (The Catholic Church in the Philippines in One Hundred Years: from the Spanish Colonial Period to the end of the Marcos Dictatorship, 1886-1986)

© 2012 by Aaron James R. Veloso. All rights reserved. No part of this undergraduate thesis may be reproduced in any form or by electronic or mechanical means including information storage or retrieval systems without permission in writing from the copyright owner.

Nihil Obstat: :

R. P. Reginaldus R. Malicdem, Sec. E.mi ac R.mi D. Aloisio Antonio G. Tagle, D.D. Secretarius Archiepiscopus Manilensis Archiepiscopum Metropolitam Manilensem Die XXII mensis FEBRUARII A. D. MMXII Die XIX mensis MARTII A.D. MMXII In Festo Cathedrae Sancti Petri In Solemnitatis Sancti Iosephi, Spons. B.V.M

Printed in the Philippines by: Bosco Press, Inc. A. Arnaiz Ave. cor. C. Roces Ave. P.O. Box 1601, City Post Office Makati City

PROTESTA DEL AUTOR

In compliance with the of the Holy Father Clement VIII and all other canonical decrees, it is declared that anything contained in this work which the stated decrees speak about does not deserve more credit than that of a private person who writes in good faith. Also, any references to miraculous events not officially confirmed as well as mentions of martyrdoms not proclaimed canonically are not meant to prejudge the infallible judgement of the Roman Pontiff but rather are views expressed by a private and pious writer. Furthermore, in faithful and loving fulfilment of and in obedience to the decrees of the Holy Father Urban VIII, it is declared that it is not intended to prejudge or anticipate the decrees of the Holy Mother Church with regards to issues of public worship and the proclamation of holiness. The final authority on issues such as these belongs to the , to whose judgment we willingly submit, being the only one who has power and authority to decide as to who belongs by right the title and character of a or blessed.

Cum Approbatione Ecclesiastica

The nihil obstat and imprimatur are declarations that a book or pamphlet is free of doctrinal and moral error. No implication is contained therein that those who have granted the nihil obstat and imprimatur agree with the opinions expressed.

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The Catholic Church in the Philippines in One Hundred Years: from the Spanish Colonial Period to the end of the Marcos Dictatorship, 1886-1986

Aaron James Ricardo-Veloso Bachelor of Arts in Political Science Department of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences University of the Philippines, Manila

ABSTRACT

The arrival of in the Philippines in the year 1521 marked the beginning of the centrality of the role that the Catholic faith plays in Philippine Society. In this study, the author looked at the evolution of the Church from 1886 to 1986 vis-à- vis the evolving modes of governments and regimes that have ruled the Philippines. Using Skopcol‟s Historical Institutionalism theory, the author analyzed the whats and whys of the actions of the Church, and tried to draw categorizations on the underlying reasons that provoked the Church to act as it did. The author arrived at three major categorizations- first that the Church acts in response to the “Signs of the Times”; second, that the Church follows the principal rule of critical collaboration; and third, that the Church acts based on its moral, institutional and political interests.

Keywords: Catholic Church, Philippines, Historical Institutionalism iv

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Copyright Page ii Abstract iii Table of Contents v Foreword vii Acknowledgement ix Dedication xvii

I. Introduction 1 1.1 Research Problem and Objectives 4 1.2 Methodology 5 1.3 Theoretical Framework 9 1.4 Outline 11 II. Background 14 2.1 Ecclesiology 14 2.2 The Church in the Philippines 17 2.3 The Church and Politics 26 2.4 Related Studies and Literature 28 III. The Catholic Church and the of 1896 41 3.1 Precursors 42 3.2 Limpieza de Sangre 50 3.3 Efforts of the Native Secular 53 3.4 Mutiny of 1872 57 3.5 The Ilustrados and Anti- Propaganda 59 3.6 and Movement 62 3.7 Fin de Siècle 65 3.8 Conclusion 65 IV. American Colonization and the Separation of Church and State 68 4.1 Separation of Church and State 69 4.2 Americanization of the Hierarchy and the entry of new religious orders 70 4.2.1 Congregation of the Most Holy Redeemer (CSsR) 4.2.2 Benedictine Sisters (OSB) 4.2.3 of the (MSC) 4.2.4 Maryknoll Sisters (MM) 4.3 Conclusion 77 V. The Catholic Church during the Japanese Occupation 79 5.1 Japanese Invasion of the Philippines 79 5.2 Appeasement Efforts and the Religious Section 82 5.3 “Enemy” nationals and the Religious Clergy 86 5.3.1 William Finnemann, SVD, Apostolic of Calapan 5.3.2 Fr. Agustin Consunji, S.J. 5.3.3 The Society of 5.3.4 The La Salette Missionaries 5.3.5 The vi

5.3.6 The Missionary Benedictine Sisters 5.3.7 The Maryknoll Sisters 5.3.8 “The of Los Baños” 5.4 Liberation of Manila 99 5.4.1 The Vincentian Fathers 5.4.2 The Brothers of Christian Schools 5.4.3 The Massacre of 5.5 Aftermath 104 VI. The Catholic Church during the Republic Period 107 6.1 Filipinization of the Church 107 6.2 The : Church Renewal 110 VII. The Catholic Church during the Marcos Dictatorship (1972-1986) 113 7.1 The Declaration of Martial Law in the Philippines and its precursors 113 7.2 The Catholic 114 7.3 The Religious Orders 120 7.4.1

7.4.2 Redemptorists 7.4.3 Religious Women 7.4 The Role of the 131 7.5 The Vatican 134 7.6 The Catholic Church and Marxism 139 7.7 The Catholic Media 142 7.8 The Church, the Snap Elections, and EDSA 148 VIII. Conclusion 152

Appendices

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Pellentesque habitant morbi tristique senectus et netus et malesuada fames ac turpis egestas. Sed euismod pellentesque arcu, vitae vestibulum sem dignissim quis. Praesent odio libero, consequat a tempus a, tempus eu ipsum. In ut velit quam, eu lobortis nulla. Praesent at diam dolor. Maecenas non imperdiet leo. Donec nisi ante, suscipit sed fringilla sed, mattis eget massa. In hac habitasse platea dictumst. In erat nibh, dapibus sit amet eleifend nec, facilisis quis metus. Aenean hendrerit luctus odio, in ullamcorper ligula tempus ut. Suspendisse vehicula pellentesque aliquet. Quisque id orci felis, eu tristique erat. Nunc vitae felis id arcu vulputate pellentesque quis ut nunc.

Aliquam tincidunt, diam sit amet semper luctus, augue turpis vulputate enim, quis sagittis quam nulla vitae turpis. Quisque ultricies lectus ac turpis laoreet ullamcorper. Suspendisse potenti. Fusce vitae vehicula mauris. Quisque convallis justo ac lorem lacinia vitae cursus neque porttitor. Vestibulum sed nulla at ligula consectetur vestibulum sagittis non massa. Phasellus ut est nulla, in pellentesque ante. Mauris nec dui turpis. Proin molestie, lacus nec tempus feugiat, diam neque lacinia arcu, rhoncus mollis tortor sem sed erat. Donec vestibulum libero quis erat consectetur sit amet euismod leo sollicitudin.

Arzobispado de Manila, 19 March 2011

+ LUIS ANTONIO G. TAGLE, D.D. of Manila

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

DOMINUS EST. It is the Lord (John 21:7). While going through the history of an institution as glorified and as venerable as the Catholic Church in the Philippines, I am amazed how it has sustained all the persecutions and hardships that it has encountered in its nearly five hundred years in the Philippines. And no less than the much loved Archbishop of Manila, Archbishop Chito Tagle, have pointed me to the answer with his Episcopal motto. Dominus est. It is the Lord. The Church in the Philippines ought to be compared to the apostles in John 21 who have persevered all night. No matter if the revolutionaries will kill them, they persevered in their mission. Never mind if the government will imprison them, they must continue in their ministries. They must have been confident for they serve the Master of all masters and the King of kings, and it is the Lord. I would like to believe that this study is not solely the fruit of my poor mind. For I am but a humble servant entrusted with this heavy and seemingly impossible task, I would like to believe that this is the fruit of divine guidance and inspiration, that this is not only by me, it is the Lord‟s. There have been times when I would question the whole necessity of going into all this trouble, knowing that a far easier route was just around the corner, waiting. I had to remind myself that, first and foremost, this is the Lord‟s work, and I am a mere servant. As this is the Lord‟s work, He has been very gracious in ensuring I get all the support that I need. The support and help that I have received from the many religious I have known and met, especially in the past four years, enabled me to finish the enormous task that was presented before me. In the next paragraphs, I would like to enumerate these workers in the Lord‟s vineyard that has been so good to me in so many ways big and small, especially in completing this study. The hierarchy in the Philippines has showed great willingness on their part to contribute as much as they can to help in the completion of this project. Thus, I would like to thank the following members of the Catholic Bishops‟ Conference of the Philippines, namely: José Tomas Cardinal Sanchez, Prefect Emeritus of the Congregation for the Clergy and Archbishop Emeritus of Nueva Segovia; Ricardo J. Cardinal Vidal, Archbishop Emeritus of ; Gaudencio B. Cardinal Rosales, Archbishop Emeritus of Manila; Archbishop Leonardo Z. Legazpi OP of Nueva Caceres; Archbishop Antonio J. Ledesma, SJ, of de Oro; Archbishop José Serofia Palma of Cebu; Archbishop Orlando B. Quevedo, OMI of x

Cotabato; Archbishop Fernando R. Capalla of Davao; Archbishop Angel N. Lagdameo of Jaro; Archbishop Socrates B. Villegas of Lingayen-Dagupan; Archbishop of Lipa; Archbishop Luis Antonio G. Tagle of Manila; Archbishop Ernesto A. Salgado of Nueva Segovia; Archbishop Jesus A. Dosado CM of Ozamis; Archbishop Paciano B. Aniceto of San Fernando, ; Archbiship Sergio L. Utleg of Tugegarao; Archbishop Emeritus Diosdado A. Talamayan of Tugegarao; and Archbishop-elect Romulo G. Valles of Davao; Bishop Emeritus Jesus Y. Varela of Sorsogon; Bishop Juan de Dios M. Pueblos of ; Bishop Jose A. Cabantan of Malaybalay; Bishop Nacua, OFMCap of Ilagan, Isabela; Bishop Sofronio A Bancud SSS of Cabanatuan; Bishop Nereo P. Odchimar of Tandag; Bishop Emeritus Irineo A. Amantillo CSsR of Tandag; Bishop John F. Du of Dumaguete; Bishop- Rolando J. Tria Tirona OCD of Infanta; Bishop-Prelate-Emeritus Julio Xavier Labayen OCD of Infanta; Broderick S. Pabillo of Manila; Bishop Reyes of ; Bishop of Cubao;; Bishop Deogracias Iñiguez, Jr. of Kalookan; Bishop Antonio Tobias of Novaliches; Bishop Reynaldo Evangelista of Boac; Bishop Leopoldo C. Jaucian, SVD of Bangued; Auxiliary Bishop Pablo Virgilio S. of San Fernando, Pampanga; Bishop Ruperto C. Santos of Balanga; Bishop Florentino F. Cinense of ; Bishop-Prelate Julius S. Tonel of Ipil; Bishop-Prelate Emeritus Federico O Escaler SJ of Ipil; Bishop-Vicar Apostolic Angelito R. Lampon, OMI of Sulu; Bishop-Vicar Apostolic Pedro D. Arigo of ; Bishop-Vicar Apostolic Antonio P. Palang SVD of San Jose in Mindoro; and Bishop-Vicar Apostolic Edgardo Sarabia Juanich of Taytay. At the same time, I am very grateful to the CBCP Secretariat for their kindness, especially to Msgr. Litoy Asis, Secretary-General, Fr. Marvin Mejia, Assistant Secretary-General, and the staff of the Pius XII Catholic Center, Manila. In doing research about the Church in the Philippines, it is imperative that an exhaustive research should be done on the Archdiocese of Manila, the primatial see in the Philippines, and in the words of Archbishop José Palma of Cebu, the “grandmother of all ” in the Philippines. I would like to thank the following people from the Archdiocese of Manila who have extended enormous amounts of help in doing this research: His Eminence Gaudencio Cardinal Rosales, Archbishop Emeritus of Manila for allowing me to view the Archdiocesan Archives; his secretaries Fr. Reginald Malicdem and Sr. Elsa Belen, MCST; Fr. Jun Sescon, Chancellor; Fr. Caloy Reyes of the San Carlos Major ; Fr. Anton Pascual of ; and Fr. Albert Flores and Mr. Bernie Sobremonte of the Archdiocesan Archives. I also wish to thank Fr. Jojo de Aquino, secretary of Cardinal Vidal; xi

Sr. Sr. Leodilyn Maneja MCSH, secretary of Cardinal Rosales, and the staff of the St. Joseph Seniorate, Marawoy, Lipa; Sr. Emelyn E. Rosento, DM, secretary of Archbishop Legazpi; Sr. Rowena Marie L. Cruz, O.P., secretary of Archbishop Aniceto; Miss Ayleen Pagalilauan, secretary of Archbishop Utleg; Fr. Melvin Castro, Chancellor of the Diocese of Tarlac; Msgr. Ilde Leyson, secretary of Archbishop Palma and for the cause of Blessed ; Msgr. Boy Naron, Chancellor of the Archdiocese of , Fr. Ericson Josué of the Archdiocese of Nueva Segovia, Br. Arvin de Leon of the UST Central Seminary; Adrian Aba, nurse of Cardinal Vidal; Fr. Tony Bernaldo, of St. , Samal, ; as well as the staff of the chanceries of the many Archdioceses, Dioceses, Prelatures and Apostolic Vicariates across the country. I would like to extend my heartfelt thanks to the two provinces of the () in the Philippines, especially to Fr. Peter Casiño, OSA, the of the Vicariate of the Orient of the Augustinian Province of the Holy Name of Jesus of the Philippines; and Fr. Eusebio B. Berdon, OSA Prior Provincial of the Province of the Santo Niño de Cebu, for their efforts to direct me to the right people in studying the history of the missions of the Augustinians in the Philippines. I would also like to make special mention of Fr. Asis Bajao, OSA, director of the San Agustin Museum and Parish Priest of the Parish in Intramuros; Fray Ricky Villar, Assistant Director of San Agustin Museum; Fr. Rodolfo A. Bugna, OSA, the of the de Santo Niño de Cebu; Fr. Arnel S. Dizon, OSA, director of the Santo Niño de Cebu Museum and library of the Basilica de Santo Niño de Cebu, the staff of the Basilica, Augustinian Provincial House, Library and Museum; Fr. Tito D. Soquiño, OSA of the Cebu Province; and Miss Louella Revilla of the San Agustin Museum in Intramuros, Manila. Also, special mention of Mother Ma. Imelda A. Mora, OSA and the sisters of the Congregation of the Augustinian Sisters of Our Lady of Consolation ought to be made in this acknowledgement. The Order of Friar Minors (), being the second to send missions to the Philippines, was tackled amply in this work. Research on the Franciscans was made possible through the help of Fr. Baltazar A. Obico, OFM, Minister Provincial of the Philippine Province of San Pedro Bautista; and Fr. Jose Femilou D. Gutay, OFM, Vice- Provincial and Archivist. I also received enormous help from Mo. Marie Lou de Nuestra Senora del Perpetuo Socorro, OSC and the sisters of the Monasterio de Santa Clara in Katipunan, City, for which I am very grateful. xii

The fathers of the Society of Jesus (Jesuits) has been very close to me spiritually, but besides that (and probably because of that), they have been more than happy to help me in doing my research. I would like to thank the fathers in the General in , especially Fr. Adolfo Nicolas, SJ, the Father General; Fr. Danny Hwang, SJ, Assistant to the General for ; and Fr. Marc Lindeijer, SJ, Assistant to the Postulator General. My profuse thanksgiving also goes to the of the Philippine Province, Fr. Jose Cecilio J. Magadia, SJ, Prior Provincial of the Philippine Province of the Society of Jesus, and Fr. William , SJ, Socius. Also, great help (and inspiration!) was extended to me by Fr. Romeo Intengan, SJ; Fr. Rene B. Javellana, SJ; Fr. William Kreutz, SJ; Fr. Catalino G. Arévalo, SJ; Fr. John N. Schumacher, SJ; Fr. John J. Carroll, SJ; Fr. James B. Reuter, SJ; Fr. Enrico C. Eusebio Jr., SJ, of the Loyola School of , and Fr. Sim Sunpayco, SJ of the Sacred Heart . I would also like to express my gratitude to the Jesuit of the Philippine General Hospital, namely Fr. Vidal J. Gornez Jr., SJ; Fr. Benedicto M. de Guzman, SJ; Fr. Nono Levosada, SJ; and Fr. Maximo G. Barbero, SJ. The spiritual children of , fathers of the Order of (Dominicans) also contributed greatly to the content of this book. This is to the credit of Fr. Quirico T. Pedregosa, OP, Prior Provincial of the Philippine Province of the Order of Preachers; Fr. Rolando dela Rosa, OP Rector Magnificus of the Pontifical and Royal University of Santo Tomas; and Fr. Eladio Z. Nera, OP of the Vicariate of the Province of Our Lady of the Most Holy . I would also like to thank Fr. Giuseppe Arsciwals, OP the Prior of the Santo Domingo ; Fr. Hermel Pama, OP, Director of the Philippine Dominican Center for Institutional Studies; and Fr. Rafael Carpintero, OP; Fr. Lucio Gutierrez, OP; and Fr. Fidel Villaroel, OP of the Holy Rosary Province. Special thanks also goes to Mother Jesusa Engingco, OP, the General of the Dominican Sisters of Saint Catherine of Siena (formerly the Beaterio de Santa Catalina de Sena), as well as her secretary, Sr. Melanie Doña, OP, the archivist, Sr. Evangeline , OP, and the Directress of the Juniorate, Sr. Meriam Litor, OP. My gratitude also goes to Sr. Ma. Ercilla Barrozo, OP , Superior General and the sisters of the Dominican Daughters of the Immaculate Mother, who is taking care of José Cardinal Sanchez. I would also like to express my thanks to Prof. Regalado Trota José and the staff of the UST Archives for their kindness. The Archives and Library of the Order of Augustinian - Province of St. Moreno (and of the old Spanish Provincia de San Nicolás de Tolentino) is one of the best kept and most comprehensive religious archives in the country. I am very grateful to Fr. xiii

Emilio Edgardo A. Quilatan, OAR for allowing me to use the Recollect Archives, as well as for his guidance during the early stage of the conduct of research for this study. Also I thank the staff of Museo Recoletos and the Saint Augustine Library in the Mira-Nila compound for their usual kind attention to my numerous questions. From the Order of Saint Benedict (), I am grateful for the help extended to me by the Abbot of the of Our Lady of , Abbot Tarcisio Ma. Narciso, OSB; Former Abbot Eduardo , OSB; Fr. Hechanova, OSB of the San Beda Foundation; and Fr. Benildus Maramba, OSB. I am also grateful to the Registrar of the San , Mr. Ramon Guinto, and the porters of the Abbey for their usual kindness. The sons of Saint who are from the Congregation of the Most Holy Redeemer have also been very kind. I am very grateful to Fr. Ariel Lubi CSsR, the Vice-Provincial of Manila; and Fr. Victorino Cueto, the Rector of the of Our Mother of Perpetual Help in Baclaran. I am also very thankful to the members of the Redemptorists of the Cebu Province, namely Fr. Cruzito Manding, CSsR, the Prior Provincial; Fr. Cris Montejo CSsR, Parish Priest of the Redemptorist Parish in Cebu, Fr. Emerando Maningo CSsR, Fr. Amado Picardal CSsR, Fr. Sonny Umbac, CSsR, and Br. Karl Gaspar, CSsR. In my trips around the country, the Daughters of of St. Vincent de Paul has been very nice to allow me to stay at their and made me feel that I have a home away from home in my trips. I am very grateful to Sr. Teresa Mueda, DC, the Provincial Visitatrix; Sr. Remedios Centeno, DC of the Perboyre Community; Sr. Sharon Nievales, DC of the Asilo de San Vicente de Paul; Sr. Leticia Derilo, DC, Sr. Salve Consulta, DC, Sr. Myra Mondia, DC, Sr. Elena Caballero, DC, Sr. Evelyn Calago, DC, Sr Genoveva Doña, DC, and Sr. Maria Minglana, DC of the Asilo de la Milagrosa; and Sr. Gloria Ongsuco, DC of the Asilo de Molo. I also deeply indebted to their male counterparts, the fathers of the Congregation of the Mission (Vincentians), especially their Prior Provincial, Fr. Venerando Agner, CM; and historian Fr. Rolando dela Goza, CM. I would also like to thank the Religious of the Mary for sharing with me one of the best kept libraries and archives in the Philippines, which according to the sisters was a rare occasion for those who aren‟t members of the congregation (I was one of a handful allowed in for the last decade). It is therefore just to thank Mother Maria Evelyn Aguilar, RVM, the Mother General; S. Delia Serviño, RVM, Secretary to Mother General; S. Maria del Carmen Yap, RVM, Archivist; S. Ma. Rita Ferraris, RVM, former Archivist of the xiv

Archdiocese of Manila and historian; S. Nicetas Dael, RVM, editor-in-chief of Ang Uliran; S. Lalie Banawis, RVM, ; and S. Luz Mercado, RVM. The sons and daughters of St. Teresa of Avila from the Order of Discalced also showed extreme kindness in my endeavours, that is why I am very thankful to Fr. Narciso Reyes, OCD, ; Mother Mary Bernard Tescam of the Sacred Heart, OCD, Superior of the Gilmore Carmel; Mother Mary Therese, OCD prioress of the Sulu Carmel; Mother Marietta Paul of Christ the King, OCD, prioress of the Cebu Carmel; Sideco, prioress of the Lipa Carmel, and Mother Aimee of the Sacred Heart, former prioress of the Cebu Carmel, not only for their support in gathering of materials for this research, but also for their friendship and spiritual guidance. I am also very thankful for the help extended to me by the following religious: Fr. Eli Cruz, SDB, Provincial Superior of the - Philippines North; Fr. Jun Bicomong, SDB, Provincial Econome, Salesians of Don Bosco- Philippines North; Fr. Nestor Impelido, SDB, Br. Ricky Laguda, FSC, Sector Leader of the Lasallian Brothers in the Philippines; Miss Fe Verzoa, Archivist in the , Manila; Fr. Rex Salvilla, CICM, Provincial Superior of the Philippine Province of the Congregation of the Immaculate Heart of Mary; Fr. Tony Pizarro, CICM, Provincial Archivist; Fr. Nielo Cantilado, SVD, Provincial Superior of the Society of the Divine Word; Fr. Gil Alejandria, SVD, Provincial Archivist; Fr. Cesar F. Acuin, OFMCap., Provincial Minister of the Order of Friar Minors Capuchins; Mo. Maxima Pelaez, AR, Mother General of the Augustinian Recollect Sisters; Sr. Ma. Paz Bagawan, AR, Archivist of the Augustinian Recollect Sisters; Sr. Mary Cecilia V. Torres, RGS, Provincial Superior of the Religious of the Good Shepherd; Sr. Mary John Mananzan, OSB of the of St. Scholastica, Manila; Sr. Theresina of Jesus Santiago, OSC, of the Poor Clare in Omaha; Sr. Carla Teresa, RA and Sr. Mary Gertrude Borres, RA of the Religious of the Assumption; Sr. Michele Walsh SSS of the Sisters of Social Service; Fr. Jhess Malit SSS of the Society of the Blessed Sacrament; Fr. Mariusz Jarzabek, MIC of the Marians of the Immaculate Conception; Fr. Liam Durrant MHM, Superior of the Mill Hill Missionaries in ; Fr. Denis Prescott c.s.c. of the Congregation of the Holy Cross, Montreal, ; Fray Francisco Musni de San Agustin, OSA of the Kapampangan Center; Sr. Thérèse Morin, fmm of the Franciscan Missionaries of Mary in Montreal, Canada; Sr. Margherita Marchione of the Filippini Sisters; and Fr. Donald Ware, cp of the Congregation of the Passion. xv

I am also grateful to President Benigno S. Aquino III, Rochelle Ahorro (Social Secretary), Sec. Sonny Coloma (Presidential Communications Group); Mrs. Ballsy Cruz, Mrs. Pinky Abellada, Ms Kris Aquino, sisters of the President; Mikee Cojuangco-Jaworski and POC Chair José Cojuangco, Ninoy and Cory Aquino Foundation Chair Rapa Lopa; Marisse Reyes-McMurray; as well as the following former Ambassadors of the Philippines to the Holy See: Amb. Bienvenido Tantoco (1983-1986), Amb. Howard Dee (1986-), Amb. Henrietta de Villa (1996-2001), Amb. Frank Alba (2001-2004); Amb. Nida Vera (2004- 2008). Likewise, gratitude is extended to Former President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Special thanks also goes to Miss Vicky Borres of Assisi Development Foundation; Cynch Espiritu of Classified Media, Alice Sicad of the Office of Amb. Tita de Villa, Dean Yumi Espina of the College of Architecture and Fine Arts (CAFA) of the University of San Carlos, Cebu; Arch. Carlo Pio Zafra of the Conservation and Heritage Research Institute and Workshop (CHERISH) of the same college of the University of San Carlos. I would also like to mention friends from Cebu who had been very kind to me, namely Kuya Raymund and Ate Rosie Patalinhug, as well as my co- from Asilo de la Milagrosa, Randolph, Jonathan and Junjun. I would also like to thank to Prof. Josette Pernia and the staff of the Lopez Library Museum; the staffs of the Filipinas Heritage Library, Makati; Philippine National Library, Manila; UST Library and Archives, Waldette Cueto and Dhea Santos of the American Historical Collection and the staff of the Rizal Library in the Ateneo de Manila University; University of the Philippines Main Library, University of the Philippines Manila- College of Arts and Sciences Library; De La Salle University Manila Library; as well as the staff of the National Historical Commission of the Philippines. I am also grateful to the help extended by the in Manila, for which I am grateful to Archbishop Giuseppe Pinto, Apostolic to the Philippines; Msgr. Gabor Pinter and Msgr. Giorgio Chezza, and Sr. Jean Manlangit, SPC, secretary to the Papal Nuncio. I also find it necessary to thank my superior and postulator, Rev. Fr. Cyrille Debris, for his help in locating materials in the Vatican Secret Archives, for his extreme patience due to the delays that this study caused in my work for the of Empress Zita and for his guidance. I also wish to mention my mentors from the academe who made me appreciate and love political science, Jalton Taguibao, Robert Go and Gabby Lopez. I also find it fitting to xvi thank my communications and research professors from the College, Mishima Miciano, Anna Aclan, Lourdes Abadingo, Mariam Tuvera, Jinky Lu and Risa Jopson. Also, I am profusely grateful to Prof. Bernard Karganilla, my history professor, and Prof. Ambeth Ocampo, who fostered and enriched the historical buff in me and was very kind in giving suggestions for the betterment of this work; and to the ever bubbly Ate Julie 1, who is always kind and always ready to help in any way she could. My favourite theologians, Fr. Rev and Archbishop Chito, deserve another round of mention here, for they have constantly inspired me (albeit vicariously) in the whole process of conducting this study. This study would not be complete had it not been for the support of my family and friends, who were very patient and very critical of my work, and who were always there to support me every step of the way. And just as I started this acknowledgement novel, I shall end it again with thanksgiving to the Lord, who has been so kind to have entrusted such a work to me. This task I have accomplished with eternal gratefulness to Saint Catherine of Siena and Saint Ignatius of Loyola, my patron , my protector, and to the Blessed Virgin Mary, my mother and my queen. I am done. Mon Dieu, je vous amie. AD MAJOREM DEI GLORIAM, die 17 mensis februarii MMX, in festa Ss. Fundatorum Serviti.

A. J. R. V.

SANCTISSIMO DOMINO ET VNIVERSALI PATRI

BENEDICTUS PP XVI

ET

EXCELENTISSIMO AC REVERENDISSIMO DOMINO

LUDOVICO ANTONII G. TAGLE ARCHIEPISCOPUS METROPOLITAM MANILENSEM

HOC PARVVM DEVOTIONIS ET OBSEQVII PIGNVM TRIBVIT, FLEXIS GENIBVS, AARON IACOBVS VELOSO HVMILLIME PRO EO IMPETRANS APVD DEVM VIRGINEMQVE DEIPARAM, SALVTEM, INCOLVMITATEM ET FELICITATEM

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BEATI MICHAELIS JUÁREZ PRO ET R. P. AUGUSTINE CONSUNJI, S.J.

Sacerdotes Societate Jesu Martyrum Defensores Fidei

A. J. R. V. xx

Abbreviations Used

AAM Archives of the Archdiocese of Manila AAS AGI Archivo General de , Seville AHC American Historical Collection, Rizal Library, Ateneo de Manila University AHN Archivo Histórico Nacional, AMSC Archives of the Monastery of Santa Clara, Manila APSR Archives of the Dominican Province of the Holy Rosary, Avila ARSI Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Rome ASV Archivio Segreto Vaticano BR Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson, eds., The Philippine , 1493-1898. PNA Philippine National Archives RIUG Repositorio Institucional de la Universidad de Granada RL Rizal Library, Ateneo de Manila University

I

INTRODUCTION

“It is my heart’s desire to celebrate with my brothers and sisters the common faith that unites the Catholic population of this land. The thought that for 450 years the light of the Gospel has shone with undimmed brightness in this land and on its people is cause for great rejoicing…. The attachment to the Catholic faith has been tested under succeeding regimes of colonial control and foreign occupation, but fidelity to the faith and to the Church remained unshaken and grew even stronger and more mature.”

-Pope John Paul II, on his visit to the Philippines, 17 February 19811

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Between the hours of eight and nine in the evening, on that fateful Saturday, the twenty-second of February, 1986, a familiar voice for Filipino Catholics was heard over

Radio Veritas, the Church-owned radio station that broadcasts to the Philippines and all over

Asia. It was the voice of Jaime Cardinal Sin, the Archbishop of Manila. A few hours ago, the good Cardinal was with Cebu Archbishop Ricardo Cardinal Vidal in the San -

Cathedral in San Miguel, Manila, a few blocks from Malacañang Palace, the seat of the

Presidency2. News broke out of the rebellion of Defence Secretary and

AFP Vice-Chief of Staff Fidel Ramos, along with young soldiers who was part of the Reform the AFP Movement (RAM), who were at that time in Camps Aguinaldo and Crame along

EDSA in .

At around seven in the evening, the Cardinal then received a frantic call from Enrile.

The Defence Secretary was asking for the Cardinal‟s help, for they now fear for their lives.

1 AAS 73 (1981) p. 314-318. Also in L'Osservatore Romano, 18 February 1981, p.5. 2 Interview with Ricardo Cardinal Vidal, Talamban, , 25 October 2011 2

The Cardinal meditated and prayed, and asked for the cloistered in the Archdiocese to do the same. After two hours of praying, the Cardinal has made up his mind, and made his statement over Veritas3.

As the days went by, a steady amount of people was coming to that critical along

Epifanio delos Santos Avenue, heeding the call of the Cardinal. Some brought food for the people inside and outside the camp. Many brought images of Our Lady of Fatima or the beloved Santo Niño. Others still, brought their children- entire families, in fact, to witness that momentous event in history. What was constant, however, was the presence of religious men and women4 who kept vigil at the gates of Crame and Aguinaldo. Who can forget the conducted by the Jesuit Fathers, or the visit of the image of Our Lady of the

Rosary of La Naval from her in the Dominican‟s Santo Domingo Church? Who cannot help but remember the moving images of the nuns of the Daughters of St Paul kneeling in front of tanks while praying the rosary?

The unique thing about this event is the religious nature of the mass movement. It is undeniable that while it is who caused the spark and it were Ramos and

Enrile who have kindled the spark into a fire, it was the message of Cardinal Sin over Radio

Veritas that caused the almost fantastic surge of people, religious and laity alike, to EDSA.

Perhaps what is further reinforced in the events that happened in EDSA is the fact that the majority of the overwhelmingly Catholic give pre-eminence and deference

3 This was the text of the Cardinal‟s broadcast: “My dear people, I wish you to pray because it‟s only through prayer that we may solve this problem. This is Cardinal Sin speaking to the people, especially in . I am indeed concerned about the situation of Minister Enrile and General Ramos. I am calling our people to support our two good friends at the camp. If any of you could be around at to show your solidarity and your support in this very crucial period when our two good friends have shown their idealism, I would be very happy if you could support them now. I would only wish that violence and bloodshed be avoided. Let us pray to our Blessed Lady to help us in order that we can solve this problem peacefully”. The nearly 1.5 minute audio recording is courtesy of Radio Veritas and Fr. Anton Pascual. 4 Religious, in this context, refers to men and women who have professed vows as religious, and not to the state or religiosity of people. 3 to the Catholic Church, even in temporal matters. The statement given by the late Pope John

Paul II during his visit to Manila in 1981, five years to the month before the EDSA People

Power Revolution happened, came into fruition- “The attachment to the Catholic faith has been tested under succeeding regimes of colonial control and foreign occupation, but fidelity to the faith and to the Church remained unshaken and grew even stronger and more mature5.”

The Church in the Philippines had gone through a lot in the one hundred years that preceded the EDSA - changes in regime, wars, earthquakes and other natural disasters, among others- but what seems to be constant is the significance that is accorded to it by Philippine society. The voice of the Church is and always was given importance no matter who is in charge or what regime was in power during any point of that specific century. The people are always waiting on Her pronouncements and statements on matters of temporal and spiritual nature, whether one is in unison or in disagreement with it.

There have been quite a number of studies made on the presence of the Catholic

Church in the Philippines, by local and foreign scholars. We have a handful of studies about the Church during specific periods of the Spanish colonial regime, some on the American

Period, a couple on the Japanese Occupation and a handful on its role during the Marcos dictatorship. However, there is a serious lack in academic work on the evolving roles of the

Church and Her responses to the changes that are happening in the society in line with the changes in regimes in the Philippines.

This study seeks to discover the reasons why the Church acted in the way it did, as well as to look for the patterns of changes and responses in the history of the Church in the

Philippines that may provide an excellent insight on the behaviour of the Church as an institution in society. It is therefore, one of the goals of the study to uncover the reasons for

5 AAS 73 (1981) p. 314-318. Also in L'Osservatore Romano, 18 February 1981, p.5. 4 the actions of the church by looking at it from a historical institutional perspective. By looking at the Catholic Church in the Philippines from 1886 to 1986, it is hoped that a comprehensive analysis on this specific time period will be made.

1.1 Research Problem and Objectives

As mentioned earlier, the primary research question that needs to be answered is

“How did the Catholic Church in the Philippines react to the changes in the socio-political sphere from 1886 to 1986?” The author would like to examine (from a historical institutional perspective) the actions of the Catholic Church, especially its evolution in coordinating with state apparatuses.

This study also seeks to (1) identify patterns or similarities in the Church‟s response to government action; (2) establish the reasons why the Church (particularly the hierarchy) acted as it did; (3) to determine what exogenous factors might have interplayed in the actions of the Church in the Philippines, and (4) to make generalizations on the patterns of response that the Church has made, based on extant historical data.

The study seeks to inquire on matters slightly greater than the concept of Church-

State relationship, which is a major part of the Church-Society model. The Church-Society model wants to look beyond the traditional legal rules and institutions without totally disregarding them.

As this study will discuss an omnipresent societal force in the country, it would be interesting to discover the evolving role of the Church in the country. The research will benefit three major audiences- naturally the first are those from the field of political science, who will be interested to learn about the evolution of the Church in relation to the 5 government and its agencies. Second, the study would naturally interest historians and scholars from the field of history, as the study will rely heavily on the historical aspect of the

Catholic Church in the Philippines. Finally, this research will hopefully benefit the Roman

Catholic Church, particularly the Church in the Philippines, as a reminder of the times that have passed.

1.2 Methodology

The Filipino Catholic Church is the primary focus of this study. Following Portada‟s lead, She is being studied not just as a religious institution, but as a societal force- a political entity, if you will6. Her influence in societal affairs is so vast that to properly contextualize this study, it is imperative that the proper perspective of the Filipino Church is set. That being said, it is not correct to completely disregard Her religious nature, as the actions of the

Church is ultimately and will always be guided and constrained by the boundaries imposed by the Church upon herself. To further expound on this, it would be beneficial to enumerate the main actors in this study, as follows:

1. Church refers to the Church, as established by Jesus Christ and

handed down to St. Peter the Apostle and his successors. The Holy Father (i.e.,

the Pope), as successor of St. Peter, is the Supreme Pontiff of the Catholic

Church. He has “full, supreme, and universal power over the whole Church, a

power which he can always exercise unhindered7.” In the Philippines, the Holy

Father is represented by the Apostolic Nuncio.

6 Portada, op. cit. 7 Catechism of the Catholic Church, No. 882 6

2. The Apostolic Nuncio is the representative of the Holy Father to a ,

with the rank of an ambassador. Furthermore, the Nuncio serves as the legate of

the Pope to the local Church, particularly to the Bishop‟s Conference. Its duty is

to discipline the local Church and to ensure its attachment to the Church in Rome.

Until 1951, the Philippines had an Apostolic Delegate, who fulfils the same task

except that of representing a sovereign state8.

3. The Filipino Catholic Church refers to the Catholic Church established in and

currently operates in the Philippines. For the purpose of this study, this would

primarily refer to the Church leadership, i.e., the hierarchy. This is in recognition

of the top-down operation of leadership of the Church, where the arbitration is

vested upon the proper ecclesiastical authority. This, however, does not discount

the value of grassroots lay initiative, but merely giving deference to the fact that

supreme power is vested upon higher ecclesiastical authorities.

4. Government and State Apparatuses refer to the governmental institutions of the

various regimes that were in place in the Philippines from 1886 to 1986, namely:

a. The Spanish Colonial Period, a time when the entire Philippine Islands

(with the Islands of Marianas and ) were under the rule of the

Spanish King, who was based in Madrid. This period covers the years

from 1565 (when Miguel Lopez de Legazpi captured the fortress of Rajah

Sulayman and named it Manila) to 10, 1898 when the Treaty of

Paris was signed, ceding the islands to the . During this

period, there was practically a union of Church and State-ecclesiastics

8 Interview with Amb. Henrietta de Villa, Paco, Manila, 22 November 2011 7

were holding civil positions in the government, under the system of

patronato real. b. The Revolutionary Government established by in

several parts of the Philippines in the twilight of Spanish rule up to the

beginning of American rule. This period would discuss the establishment

of the Philippine Independent Church (Iglesia Filipina Independiente) that

caused rifts inside and outside the Filipino Catholic Church. c. The American Colonial Rule refers to the period from the signing of the

Treaty of Paris up to the total and full of the Philippines,

which happened in 4 1946. This period would include the

Commonwealth period but will exclude the years of Japanese occupation.

This period introduced the concept of the separation of Church and State

and the entry of new religious orders in the Philippines. d. The Japanese Occupation refers to the period from the Japanese

Occupation of Manila up to the surrender of the Japanese in 1945 after the

Battle of Manila. e. The Republic period will refer to the terms of Presidents Manuel A.

Roxas, Elpidio Quirino, Ramon F. Magsaysay, Carlos P. Garcia, Diosdado

P. Macapagal, and the first two terms of Ferdinand E. Marcos. f. The Marcos Dictatorship period will refer to the period between the

declaration of Martial Law (21 1972) to Marcos‟ departure to

Hawaii.

8

I had two main sources of information in doing this study- key informant interviews and archival research. The two methods are complimentary in the sense that most, if not all, of the key informants provide data for more recent periods, while archival research would provide data for the earlier part of the century that I seek to study.

My interviews with members of Bishops‟ Conference, except for a handful done on a different period, were done during two main periods- during the convocation of the Bishops for the Installation of Archbishop Luis Antonio G. Tagle in December 2011, and the convocation of the Bishops for the plenary assembly of the CBCP in January 2012. A complete list of the CBCP members who have graciously acceded to my request for an interview can be seen in Annex “A”.

The interview usually lasts for one to one and a half hour long, using a semi- structured set of questions that tackle their personal experiences and reminisces as members of the clergy and the Church hierarchy, the theological bases of the Church‟s action, their opinion on lay formation, and dissident and other religious. I also asked them on new developments on the Church which may have been the product of what happened from 1886 to 1986, such as the Second Plenary Council of The Philippines (PCPII). Besides the historical aspect of the study, the main information that I wanted to extract from the Bishops was the bases, limits and other factors inside and outside the Church that help define, shape, influence, and in a way constrain the actions of the Church.

I also sought to interview the living former Ambassadors of the Philippines to the

Vatican, namely Ambassadors Bienvenido Tantoco, Howard Dee, Henrietta de Villa, Frank

Alba, and Leonida Vera. From them I wanted to find out how the Church in Rome looks at the local Church, a huge factor in the decisions and actions of the Filipino Church. 9

Archival research, on the other hand, gave me the opportunity to gather first hand historical data that I may not be able to gather from another form given the time that has elapsed since the event that was recorded happened. It is providential that I was appointed to help in the canonization cause of the , Empress Zita of as this allowed me to have easier access to numerous religious archives in the Philippines and abroad, a privilege that would have otherwise been denied to another researcher.

1.3 Theoretical Framework

The theoretical foundations of this study are firmly rooted in historical institutionalism. Historical Institutionalism was used to guide this research because it takes into consideration two major constructs that are vital in this study- first, the concept of the

Church as an “institution”, and second, the importance of seeing the evolution of the Church in the Philippines, making the study “historical”.

Historical Institutionalism, while omnipresent in political science9, was only institutionalized as a theory much later10. It was coined in 1989 in a small workshop in

Boulder, Colorado attended by, among others, Thecla Skocpol, Sven Steinmo, and Karl

Polanyi. In the conference paper Structuring Politics: Historical Institutionalism in

Comparative Politics, the term “Historical Institutionalism” was finally introduced to the political science community. Steinmo (2008) says that Historical Institutionalism is primarily concerned on “why a certain choice was made and why a certain outcome occurred.” He expounds further on the importance of history in political science by giving

9 Thelen, Kathleen (1999). Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Politics. Annual Review of Political Science, 2:369-404. 10 Steinmo, Svan (2008). What is Historical Institutionalism? in “Approaches in the Social Sciences”. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 10 out three main arguments: first, that political events happen in a historical context; second, that behaviour is shaped by experience, and third, that expectations are “molded by the past11.”

Historical Institutionalism has its roots in Thecla Skocpol‟s (1979) study on the revolutions in , Russia, and China12. In her work, Skocpol challenged the Marxist point of view in explaining the revolutions in the countries mentioned. While she doesn‟t totally factor out the influence of the deprivation of people in those countries at the eve of their respective revolutions, Skocpol claims the importance of political opportunity in the success of the revolutions in France, and Russia. She also noted the importance of the pre-revolutionary state structures in the success of the revolutions- the historical background of the times prior to the revolution, she says, will prove this argument.

Tilly (1983) wrote on the importance of looking at the historical context to be able to properly contextualize generalizations, especially in “big structures and large processes.13”

He explained that looking at research problems through real time, places and people would provide a better sounding board for testing of coherence and reliability of data. He even went further to say that “attaching” the historical comparisons made will in fact help in the understanding of the structures and processes as they are being seen and interpreted in the proper context.

It is Ikenberry (1994) who was one of the first to expound on the concept of critical junctures and development pathways14. He discussed critical junctures as the moments in

11 Steinmo, ibid. 12 Skocpol, Thecla. (1979). States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia, and China. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 13Tilly, Charles. (1983). Big Structures, Large Processes and Huge Comparisons. Michigan: University of Michigan. 14 Ikenberry, G. John (1994). History's Heavy Hand. Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania. 11 history where an institution is created (called “founding moments”), from which only variations are made over the years. He then expounded on the concept of development pathways, which he says are set into motion at the moment of foundation of an institution.

Thelen (1999) added to this by expounding on path dependence- while the path is and will always be constrained by the past, the changing and evolving environment will cause some changes in the path‟s trajectory15.

Ikenberry (1994) also expounded three assumptions in historical institutionalism: first, that institutions shape and constrain the goals of the entities operating within it; second, that the changes in institutions are “episodic and sticky”, meaning they are not easily changed or replaced; and third is the concept of causal complexity, meaning there are overlaps between the causation brought about by other external structures16.

1.4 Chapter Outline

Chapter Two presents a background on the Church, using two techniques- first by tackling ecclesiology, and by presenting a review of past studies that run similarly to this study. It lays the foundation of the study of the Catholic Church as an institution, especially with regards to the nature, duty and character of the Church. It also avails the viewer a brief historical background and tours the through the gamut of literature which has been instrumental in the completion of this study.

The story begins with the twilight of the Spanish regime in the Philippines, as discussed in Chapter Three. It also discusses fresh insights on numerous external factors that

15 Thelen, op. cit. 16 Ikenberry, op. cit. 12 have greatly affected the outlook of the members of the Catholic Church hierarchy which in turn contributed greatly to the events of national concern during the revolution.

Chapter Four discusses the role of the Catholic Church under the new regime of the

Americans. The issues of the friar lands, the separation of Church and State, religious instruction and reparation are the constant echoes of this current period. It will also discuss the Church‟s efforts in rebuilding Herself in the Philippines.

The gloomy years of the Japanese Occupation will be tackled in Chapter Five. This chapter especially highlights the critical collaboration stance of the Church with the Japanese officials, and gives an overview of the relations that the Church had had with the new foreign invaders who sought the Church‟s favor.

Chapter Six gives the viewer a look into the Catholic Church in the Republic Era.

This era marked a renewal and reinvigoration in the local Church, much strengthened by the experiences of war and the new face of the Church under the Second Vatican Council. It will also talk about the revitalized social efforts of the Church towards the less-fortunate members of Her flock.

Presented in Chapter Seven is a strong Church against an oppressive regime. It presents the Catholic Church as an institution that was steadfast in protecting Her rights and interests, especially those that concern Her flock. It shows how the Catholic Church survived the shackles of the Marcos administration and how the Church had ended up as the banner bearer of the struggle against the dictatorship.

Chapter Eight presents an examination of the Church‟s actions throughout the one hundred years covered by this study. It reinforces three postulations, and using the Historical

Institutionalism lens, explains why the Church took such a mode of action, given the 13 antecedent events and circumstances. It also provides some speculations on the roles it has played since then and will play especially in the socio-political sphere. It will also offer a summary of the contributions that this study was able to make. Furthermore, it will also present a discussion on further studies that will augment what has been studied and will be discussed in this research study.

15

II

BACKGROUND

2.1 Ecclesiology

What is the Church? Different perspectives will yield different meanings. For some, it is the structure where people come to pray and worship God. Some will say these are the clergy and the religious- meaning bishops, priests, and nuns. Others yet will say the Church is the . It is thus imperative that the term “Church” be operationalized for the purposes of this study.

Avery Cardinal Dulles, a Jesuit theologian who is perhaps one of the greatest theologians of recent times, has presented six models of the Church in his book, Models of the Church1. Cardinal Dulles presented the models to answer the question presented above.

He described the Church as an institution, with emphasis on structure, order, and hierarchy.

He also described the Church as Communion- that is a communion of people, a community united in God. His third description is that the Church is a sacrament- as a visible sign of the

Lord. He also described the Church as a Herald, proclaiming God‟s kingdom to mankind.

The Church, he says, is also a servant, committed to social justice, something mentioned a lot in the Gospels. Lastly, he notes that the Church is a community of disciples, following and imitating Jesus.

1 Dulles, Avery Cardinal. (1974). Models of the Church. New York: Doubleday. 16

It would be worthwhile to look at the Dogmatic Constitution Lumen Gentium2, one of the foremost documents of the Second Vatican Council. In many instances, refers to the two domains of the Church, the visible and the invisible, as well as the hierarchy and the mystical body of Christ. The Church is not only the organization, but also importantly, the Church is the people of God- the Mystical Body of Christ3. The Church is a

“complex reality”, a mixture of the human and the divine- “the society structured with hierarchical organs and the Mystical Body of Christ…, the visible assembly and the spiritual community…, [and] the earthly Church and the Church enriched with heavenly things4.”

To further qualify the “Church” we are talking about, let us turn to the words of

Caceres Archbishop . In his book, The Church We Love, Archbishop

Legaspi categorized the three stages (as opposed to kinds) of Church: the Church in Glory

(i.e., the Church in Heaven), the Church on Earth, and the Church in purgatory, all united by the three‟s one and only head, Jesus Christ5. The Church on Earth is incomplete, inchoate and limited- in other words, imperfect- it is the Church of kenosis6. It is an ecclesia militante7, the visible Church here on earth8. The words of Cardinal Ratzinger can then be added to the earlier descriptions: the Church is a “Church of sinners, ever in need of purification and renewal9.” Evidently we are primarily looking at the Church Militant, the Church on Earth.

2 Lat. Light of the Nations. Paul VI. (1964). Dogmatic Constitution Lumen Gentium. : Libreria Editrice Vaticana. 3 Lecture delivered by Joseph Cardinal Ratzinger, Prefect for the Congregation of the Doctrine of the Faith at the Pastoral Congress of the Diocese of Aversa, , 15 September 2001. Also, Pius XII. (1943). Papal Mystici Corpori. Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana. 4 Lumen Gentium 8, op cit. 5 Legaspi, Leonardo O.P. (1997). The Church We Love. Manila: UST Publishing House. 6 Gk., to empty. In the Church, it is referred to as the emptying of oneself in humility, as in Philippians 2:6, 7 Latin, Church Militant. One of the three classifications of churches according to St. - church militant, church triumphant and church suffering. 8 Legaspi, op cit. 9 Ratzinger, op cit. 17

The works of Cardinal Dulles and Archbishop Legaspi; as well as the Dogmatic

Constitution Lumen Gentium has a major commonality, in that they are equivocal in presenting the dual nature of the church- the visible and the invisible. It would be interesting to note how the three work together. With the Sacraments of the Church (founded by Christ himself) as a foundation (Church as a Sacrament), a community of believers are formed

(Church as a communion), who would naturally be affected to share the Good News (Church as heralds). These believers need to be shepherded by leaders and institutionalized (Church as an institution), unifying its actions in light of the Gospel (Church as a servant), with the goal of imitating Christ in their daily lives (Church as a community of disciples). This community of disciples is in fact a society, the “complex reality” which Lumen Gentium speaks of. This is the inchoate and incomplete militant Church, which progresses towards the

Church in glory.

That the Church is present and tangible on Earth is the reason for its hierarchical structure. As the Church is a visible church representing the Mystical Body of Christ, it is also necessary that the invisible head of the Church, Jesus Christ, be represented, in this case by men. When Jesus established His church, he placed it under the care of the Apostles, and

He put St. Peter, the first of the Roman Pontiffs, as its head10. In the same way, He willed that the successors of the St. Peter and the rest of the apostles, the Pope and the bishops, be the shepherds for His people, serving as His representatives on earth11.

In the hands of the members of the hierarchy rest three powers- magisterial, sacerdotal, and governing powers, derived from Jesus‟ prophetic, kingly, and priestly

10 Lumen Gentium, 18, 19 11 Ibid. 18 mission12. They possess magisterial powers, meaning the power to teach; sacerdotal powers, referring to the power to administer the sacraments; and finally the power to govern, giving them jurisdiction over their flock.

This is the Church that we are looking at this study- the Church Militant, headed by the representatives of Christ, the members of the hierarchy, particularly in the Philippines.

The value of the laity is never discounted, for they are, as reiterated in all three documents we have examined earlier, the Church. However, the study is for a large part constrained to look at the hierarchy as the heads of the Church Militant- for the simple reason that they possess the power of jurisdiction, shepherding over the flock entrusted to them.

2.2 The Church in the Philippines

The evangelization of the Philippines began with the arrival of the Portuguese

Fernão de Magalhães13 in what would have been collectively called the Philippines. It is in the of Limasawa14 (Mazaua in the diary of Antonio de Pigafetta15) that the first mass was held on Easter Sunday (March 31), 152116. In the mass, Fr. Pedro de

Valderrama, also performed the first Christian in the Philippines, upon which

12 Legaspi, op. cit. 13 This is the real name of , in his native Portuguese. The Hispanized version is Fernando de Magallanes. Ferdinand Magellan is the Anglicized version and was extensively used during the American Occupation. 14 There has been some contention as whether the first mass was held in Limasawa in Leyte or in Butuan in . The National Historical Institute, after three round-table discussions have maintained that the records corroborate that the mass was held in Limasawa, not in Butuan which is not an Island. In this, the NHI is supported by several historians, among them the Jesuit Fr. Jose A. Arcilla, S.J.; Fr. Fidel Villaroel, O.P., and Prof. Ambeth Ocampo. 15 Pigafetta, Antonio, and Paula Paige (ed.) (1969). The voyage of Magellan; the journal of Antonio Pigafetta. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall. Pigafetta was part of the original entourage of Magellan and though wounded, was able to return to aboard the Victoria. 16 RIUG, Urbano VIII, Papa. (1635). Bulla canonizationis Sancti Francisci Xaverii. Madriti: apud Franciscum de Ocampo. Fondo Antiguo, Siglo XVII. The canonization bull of Saint mentions that he evangelized certain parts of Mindanao even before Magellan arrived in the country, which may remove from Limasawa the distinction of holding the first mass there. However, no further data is found to date. 19

Rajah Humabon and his wife Humayhay, 17along with their subjects, converted to the

Catholic Faith. This also marked the arrival of the venerated image of the Santo Nino de

Cebu and the lesser known Ecce Homo, a of Magalhães to the couple.

The death of Magalhães and the return to Spain of the rest of the mission marked the abrupt end of evangelization in the Philippines. It was only reinstated on the return of the adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legazpi with the Augustinian friar Andres de

Urdaneta, O.S.A. Aboard the ship Capitana, they landed in Cebu and it was in that province that the first mission of the Order of Saint Augustine was established, the town itself being named after the Santisimo Nombre de Jesús, the Holy Name of Jesus.

The Basilica Minore of the Santo Nino was established upon Fray de Urdaneta‟s orders and the Christianization (through mass ) of the province began. Christianity was used by the Spanish to assimilate the people under their rule. Using imagery and concepts that are not foreign to the people, they introduced Christianity and the new religion was well accepted by the people.

The adelantado18 and Fray de Urdaneta moved to Manila in 1571. There Miguel

Lopez de Legazpi established the city of Manila, Insigne y Siempre Leal Ciudad de

España19, from the remains of the palisade kingdom of and the walls of

Intramuros were constructed. The city became the seat of the Augustinians in the

Philippines, where a new province was created, the Provincia Agustiniana del

Santisimo Nombre de Jesus de Filipinas20. In less than twenty-five years, the order was

17 San Agustin, Gaspar de OSA and Pedro Galende OSA (ed.). (1998). Conquistas de las Islas Filipinas. Intramuros, Manila: San Agustin Museum. They took the Christian names Carlos and Juana. This is used by some historical records. 18 a title given by the Spanish Monarch to certain people who are charged of conquering lands in the 19 Sp. - The Distinguished and Ever Loyal City of Spain 20 Augustinian Province of the Most Holy Name of Jesus of the Philippines 20 already able to establish fifty-four mission houses in the Philippines, specifically in the islands of , Mindoro, Masbate, Panay, Cebu and Leyte.

Upon its establishment, it was ruled that the city (and the whole Philippines) would be placed under the Diocese of , where the is seated. On

February 6, 1759, a whole new diocese of Manila was created by Pope Gregory XIII by his bull Illius fulti praesudio. In 1595, Pope Clement VIII issued a brief raising the diocese of Manila to an Archdiocese and creating the suffragan sees of Nueva Caceres

(covering the Bicol peninsula), Nueva Segovia (Northern Luzon), and Cebu (the islands of Visayas and Mindanao).

In 1581, the first conflict between the church and the state happened when the then Archbishop of Manila, Domingo de Salazar, O.P., wrote to The King of Spain in his capacity as archbishop to report the autocratic rule of the in Manila 21.

He was reported to use his ecclesiastical office to protect many natives and his actions led to the creation of the Real Audencia, the highest governing council in the

Philippines. Ever since, the Church has exercised their power and authority not only in

Church affairs but also in affairs of civil government.

More than just holding ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the people, the clergy in the Philippines, from the Spanish colonial period up to the present time, has also

21 "The " gave special power and prominence to the priest. In these early days of Spain's colonial empire many priests were men of piety, learning, and unselfish devotion. Their efforts softened somewhat the violence and brutality that often marred the Spanish treatment of the native, and they became the civilizing agents among the peoples whom the Spanish soldiers had conquered.' (David P. Barrows: History of the Philippines, 99.) 21 possessed moral authority which translated to political clout giving them an immense treasure of power in Philippine society, because of the patronato real system22.

Besides moral authority, the corporacion of own substantial amounts of land (particularly those earmarked for ) in the Philippines and had numerous business interests that make them more powerful than they already are 23. For example, it might be remembered that in Calamba, , the family of Dr. José Rizal were tenants of the Dominican friars who owned the sugarcane plantations there. Another good example would be the Obras Pias. The Obras Pias is a conglomeration of charitable endowments operated under the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Manila during the Spanish times and was the foundation of one of the earliest financial institutions in the country, Monte de Piedad y Caja de Ahorros. Furthermore, the

Archdiocese of Manila owns a relatively large share in the Banco Filipino-Español, one of the earliest banks established in the Philippines. Today, the Archdiocese still owns the same stocks in the Bank of the Philippine Islands, the new name of Banco Filipino-

Español.

Surprisingly, the government during the Spanish time was not a theocracy, although the Church and the state are closely related, with the Church deciding not only on spiritual but also temporal matters, and vice-versa. The unique role of the church in the Spanish civil government stems from the fact that Spain is a Catholic monarchy, and thus the King claims his position as his divine right, coupled with the patronato real privilege that was granted to the King of Spain. It is to be noted that the

22 Rodríguez, Isacio OSA. (1992). Filipinas: La Organizacion de la Iglesia [The Philippines: The Organization of the Church]. In P. Borges (Ed.), Historia de La Iglesia En Hispano América y Filipinas (Siglos XV-XIX). Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos- Estudio Teologico de San Ildefonso de Toledo. 23 It is only the Franciscan Order who does not own large tracts of lands. By their rule, they are not allowed to own property besides churches and convents. 22 provincials24 of the religious orders along with the five archbishops25 form part of what is called the consejo de administracion, whose primary duty is to advise the governor- general. The power of the friars is generally attributed to the fact that they tend to outlast the officials of the civil government. The governor-general or the rule for a fixed amount of time or at the pleasure of the King, while

Archbishops and the cura párrocos serve almost indefinitely, with death usually serving as the signal of the end of their tenure. Also, the hierarchy of the religious orders makes it possible for them to lobby in Spain (with the help of their provinces in

Spain) and by-pass the governor-general. This was used several times when the appointed governor-general and the religious orders are at odds with each other26.

At the signing of the , Spain ceded the Philippines to the United

States in exchange for twenty million US . With this, the separation of the church and state began.

Though the term is notably absent in their constitution, the United States has always enshrined the concept of the separation of church and state. 27 One of their first tasks when they assumed office is to eradicate the role of Catholic clergy in state affairs. Foremost among this was the purchase of lands owned by various corporacion de las frailes as well as other Church assets. The United States also removed from the

Catholic Church the exclusive right to conduct marriages, as well as the exclusive

24 the local head of the religious order in a particular province. 25 of Manila, Cebu, Nueva Segovia, Nueva Caceres and Jaro 26 For example, the conflict between the Archbishop of Manila, Archbishop Guerrero, and the Governor- General Sebastián Hurtado de Corcuera (1635); and the different religious orders and Governor-General Fernando Manuel de Bustillo Bustamante (1719). Governor-General Bustamante was murdered by mobs in his residence because of his order to imprison the Archbishop. The Archbishop occupied the Governor-Generalate for two years after his death. 27 The First Amendment of the US Constitution states: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof…” 23 ownership of cemeteries. The American-run government in the Philippines established the concept of municipal cemeteries.

Next was the question of what to do with the four corporacion de las frailes which have gathered enmity from the natives, namely, the Dominicans, Franciscans, the

Augustinian, and the Recollects. The newly-appointed Apostolic Delegate, Archbishop

Placido Louis Chapelle, have tried to reinstate as many friars as possible to their former . However, because many of the friars were either killed during the Philippine

Revolution or have left the Philippines, only a few friars were reinstated. Also, the

Vatican, through Mariano Cardinal Rampolla, have told the Apostolic Delegation and the Executive Commission to recede the return of the Spanish Friars. Instead, an

Americanization of the clergy was fostered. New religious orders arrived in the

Philippines, such as the Society of the Divine Word (S.V.D.), Congregation of the Most

Holy Redeemer (Redemptorists- C.Ss.R.), the Order of Mary Immaculate (O.M.I),

Missionaries of the Immaculate Heart of Mary (C.I.C.M.), Maryknoll Missionaries

(MM), the Society of Foreign Mission of (P.M.E.), the Brothers of Christian

Schools (La Salle Brothers- F.S.C.), Society of St. Columban (S.S.C.), among others.

Most, if not all of these missionaries either come from the United States, Canada,

Australia, and Ireland. At this time, promotion of diocesan (secular) was at its high.

When War II broke out, the Catholic Church in the Philippines underwent another chapter in church-state relationship.

The relationship with the Japanese colonizers is peculiar, to say the least. The

Japanese tried in vain to get the Catholic Church on their side, and even tried to get a 24 with the Vatican in matters relating to the Filipinization of the Church

Hierarchy, religious instruction and the regulation of church property, matters that can still be heard from Filipinos since the end of the war. This is because they needed to stomp out American influence in the country and to gather the support of the Filipinos.

Since Catholicism is deeply rooted in the Filipino psyche, the Japanese, though antagonistic to the religion, had no choice but to court for the Church‟s support. The

Japanese Army General Staff in the Philippines even established a religious section, with members coming from Japanese Catholic Religious and Laity 28, among them

Bishop Taguchi of Osaka. They would go to various parishes and say mass there to give an impression of the Japanese being religious like the Catholic.

However, the Japanese Army still conducted arrests of many members of the clergy, particularly the American, Australian, Irish, and Canadian clergy29. There was also rampant assassination of members of the clergy, particularly those who are vehemently against the Japanese government30. Furthermore, many churches and church properties were being appropriated by the Japanese for secular use; for example, they confiscated the Church in Tondo which was used as a military engineering corps headquarters.

28 Several congregations of nuns in were also ordered to send English-speaking volunteers to the Philippines, to teach Japanese culture in the country. Among these congregations are the Congregation of the Sisters of Saint Francis of the Martyr Saint George and the Daughters of the Sacred Heart of Jesus. 29 Some of the most affected religious orders are the Redemptorists and the La Salle Brothers. Many were interned in Los Baños and . Even the Archbishop of Manila, O‟Doherty was nearly imprisoned as he was suspected of helping Filipino guerillas. His secretary Fr. (later Cardinal and Archbishop of Manila) faced the Japanese soldiers and said that it was he who funded the guerillas. He was imprisoned in and was sentenced to death, saved by the Liberation of Manila in the nick of time. 30 The victims include the Brothers of La Salle who were massacred in the , Franciscan, Augustinian, Recollect and Vincentian Spanish priests in Manila, and the Divine Word Apostolic Vicar of Calapan in Mindoro, who was murdered and his body thrown into the sea, among others. 25

The end of the war marked the return of the Commonwealth government and not soon after, the independence of the Philippines. The end of American rule also marked the increase of secular vocations and, in proportion, the decrease of regular31 vocations.

At this time, Intramuros, the home of the religious orders, lay in complete disarray, which forced the religious orders to resettle to outside the walls 32.

After the war, one of the highlights in Church-State relationship was based on the bill sponsored by Senator Claro M. Recto, mandating the reading of the Noli Me

Tangeré and the El Filibusterismo. The Church opposed the measure, citing its anti- clericalism. This bill, however, was passed and signed into law by President Ramon

Magsaysay.

The Church, at this point, no longer had direct power in the affairs of the government; rather, they only had symbolic power derived from their moral authority.

This power is applied on matters of morality, such as the efforts to introduce divorce in the Philippines. Then, as now, the Church has opposed the measure.

The enactment of the Second Vatican Council brought a new wave to the

Philippine Catholic Church. With the ushering of the Second Vatican Council, there was a dimension in the duties of clergymen and other religious, as noted by Sr. Mary

John Mananzan, O.S.B. The Church, more than ever, is concerned not only with the spiritual, but also in social justice. Ever since Pope Leo XIII issued Rerum Novarum

31 Regular, in this case, refers to the religious orders. 32 The Recollects, whose Church of San Nicolas was completely destroyed, moved to San Sebastian Church in Quiapo. The Jesuit Church and Convent of San Ignacio was gutted by fire and the lot sold to an American company. The Jesuits moved to Padre Faura in and later to Loyola Heights in Quezon City. Only the walls of the Franciscan Church of Nuestra Senora delos Angeles remained; the lot was sold to the government and the order transferred to the Santuario de San Pedro Bautista in Quezon City. The Dominican Church of Santo Domingo was consumed by fires and shelling which precipitated the transfer of the order to the Dominican-run UST, and later to a new Santo Domingo in Quezon City. The Capuchin church was bombed and the lot sold to the government; after which they moved to Retiro in Quezon City. Only the Augustinians remained in Intramuros- the San Agustin Church was never gutted by fire nor heavily bombed. 26

(1891) in response to Karl Marx‟s Communist Manifesto, succeeding have time and again reiterated the need for social justice, especially in conciliar documents like the encyclical letter Gaudium et Spes (1971), and in Justica in Mundo, by the World

Synod of Bishops in 197133.

The church‟s zeal in promoting social justice was at its zenith during the Martial

Law era. At a time when no one can speak against the dictator publicly, the Church used its powers and resources to banner the causes of the oppressed, the murdered, and the silenced. The Church became the overt symbol of the fight against the dictatorship not only by making public statements or homilies against the dictatorship, but also in helping the victims come to terms with their grief and loss, through the founding of organizations such as Task Force Detainees of Sr. Mariani Dimaraanan, SFIC; by exposing the truth, like The Communicator of Fr. , S.J. and The Times and

Ichthys of the Association of Major Religious Superiors; and by empowering the laity through the establishment of Basic Christian Communities.

It is a testament to the Church‟s powers and moral ascendancy that the People

Power Revolution came into fruition. It will be remembered that Jaime Cardinal Sin went on air in the Church-owned Radio Veritas to appeal to the people to go to Crame and Aguinaldo to protect General Ramos and Minister Enrile, who were threatened to be killed by Marcos loyalists. People went there and after the entire military withdrew their support, Marcos fled the country.

33 “The members of the Church, as members of society, have the same right and duty to promote the common good as do other citizens. Christians ought to fulfill their temporal obligations with fidelity and competence. They should act as a leaven in the world, in their family, professional, social, cultural and political life.” (1971, #38)

27

It would be interesting to find out the evolution of the Church. On one epoch we have the Church serving as part of the civil government. On the other epoch we have the Church in the forefront of opposing the government. The Church, with its concern for the moral and temporal aspects of human life and society, is a major political institution and the shift in roles would be worth noting.

2.3 The Church and Politics

A biblical quotation found in three gospels- that of St. Matthew34, St. Mark35, and St.

Luke36- speak about what Jesus said to the Pharisees- of rendering to Caesar what belongs to

Caesar, and rendering to God what belongs to God. This scene from the Bible very much clearly speaks, in practical terms, about the Church and the State.

The Codes of Law of 1917 and 1983 is very clear on the participation of clerics in elections. Canon 139 of the 1917 Codex states that "clerics should not accept public offices that require the exercise of jurisdiction or of civil administration37." Also, "clerics should not run for senators or deputies [sic], neither should they accept such positions without permission from the Holy See38." Meanwhile, the new Code of promulgated in 1983 state that “clerics are forbidden to assume public office whenever it

34 Mt 22:19-21 (NASB) : ““Show Me the coin used for the poll-tax.” And they brought Him a denarius. And He said to them, “Whose likeness and inscription is this?” They said to Him, “Caesar‟s.” Then He said to them, “Then render to Caesar the things that are Caesar‟s; and to God the things that are God‟s." 35 Mk 12:15-17 (NASB): ““Bring Me a denarius to look at.” They brought one. And He said to them, “Whose likeness and inscription is this?” And they said to Him, “Caesar‟s.” And Jesus said to them, “Render to Caesar the things that are Caesar‟s, and to God the things that are God‟s.” And they were amazed at Him." 36 Lk 20:24-25 (NASB): “Show Me a denarius. Whose likeness and inscription does it have?” They said, “Caesar‟s.” And He said to them, “Then render to Caesar the things that are Caesar‟s, and to God the things that are God‟s.” 37 1917 Codex Iuris Canonici, 139 §2 38 1917 Codex Iuris Canonici, 139 §4 28 means sharing in the exercise of civil power39.” Conversely, Philippine laws present no ban on the participation of members of the Church in partisan politics. In fact, Section 5 of the

Article III (Bill of Rights) of the 1987 Philippine Constitution specifically mention that “no religious test shall be required for the exercise of civil and political rights”, which includes the right to vote and right to run in an elections40.

When the Church hierarchy speaks on matter of government policies, it is often said that the Church necessarily interferes in the work of the government and that the doctrine of the separation of Church and State is being violated. However, in 1997, the CBCP issued a pastoral exhortation that in part tackles the role of the Church‟s mission in politics41. While the pastoral exhortation made it clear that the Church should in no way participate in partisan politics, the said document was adamant in saying that the Gospel call the Church into action in the political realm. The Church‟s goal of integral definitely includes the protection of the temporal needs of the people, and as such, the Church is called to act on this basic and fundamental reality. Furthermore, the Church is called to “vanquish sin” in the political order, and to provide a counter-balance for the poor who are marginalized by politics and society42.

In my interview with the many Archbishops and Bishops of the Philippines, I always ask them about their opinion on the separation of Church and State. The Bishops are unanimous in saying that it must be remembered that their constituents and the constituents of the government overlap for the greater part, thus their mutual concern and the need for cooperation. The bottom-line is, the Church is above all concerned with the common good

39 1983 Codex Iuris Canonici, 285 §3 40 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines, Article III, Section 5 41 Catholic Bishops‟ Conference of the Philippines. (1997). Pastoral Exhortation 1997: Philippine Politics. City: Daughters of St. Paul. 42 Ibid. 29 and the welfare of all people, which is outlined in many papal and letters since

Rerum Novarum was issued in the late 1800s.

2.4 Related Studies and Literature

The conduct of any research on the Catholic Church in the Philippines is a big cross to carry. Researchers will soon realize that there are many stumbling blocks along the way that will make it difficult for them to study this particular topic. First is the difficulty in obtaining materials on the topic, particularly those from the Spanish and American period, plus the difficulty in gaining access to whatever materials are left. Second, the language barrier (many documents are in Spanish or Latin) would discourage Filipino researchers who are not fluent in the said languages. It is thus understandable that in the last decades, there have been very little study done on the said topic in local institutions.

The relationship between the Church and state has more often than not relegated as a mere footnote in history and is usually taken for granted, evidenced by the very low number of previous research studies on the area. The problem for the Political Scientist embarking on this research is not the availability of materials (as the religious orders and institutions had an excellent foresight proved by their prodigious record-keeping) but the lack of previous studies that can serve as foundation for future studies.

The omnipresence of the Roman Catholic Church in Philippine culture and society make it doubly interesting to study how the Roman Catholic Church have related to the secular government and how they have adapted to the changes of regimes and governments in the Philippines. The proposed breadth and extent of the comparison to be done in this study is something that is yet to be made and the author would hopefully be able to 30 contribute to and bridge the gap on the body of knowledge on the Catholic Church in the

Philippine context. This section provides a review of related literature on this specific topic.

The adaptation of the Catholic Church overtime is not a foreign concept to political scientists; in fact in his paper, Rivera‟s (2007) discussed the Catholic Church in the

Philippines as a public religion43. Using Burns‟s (1992) concept of ideology and power,

Rivera discussed how the Catholic Church in the Philippines had adapted itself in the midst of secularization and liberalization in the Philippines. The paper also analyzed the efforts of the Church to influence particular policies of the government since the 1946 independence, among them issues in Education, the recurring problems with the

HUKBALAHAP, and Martial Law. Rivera then concludes that the Church in effect is a

Public Religion in that it is the biggest religion (not only in size but also in terms of power, linkages, and other resources) that frequently takes part in involvement in the public sphere, particularly in affairs of government and in policy making, formation, and development.

One of the fundamental concepts in the study of Church-State relations is the concept of their separation, which is present in many countries with Western- democracies, such as the Philippines. This fundamental concept is in fact enshrined in our constitution, which makes it normal that there are scores of available legal material about the topic. However, there are very few that are written from the point of view of the

Church. The definitive book on this topic is Segarra‟s (1956) Iglesia y Estado, which deals

43 Rivera, Roberto E. N. (2007). Philippine Catholicism as Public Religion: A Sociological Analysis of Philippine Catholic Bishop's Statements, 1946-2000. Sociology Department, University of Notre Dame. 31 with the theological foundations of the concept of Separation of Church and State44. In his work, Segarra posited the theory that the Church‟s usual relationship with the state is that of mutual respect and cooperation, with the Church recognizing in all circumstances that the spiritual takes supremacy over the temporal matters. More importantly, he went further as to rationalize the natural but indirect right of the Catholic Church to have jurisdiction of the temporal matters that is usually under the jurisdiction of the state, ipso facto the civil government. Segarra also posited the three theoretical classifications of church-state relationship: first, the state simply ignores the existence of the church; second, the state recognizes the church and protects the freedom to practice religion and in fact aids the

Church in this regard while at the same time assigning to the Church some duties and responsibilities appertaining to the freedoms they enjoy; and third the Catholic Church is being recognized as a state religion and is governed by a legally binding contract (such as the Italian-Vatican Concordat) where both the Church and the state has duties and responsibilities towards each other, as outlined in the contract.

The Church was analyzed by many political scientists in the context of the different regimes that ruled in the country. For the Spanish period, this was further divided to the different religious orders that operated in the country, as presented by Piscos‟ (2007). His work, Church-state politics in justice issues of the 16th century Philippines provides an excellent primer on the relationship of church and state in the beginning of the Spanish colonization, specifically from 1565, when the first Augustinian mission (led by Fray

Andres de Urdaneta who accompanied the expedition of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi) was

44 Segarra, Francisco, S.J. (1956). Iglesia y Estado. Barcelona: Editorial Balmes. 32 established in Cebu, to the end of the century, in 159945. It must be remembered that the church and state had a sort of grid-lock in the early part of the colonization, with the

Roman Catholic Church being critical of the harsh treatment of the indios, which peaked in

1635, when Archbishop Guerrero openly criticized and asked for the replacement of the governor-general. Piscos‟s work was very beneficial in that it gave a great foundation on how the politicization and more active participation of the Church in State affairs began. It does not, however, provide a complete view of the Church and State relationship during the

Spanish colonial period, particularly because of the time frame that the author set. Running parallel to the study by Piscos is the study of Hernandez (1974), entitled The socio- religious work of San Agustin Monastery from 1572-160046. While Piscos studied the

Church (at this point, mostly from the five religious orders) and their foray into politics,

Hernandez‟ study focused on the socio-religious works of the Augustinians in Manila, as the title suggests. What is interesting in Hernandez‟ study is that the concept of “social justice” is a concept one would expect to be entirely foreign to people in the 16 th century.

However, as Hernandez noted, the Friars of the Order of Saint Augustine in the San

Agustin Monastery in Manila was in fact already practicing it even though they themselves haven‟t coined the term we use today. It would be interesting to find parallelisms in the social work of the friars (particularly the Augustinians) in the 16th century and those of the

Roman Catholic hierarchy during the Marcos regime.

The entry of American rule in the country greatly reduced the power of the Church in State affairs, if not totally removing any right they had in directly interfering in state

45 Piscos, James Loreto C. (2007). Church-state politics in justice issues of the 16th century Philippines (1565- 1599) (Doctoral Dissertation). University of the Philippines Diliman, Quezon City. 46 Hernandez, Policarpo F., OSA (1974). The socio-religious work of San Agustin Monastery from 1572-1600 (Master‟s Thesis). University of Santo Tomas, Manila. 33 processes. Torres (1977) conducted a study on the relationship of the Americanized Roman

Catholic clergy, the Filipino laity and the American colonial government, particularly on the first ten years of their rule in the country47. The deportment of the Spanish friars

(particularly those from the four major ), the entry of American clergy and the appointment of the first Apostolic Delegate (who is, incidentally, also an American) provides a peculiar note on the new dimension of church-state relationship after the Treaty of Paris. Torres‟ work provide good insights on this peculiarity and is able to effectively demonstrate how the church coped and how the relationship of the Church and the State suddenly and drastically changed from the hands-on role they played in the Spanish colonial government to the observer role in the new American government. Also, Torres was able to present effectively the novelty of State intervention in Church affairs, particularly in the appointment of parochial vicars and the disposal of friar lands. It must be noted that the American colonial government lobbied in the Vatican so that American priests and religious would be sent to the Philippines as replacement of the Spanish ones which recently departed from the country. Also Santos‟s (1990)48 study on the history of the Archdiocese of Manila during the American period is worth noting. He offers a no-fuss approach to the study and is able to comprehensively discuss not only the Archdiocese of

Manila but a general glimpse on the whole Church in the Philippines. His insights on

Archbishop Chapelle, a former Apostolic Delegate to the Philippines, are worthy of note.

47 Torres, Cristina E. (1977). A study of church and state relations in the first decade of American rule: the American catholic hierarchy and the American colonial government 1898-1910 (Master‟s Thesis). University of the Philippines Diliman, Quezon City. 48 Santos, Ruperto C. (1990). The Archdiocese of Manila during the American Period: 1898-1949 (Tecina). Rome: Pontifical Gregorian University. 34

The role played by the Jesuits in war-time Philippines was presented by Parpan

(1979)49. The Jesuits, having mainly American confreres here in the Philippines during that time, were most suppressed and became most outspoken against the Japanese. This led to the incarceration of the American Jesuits and the closure of the Ateneo de Manila closed.

The study by Parpan looks at the micro-level the dynamics of the rocky relationship between the Jesuits and the Japanese and tried to use it as a general mirror of the Church- state relations during World War II.

The Second Vatican Council has presented a new dimension to the role of the clergy and the religious; not only are they concerned with the spiritual, but now, more than ever, they are very concerned with the temporal needs of the people, and have made it their mission to promote social justice to a great extent. Changes in the role of the church in the political landscape emerged during the Martial Law rule which is considered as part of contemporary Philippine politics. Pacardo (1984) noted that in this period, relatively novel concepts of social justice and liberation theology began to influence the church. This led to the sustained increase in indirect yet active participation of the Church in government affairs50. Considering that the era was during Marcos‟s Martial Law and Bagong Lipunan

(New Society; 1981-1986), the context of the paper is the relationship of the church, through its hierarchy vis-à-vis the Marcos-run government. However, given that this was written in 1984, it is incomplete as well, as Church activism would peak only in 1986. On the other hand, Santiago (1990) was able to present the moral bases of the involvement of

49 Parpan, Alfredo, SJ (1979). A study of Church-State relations during the Japanese occupation: the Jesuits in the Philippines (1942-1945) (Master‟s Thesis). University of the Philippines Diliman, Quezon City. 50 Pacardo, Jesse T. (1984). The role of the Roman Catholic Church in contemporary Philippine politics (Master‟s Thesis). University of the Philippines Diliman, Quezon City. 35 the Church in Philippine Politics51. The paper by Santiago provides an excellent foundation work for the author‟s study as it covers the entire period of the Marcos Dictatorship, which is one of the major points of comparison on the study being made. Furthermore, the study is very useful as it seek to explain on what the grounds the Church acted, why the Church acted as such, why they had to resort to such forms of action. The analysis, however, is lopsided in the sense that there is the assumption of the Church being a hegemonic institution and the more dominant force as the study focused too much on the actions of the church over the actions of the state, which should have been given equal importance.

Similar to this is the study made by Fr. Jose Mario Francisco, S. J. (2002) of the East Asian

Pastoral Institute of the Ateneo de Manila, who studied the dynamics between the Catholic

Church and the Philippine Society in general52. Fr. Francisco studied in particular statements made by the Catholic Bishop‟s Conference of the Philippines (CBCP), particularly those in the late 1990s. With those statements and pastoral letters, Fr.

Francisco analyzed the social context of Church-State relations in the Philippines, as well as giving weight on the dialogue between the Catholic Church, other churches, religions and denominations, and the government, on the pretext of the “overwhelming” majority of

Catholics in the Philippines.

While there are relatively few studies made on the relationship of the Roman

Catholic Church and the various regimes and governments that have ruled the Philippines since 1521, this is compensated for by the wealth of historical material that are available to researchers who would be interested to delve in this particular field of study.

51 Santiago, Angelito Juliano (1990). The involvement of the church in Philippine politics, 1972-1986 (Doctoral Dissertation). Pontificia Studiorum Universitas a S. Thoma Aq. in Urbe, Rome. 52 Francisco, Jose Maria C., S.J. (2002). The Dynamics Between Catholicism and Philippine Society. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University- East Asian Pastoral Institute. 36

The “bible” of the history of Spanish rule in the Philippines is still Blair and

Robertson‟s The Philippine Islands. Blair and Robertson‟s (1973) The Philippine Islands presents in more than fifty volumes the annals of Philippine History during the Spanish period53. The two American writers provided a comprehensive survey of archival material and have added various annotations, comments and explanations to the documents that have been copied verbatim from the Archives of many institutions in the Philippines and in

Spain. Moreover, they have made it easier for non-native Spanish speakers to easily understand the text by providing faithful translations of the original. The book, by any rate, is the standard reader for those who are interested in reading first hand materials, which constitutes about 85-90% of the book‟s contents.

A good starting point in studying Church-State relationship during the Spanish era is Marcelo H. Del Pilar‟s famous La Frailocracia Filipina (Frailocracy in the Philippines), where Del Pilar denounced in the strongest possible sense of the word the rampant interference of church leaders in government affairs54. Complementary to this are Del

Pilar‟s other works on the topic, such as Dasalan at Tocsohan, La Soberanía Monacal en

Filipinas (The Monastic in the Philippines), and the Sagot ng España sa Hibic ng Pilipinas (Spain‟s Answer to the Cries of the Philippines), which are equally critical and present the picture of the Roman Catholic Church as an institution which grossly abuses their power by dominating the civil government.

Literature discussing in general the ecclesiastical history in the Philippines include

Moreno‟s (1877) Historia de la santa iglesia metropolitana de Filipinas. : Con las vidas de arzobispos y varones insignes, extensiva a hechos culminantes de la conquista y fundación

53 Blair, Emma Helen and Robertson, James Alexander (1973). The Philippine Islands: 1493-1898. : Cacho Hermanos Press. 54 Del Pilar, M. H. (1979). Frailocracy in the Philippines. Manila: National Historical Institute. 37 de varias instituciones en esta capital, which discusses Philippine Church History until

165055. The Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Manila and Msgr. (now Bishop) Ruperto

Santos and the Archdiocesan Archives of Manila published the two-volume Anales ecclesiasticos de Philipinas, 1574-1682: Philippine Church history: a summary translation in 1994, which provides a good complement to Moreno‟s work. While Moreno discussed and narrated biographical sketches and specific works and projects, Santos‟ work provided a plentiful number of first-hand sources for the history of the Catholic Church from 1574-

1682- in fact, literal translations of the original Anales ecclesiastico56. On the other hand,

Lucio Gutierrez‟ (1992) Historia de la Iglesia en Filipinas is a bit lacking in detail and more general in manner, perhaps because of the author‟s intention to be as all- encompassing as possible, which he was able to do to a certain extent. His work, however, is very useful because of his use of previously unpublished material57.

The religious orders were provident enough to have kept enormous amounts of records on their activities in the country, and many of them were published and made available to many research scholars. They are however, mostly in Spanish or in Latin which makes it difficult for some scholars to utilize it.

Spanish records are usually grouped and published by the five religious orders for internal use. Thus, majority of published books about the Catholic Church in the

Philippines from the Spanish period are divided by the type of religious order which commissioned the works.

55 Moreno, Francisco (1877). Historia de la santa iglesia metropolitana de Filipinas. : Con las vidas de arzobispos y varones insignes, extensiva a hechos culminantes de la conquista y fundacion de varias instituciones en esta capital. Manila : Impr. de "El Oriente" 56 Santos, Ruperto C. (1994). Anales ecclesiasticos de Philipinas, 1574-1682 : Philippine Church history: a summary translation. Manila: The Roman Catholic Archbishop of Manila. 57 Gutierrez, Lucio, OP (1992). Historia de la Iglesia en Filipinas. Madrid: Editorial Mafre. 38

One of the best records of Franciscan history in the Philippines is Fr. Felix de

Huerta‟s Historico Religioso Estado geográfico, topográfico, estadístico, histórico- religioso de la santa y apostólica Provincia de San Gregorio Magno (1865). Fr. de

Huerta‟s book provides a history of all the parishes and missions of the Franciscan Order in the Philippines58. Supplementary to this is the Catalogo Biografico de los Religiosos

Franciscanos de la Provincia de San Gregorio Magno de Filipinas, by Fr. Eusebio Gomez

Platero, OFM (1880). Fr. Plateros‟ work provides invaluable biographical notes of all the members of the Franciscan order who was assigned in the Philippines since the inception of the order‟s province59. Also extremely useful is the extracts provided from the Franciscan

Iberian-American Archives in Fr. Lorenzo Perez O.F.M.‟s (1916) book Origen de las

Misiones Franciscanen el Extremo Oriente. The book presented many first-hand accounts of Franciscan activities in the Philippines that the author was not able to see in any other book or publication60.

Jesuit history in the Philippines is well represented by numerous historical works.

To begin with, there is the very detailed and very extensive work of Fr. Pedro Chirino, S.J. and translated and annotated by Fr. Jose A. Arcilla (2009), entitled the History of the

Philippine Province of the Society of Jesus61. This is a new translation of the original book by Fr. Chirino, which gives a lot of primary information on the missions of the Jesuits upon their arrival. Also, the two volumes written by the Jesuit priest Fr. Francisco Combés, S. J.

(1897), (entitled Entrada de la Religion Christiana en Estas Islas de Mindinao, y Jolo and

58 De Huerta, Felix, O. F. M. (1865). Historico Religioso Estado geográfico, topográfico, estadístico, histórico- religioso de la santa y apostólica Provincia de San Gregorio Magno. : Imprenta de M. Sanchez y Ca. 59 Plateros, Eusebio Gomez, O. F. M. (1880). Catalogo Biografico de los Religiosos Franciscanos de la Provincia de San Gregorio Magno de Filipinas. Manila: Imp. de Santo Tomas. 60 Perez, Lorenzo, O. F. M. (1916). Origen de las Misiones Franciscanen el Extremo Oriente. Manila. 61 Chirino, Pedro, S.J. and Arcilla, José, S. J. (2009). History of the Philippine Province of the Society of Jesus. Loyola Heights, Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila Press. 39

Historia de Mindanao y Joló, por el P. Francisco Combés) are excellent sources of the establishment of the Jesuit order in Southern Mindanao6263. Fr. Combés‟ work is doubly interesting because of his narratives about the relationship between the Jesuits in Mindanao and the local Muslim chieftains. It must be noted that Fr. Combés served as a liaison between the religious orders and the numerous sultanates in Mindanao. His work is also famous for its numerous insights on the earlier history of the island of Mindanao, prior to the arrival of the missionaries. One assumes that his amicable relationship with local chieftains enabled him to write authoritatively on matters that happened before their arrival in the island.

The succession of the American government after the retreat of the Spanish colonizers was marked by a new chapter in relationship between the Church and state.

Among the most important documents from the beginning of the new era is the manuscript of the Catalogo de las reclamaciones que por daños y perjuicios inferidos a la Iglesia

Católica de Filipinas, presenta al gobierno de los Estados Unidos de América el Arzobispo de Manila, y los Obispados sufragáneos collated by the Archdiocese of Manila (1903)64.

As the title suggests, this is a formal claim for compensation that was laid by the

Archbishop of Manila with the suffragan bishops of the Archdiocese of Manila before the

American government. The Catholic Church claimed that they deserved some form of compensation for the damages that was inflicted upon them due to the change of regime.

62 Combés, Francisco, S.J. (1897). Entrada de la Religion Christiana en Estas Islas de Mindinao, y Jolo. Madrid: W. E. Retana. 63 Combés, Francisco, S.J. (1897). Historia de Mindanao y Joló, por el P. Francisco Combés. Madrid: W. E. Retana. 64 Arzobispado de Manila. (1903). Catalogo de las reclamaciones que por daños y perjuicios inferidos a la Iglesia Católica de Filipinas, presenta al gobierno de los Estados Unidos de América el Arzobispo de Manila, y los Obispados sufragáneos. Manila: El Mercantil. 40

The Taft Commission‟s Committee on Insular Affairs Catholic Church claims in the

Philippine Islands provides the response for the claim filed by the Catholic Church65. The report, while providing insights on the workings of the Catholic Church and how they adapted post-1898, this also provided good observation on the real extent of Church influence in the civil government and other temporal affairs, including but not limited to their ownership of and other agricultural estates, non-agricultural lands, stocks and shares of banks and other corporations, and other properties.

A. J. Aluit (1994) authored the book By Sword and Fire: The Destruction of Manila in World War II, 3 February - 3 March 1945, which was very useful in gauging the position of the Catholic Church during the Japanese Occupation, particularly during the

Battle of Manila66. Among the most useful are the narratives of the De La Salle University

Massacre and the story of the interned prisoners-of-war in the University of Santo Tomas, which was used as an internment camp by the Japanese. Fr. Hurley‟s memories of the

Japanese Occupation also provides a comprehensive look on the state of the Church on the

Philippines during this period67.

The editing of Setsuho and R(icardo) Trota Jose (1999) bore the celebrated The

Philippines Under Japan: Occupation Policy and Reaction, a collection of several essays pertaining to different aspects of society and politics during the Japanese occupation of the

Philippines68. Terada Takefumi‟s essay dealt with the appeasement efforts of the Japanese military government in the Philippines towards the local Catholic Church and the Vatican.

65 U.S. Congress. House. (1908). Committee on Insular Affairs Catholic Church claims in the Philippine Islands. Washington: Government Printing Office. 66 Aluit, Alfonso J. (1994). By Sword and Fire: The Destruction of Manila in World War II, 3 February - 3 March 1945. Manila: National Commission for Culture and the Arts. 67 Hurley, John Fidelis S.J. (author) and José S. Arcilla, S.J. (ed.) (2005). Wartime Superior in the Philippines. Loyola Heights, Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, pp. 41-44. 68 Setsuho, Ikehata; Trota Jose, Ricardo (ed.) (1999). The Philippines Under Japan: Occupation Policy and Reaction. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press 41

Takefumi, in his essay, analyzed the rationale of these appeasement efforts and the subsequent response of the Catholic Church, as well as their interaction. Takeshi was able to unearth previously classified documents from the Japanese government as well as from

Catholic archives in the Philippines and was able to show the extent of these appeasement efforts and the solid critical collaboration stance of the Church during the Japanese occupation.

Foremost among the Church-State relationship literature related to the 1986 People

Power Revolution would be Bishop Cisco Claver‟s (1987) People Power and Value

Transformation: A Faith Perspective69. From a religious point of view, Bishop Claver explained the concept of people power and the eviction of President Marcos from

Malacañang. More than in any past or future literature, this particular work provided great insights and gave credence and legitimacy on the actions of the Catholic Bishop‟s

Conference of the Philippines and various Catholic institutions during the 1986 People

Power Revolution.

69 Claver, Francisco F., S.J. (1987). People Power and Value Transformation: A Faith Perspective (mimeographed). Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University, Institute on Church and Social Issues.

43

III

THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE PHILIPPINE REVOLUTION OF 1896

“Cai gat ga cayo sa mang a masasamang libro t casulatan sapagca t dapat ninyong tantoin na may isang cautusan ang santa Iglesiang Ina natin na ipinagbabaual ang pagbasa nang mang a masasamang libro,t, casulatan pati nang pag-iing at at pagcacalat noon; at ipinag-uutos pa na ang sino mang magcamayroon nang gayong libro i ibigay agad sa mang a uno nang santa Iglesia, sa Confesor cun sa Amang Cura caya; at cun sacali,t, di maibibigay ay sunuguin man lamang tambing. At ang utos na ito,i, mahigpit na di sapala, na cun di ninyo ganapin ay icapagcacasala ninyo nang casalanang daquila, at cun magcaminsa,i, maguiguing excomulgado pa cayo dahil sa pagbasa noon. Caya cun cusain ninyong basahin ang isang librong natatalastas ninyong baual nang santa Iglesia ay magcacamit cayo nang casalanang daquila, at cun sa saui ninyong palad ay abutin cayo nang camatayan sa gayong calagayang ay mapapacasama cayong magpasaualang hangan.1” -Opening line of Caiingat Cayo, a pamphlet written by Fr. José Rodriguez, OSA, to counter the Noli Me Tangere

The Philippine Revolution against Spain which peaked in 1896 is credited for finally getting rid of the vestiges of Spanish over the Philippine Islands. However, what is frequently being ignored or forgotten is the fact that the Propaganda Movement which led to the Philippine Revolution was largely sparked and fuelled by religious matters, particularly the demands for the rights of the Filipino clergy2. A survey of the many documents from the period of the propagandists show that most of the written works of the illustrados are anti-friar, if not wholly anti-clerical and anti-Catholic in nature.

1 Translation (Old Tagalog) Beware of evil books and writing, for you should know that our Holy Mother Church has an order that bans the reading of evil books and writings, as well as the keeping and distributing of these books; and it is ordered that whoever has these books to inform immediately to the heads of the Holy Church, to the or his Father Parish Priest, and if not to at least burn it. And when this order, which is strictly enforced, is not followed, you shall be committing a mortal sin, and you may even be excommunicated for reading it. That is why if you will read a book that you know is prohibited by the Holy Church you will commit a mortal sin, and if by ill fortune you shall die in that state you will be with the evil forever. From Rodriguez, José, OSA (1888). ¡Caiñgat Cayo!. San Pedro de Makati: Pequeña Imp. del Asilo del Huérfanos. 2 Schumacher, John N. SJ and Cuschner, Nicholas P. SJ. (1969). Documents relating to Fr. José Burgos and the Cavite Mutiny of 1872. Philippine Studies 17:3, 457-529. 44

3.1 Precursors

To understand the clerical underpinnings of the Propaganda Movement, one has to look back at the history of the native in the Philippines. Initiatives for the ordination of native clergy were necessarily delayed because of the problem of the access to higher education3. The becas de fundación and the becas de donación of the institutions of higher learning (such as the Colegio de San Juan de Letrán, the Colegio de San Jose, the

Colegio de San Ignacio, and the Universidad de Santo Tomás), almost always established through endowments by wealthy , would always restrict its recipients to sons of

Spaniards or to Spanish mestizos, and in some cases, to Chinese mestizos4. However, by the third quarter of the 1600s, these institutions have accepted indios to higher education, thus removing a necessary impediment to their ordination as priests. In this story, the role of the

University of Santo Tomas is imperative, as all of the indio priests whose records can be traced matriculated in this Dominican institution, as there was a lack of a diocesan seminary.

The first indio priest was ordained in December 1698, in the person of Fr. Francisco

Baluyot. His ordination was followed by the ordination of a Chinese mestizo priest, and two more indio priests in the course of the next five years5.

Schumacher argues that the initial ordination of indio priests may have been politically motivated. During the episcopate of Archbishop Diego Camacho Avila (1696-

1713), the first indio priest was ordained and the moves for the establishment of the first diocesan seminary was commenced, crowned with the royal cédula of 1704. However, rather than trying to give the indios a position in the hierarchy, Archbishop Camacho‟s motives

3 Schumacher, John, S.J. (2003). The Early Filipino Clergy: 1698-1762 in Philippine Studies 51:1 4 Ibid. 5 Santiago, Luciano P. R. (1988). The Filipino Clergy and the Secularization of 1813. Quezon City: New Day Publishers. 45 may have been less than noble. The Archbishop has been battling head on with the provincials of the religious orders to enforce Episcopal visitation6 among the parishes, in which he lost. The Archbishop, in his letters to king, heavily vilified the religious orders and begged for the institution of a diocesan seminary, saying that the religious were bitterly opposed to the increase of secular clergy “out of fear of losing their parishes with their immense wealth and lack of restrictions7.”

Under the episcopate of Camacho, the foundations of the first diocesan seminary were conceived. In 1704, Camacho received the royal cédula issued in 1702 that supported the establishment of a diocesan seminary under royal patronage for eight seminarians. The governor-general Domingo Zabálbaru was a bit wary on the issue of finances, causing the delay of the project. The influence of the a latere Archbishop Charles-Thomas

Maillard de Tournon, of Antioch, and his companion Abbé Gianbattista Sidotti, is worth mentioning. While Archbishop de Tournon was very much in support of the secular clergy and who in fact took it upon him to convince the governor-general in the project, it was Sidotti who had grand plans with the seminary, envisioning a “missionary centre for

Asia” with eighty seminarians from the . Archbishop Camacho, as well as the lay people of the Archdiocese, was enthusiastic on the proposal- in fact people from Pampanga supplied free lumber while people from the Tagalog offered stones and lime8. The seminary was to be known as San Clemente, in honour of the then reigning Pope Clement XI.

6 The issue of Episcopal visitation has been an old one- even during the episcopate of the first Bishop of Manila, Domingo de Salazar, the plan to conduct Episcopal visitation of religious parishes has always been opposed by the mendicant orders. Gutiérrez, Lucio, O.P. (2000). The Archdiocese of Manila: A Pilgrimage in Time, Vol. 1. Manila: Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Manila. 7 Rubio Merino, Pedro. (1958). Don Diego Camacho y Avila, Arzobispo de Manila y de Guadalajara de México, 1695-1712. Sevilla: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos. 8 Ibid; also in Schumacher, op cit. See also Gutiérrez, op. cit.. 46

The seminary, however, was a futile cause. The Pope wrote to the Spanish king congratulating His Majesty on the “missionary centre for Asia”. The project was in grave contravention of the patronato real system- the Archbishop had bypassed the Council of the

Indies and instead communicated directly with the Papal legate. Furthermore, the seminary being built was in violation of the royal cedúla that was given to the Archbishop. Thus, the seminary was ordered closed.9

Archbishop Camacho, says Schumacher, is after secular clergy that can be under his control. Camacho was supposed to have ordained priests who are not even worthy (in the sense of capability) to be sacristans. In a letter to the King by his successor, Archbishop

Francisco de la Cuesta, O.S.H. (1704-1723), the Archbishop criticized Camacho, saying:

“He ordained some in his time, and I found them so unfit that even the most capable of them I could not manage to put on a list of those proposed for the position of in a church (to my great sorrow), because of his lack of capacity10. For the synodal examiners excluded him as being unworthy. And though this is bad enough, it is not the principal reason on which I have formed my conscience in determining not to ordain them. Rather, it is the fact that the majority are of evil customs, and have so little good upbringing and culture that because of their natural rusticity, even after they have been brought up among Spaniards, they remain incapable of being dealt with in a civilized manner.11”

While initially the new Archbishop was averse to secular clergy, it did not stop him from ordaining new secular priests. In fact, de la Cuesta was behind the move to rehabilitate the old Seminario de San Clemente to make it conform to the royal cédula, transforming into the Seminario de San Felipe. However- perhaps coming from the experience of Camacho‟s ordained priests- de la Cuesta decreed that the eight seminarians should have Spanish

9 AGI, Expediente sobre actuaciones de Diego Camacho y Ávila respecto al seminario y al patriarca de Antioquia, ES.41091.AGI/22.14.813//FILIPINAS,308,N.6. Also, Schumacher, op. cit.. 10 The priest being referred to in this letter is Fr. Pedro Pasqual, termed as más aventajado. He applied to the priest-sacristanship of the wealthy Parroquia de Santiago Extramuros (St. James Outside the Walls) by the Bagumbayan of wealthy peninsulares. Pasqual did not pass the exam administered by the diocesan , dated 27 March 1708. Schumacher, op. cit.. 11 AGI, Carta de Francisco de la Cuesta, 20 June 1708, as printed in Olachea, Juan B. (1972). Incidencias políticas en la cuestión del clero indígena en Filipinas in Revista Internacional de Sociologia, 2ª época, 30:153- 86. Translation from Schumacher, op. cit.., p.33) 47 ancestry, that at least of a quatrones12. Despite this, Archbishop de la Cuesta was able to ordain at least one priest for his archdiocese. He also ordained many priests for the suffragan sees, which were under the state of sede vacante13 for a large part of his episcopate14.

The reputation of the secular clergy already tainted with the events of the episcopate of Camacho and de la Cuesta, their fate would not fare any better in the episcopate of

Archbishop Basilio Sancho de Santas Justa y Rufina, Sch.P. (1767-1787). The episcopate of

Sancho de Santas Justa y Rufina has seen the increase in number of native clergy, which was inversely proportionate to their quality15. Although the number of the clergy that were supposedly ordained by Sancho de Santas Justa y Rufina is sometimes exaggerated, it is a fact that by 1782 there were 159 secular clergy- 78 of which are indios- and that many of these clergy were in fact ordained by Sancho de Santas Justa y Rufina16. This is evidenced by the fact that the number of Indio secular priests was only around fifty to sixty in 176217.

Schumacher suggests that both Camacho and Sancho de Santas Justa y Rufina are motivated by the same reason- that is to place the parishes under the regulation of the archbishop18. Archbishop Sancho, with the support of the civil government, removed parishes from the administration of the religious orders and placed them under secular rule, first among them all the eight parishes under the Dominican Friars- the parishes in Bataan and in Binondo- and gave them to secular clergy. This was followed by the explusion of the

Jesuits from all Spanish territories in the same year, which was enforced in the country in

12 Sp. A quarter. 13 It. vacant see. Refers to an archbishopric or a bishopric which is not filled. 14 Schumacher, op. cit.. 15 Gutiérrez, op. cit.. 16 AGI, Catálogo de curas, sus co-adjutores y sacristanes de las iglesias parroquiales del Arzobispado de Manila, 15 de Mayo de 1782, Audiencia de Filipinas, Legajo 1009. 17 Schumacher, op. cit.. 18 ibid. 48

1769. The very rich parishes of Quiapo, Antipolo, San Miguel and Santa Cruz19 were also given to the secular clergy. The Augustinians were also expelled from seventeen parishes in

Pampanga after they refused to submit to Episcopal visitation20. Thus, it was imperative for the Archbishop to ordain secular clergy (majority of which are indios), to replace the friars and to replace the parishes vacated by the Jesuits. No ample time has been given for the training of the candidates for ordination and thus they were ill-prepared, fulfilling the conception of the Spanish friars and peninsulares of the native clergymen, especially coming from the continental limpieza de sangre21 mindset, a notion that would hound the native clergy for years to come.

To Archbishop Sancho de Santas Justa y Rufina‟s credit, it was he who established the Seminario de San Carlos in 177322, which is still in operation up to now. The Seminary, a successor of the Seminario de San Felipe, was established in the old Jesuit compound of San

Ignacio University in Intramuros. The Seminary, along with the San Jose Seminary and the

UST-Central Seminary, remains as one of the three diocesan major seminaries in the

Archdiocese of Manila.

The internal problems within the Church in the Philippines between the religious and secular clergy seem to have been in existence since the late 1700s, and peaked during the middle of the 1800s. Beginning with Sancho de Santas Justa y Rufina‟s replacements in the

Archdiocese of Manila, what seems to be an open discord between the two factions of clergy roared into the 19th century. One of the most revealing documents on this is a report sent by

19 Harper, Ana Maria L. (2004). Santa Cruz Church: A Living Heritage. Santa Cruz, Manila: Sta. Cruz Parish Pastoral Council. 20 Gutiérrez, op. cit.. 21 For a more thorough explanation of limpieza de sangre, see the section devoted to this topic. 22 The , however, recognizes 1702 as the date of their establishment, owing to the fact that the Seminary was in fact the rehabilitated Seminario de San Felipe, established by royal cedula issued in 1702. 49

Archbishop Gregorio Melitón Martinez, Archbishop of Manila, to Marshal Francisco

Serrano, Reigente de España23. The letter states the Archbishop‟s concern on the growing antagonism between the religious and secular clergy because of the return of secular parishes in Manila (given to them by a Royal Decree in 1774) to the religious clergy after the British

Occupation of Manila, under the rule of the Governor-General Simon de Anda24 (1770-

1776). The parishes were ordered to be returned though a cédula from King Charles III after the letters of Archbishop Sancho de Santas Justa y Rufina and Governor-General Anda were received, endorsing the return because of the unsatisfactory rule of the native parish priests25.

However, this was only implemented in 1870 when the native parish priest of San Simon,

Pampanga died and this parish was returned to the Augustinians26.

In 1812, Don José Bentura Cabello, the Bishop of Santo Tomás de Guayana, petitioned the Spanish Cortes to order the secularization of parishes, citing the grave scandal in which the religious orders have omitted the turn-over of parishes to secular clergy after years. The Cortes issued a decree acceding to the Bishop of Santo Tomás de Guayana, and making this in effect in the entire Spanish peninsula and all its colonies27.

The decree was received by Archbishop, Juan Antonio Zulaybar, OP, the Archbishop of Manila, and the Governor-General Manuel Gonzalez de Aguilar, who both decided against the enforcement of the decree28. However, a copy of the decree was obtained by the of the Parroquia de San Roque, Padre Eulalio Ramírez, and the Parroquia de San Francisco

23 AHN, Manila, Exposición del Arzobispo (de Manila) sobre el clero secular. Sección de Ultramar, Dirección de Gracia y Justicia, Legajo 2255. 24 This was attributed to the fact that the secular clergy who handled the parishes were said to be relatively incompetent as compared to the religious clergy. The decree was withdrawn by the King soon after, but the return of the parishes was only begun by the issuance of the Royal Cedula of 8 June 1826. ibid. 25 Gutiérrez, op. cit. 26 Fernandez, op. cit. 27 Santiago, op. cit. 28 Ibid. Also, in Fernandez, Pablo, OP. (1979). History of the Church in the Philippines. Manila: National Book Store. 50 de in Cavite, Padre Dionisio Ramos, through the Recollect of the ship which carried the decree from Spain, Fray Manuel Medina O.R.S.A29. The Filipino pastors, along with the Vicar Forane and pastors of Cavite, wrote three letters- one to to the Filipino

Vicar Foranes of the Archdiocese, seeking their support; another to the Chapter; and third to the Archbishop, wondering why the decree was not published. Because of their zealous actions, the Archbishop summoned them to Arzobispado in Manila and had them interrogated by Don Antonio Claro Zobollino, the notary. Some of the priests were detained while the governor-general denied receipt of the decree. In the end, after conditions set by the

Archbishop, the priests were set free, but they were removed from their earlier positions and reassigned to non-parochial duties. Padre Domingo Sevilla Pilapil, Vicar Forane of Bacoor, was ordered to make the Spiritual Exercises while incarcerated in Santo Domingo Church in

Intramuros then ordered to go to San Carlos Seminary. His license to hear confession was revoked. The license to hear confessions of Padre Ramirez (one of the original pastors who heard the story from the Recollect Chaplain) was also revoked. The other priests were also asked to recant and make the Spiritual Exercises under friar supervision- Padre Juán

Capistrano (Cavite el Viejo-Kawit) and Padre Dionisio Ramos (San Francisco de Malabon) were sent to the Augustinian Convent; Padre Mariano Mercado (Indang) were sent to the

Recollect Convent; Padre Gavino Ayala (Silang) was sent to the Franciscan Convent; and

Padre Pedro Celestino (Naic) was sent to the San Carlos Seminary. The parroco of

Maragondon, Padre Leon de los Santos, was excused due to illness, while Padre Julian

Francisco Gavino of Puerto de Cavite was also excused as he was supervising the building of the parish church. The secular indio priests were also fined a total of P 394.0030.

29 Fernandez, op. cit. 30 Santiago, op. cit. 51

Finally succumbing to the decrees of the Cortes and upon the egging of King

Ferdinand VII, a rescript was sent by the Governor General Mariano F. Folgueras to the

Archbishop of Manila, Archbishop Juan Antonio de Zelaibar, O.P., ordering the implementation of the 1812 decree. The Archbishop and the Governor-General agreed that the decree would be impossible to implement fully. However, when in 1822 the Augustinian parish priest of the Church of Malate died, the Archbishop willed that it be assigned to a secular priest, after passing the necessary examination.31 However, with the abolition of the

Cortes the following year, the Augustinians requested the return of Malate to them, which was granted32.

The ill-feeling between the secular and religious clergy was further aggravated by the return of the priests of the Society of Jesus (Jesuits) to the Philippines in 185933. Their old missions and parishes in the island of Mindanao, which was now under the care of the Order of Augustinian Recollects, were restored to the Jesuit Fathers. In compensation for the losses of the Recollects in Mindanao, they were given the administration of twenty-seven curacies in the Province of Cavite and in other provinces determined by the Archbishop which until that point was under the care of the native secular clergy, under the Royal Decree of 1

September 186134. Archbishop Melitón Martinez opposed this move, but was overruled by the Governor-General35.

To be fair to the new Archbishop of Manila, Archbishop Gregorio Melitón Martínez, he was very accommodating to the secular clergy. In fact, in 1864, the new Archbishop

31 Fernandez, op. cit. Also, APSR- Exposición a su Majestad sobre el clero regular. Sección HOR, 1823. 32 Schumacher, John, S.J. (1981). Revolutionary Clergy: The Filipino Clergy and the Nationalist Movement, 1850-1903. Loyola Heights, Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press 33 The Jesuits were expelled from Spanish territories by a decree signed by King Carlos III in 1768. The Jesuits left the Philippines in 1769. Their old missions and territories in Mindanao were given to the Augustinian Recollects. 34 Fernandez, op. cit. 35 Schumacher (1981), ibid. 52 desired the division of parishes due to the increase in population36. However, the religious orders were against it, saying that there are not enough friars available to head the new parishes, thus necessarily giving it to native secular clergy, which in their mindset is deplorable37. In this, the governor-general upheld the petition of the Recollect38 and

Augustinian procurators.

It is worthwhile to notice that in the events of the episcopate of Melitón Martínez, the

Governor-General were against the institution of parishes under the native secular clergy.

The political implications of these appointments are so great that the governor-general is not willing to risk it. He is not ready to risk placing a Filipino in a position of power, and thus would naturally side in giving the parishes to the religious order. From the part of the mendicant friars, not only were they after the preservation of what they consider as their patrimony and part of their identity (i.e., their parishes and missions)39, but it must also be remembered that they are moulded with the concept of limpieza de sangre, not only from their homeland in Spain, but also in their experiences in .

3.2 Limpieza de Sangre40

The seemingly biased attitude of the mendicant friars to secular (particularly native) clergy can be attributed to the notion of “limpieza de sangre”. The current Rector Magnificus

36 ASV, Letter of Archbishop Melitón Martínez to Archbishop Lorenzo Barili, Nuncio in Madrid. Arch. Nunz. Madrid, 447. 37 AHN, Ultramar, leg. 2210, no. 22. 38 AAM, Carta de P. Guillermo Agudo, ORSA, Procurador de Recoletos. In Documentos Administrativos 39 Schumacher, 1981, op cit. 40 Sp. Purity of blood. This began after a battle near the end of the 14th century between Jews and Spaniards, which ended when the Jews decided to be baptized in the Christian faith. The animosity between Jews and peninsular Spaniards did not cessate; in fact the Jews, called cristianos nuevos were bitterly prejudiced upon by the peninsular cristianos viejos. They were not permitted to become members of the religious orders in Spain, beginning with the Jeronimites (1486), Franciscans (1525), Dominicans (1531), and Jesuits (1593-1608). In De la Rosa, as below. 53 of the University of Santo Tomas, Fr. Rolando de la Rosa, OP, did an extensive research on limpieza de sangre as part of his research on the beginnings of the Filipino Dominicans41.

The study on native clergy in the Philippines is, as pointed out by Fr. de la Rosa, often mistakenly equated to a study on secular clergy. This is attributed to the very insignificant number, if any, of Filipino indios who have entered and was accepted by the religious orders. The experience of the mendicant orders in Latin America is vital in understanding their prejudice against native clergy.

Contrary to myths that the European friars discouraged greatly the entrance of native clergy in Latin America from the very beginning, they were in fact enthusiastic about it42 43.

The missionaries have found it useful to find internal allies that will help them cover more ground and provide stability to the new faith they are trying to introduce.

The religious orders in Latin America employed a technique which was called

“evangelization of children”, particularly the children of native elite. The Franciscans and

Dominicans were in unison in ensuring that attention is paid to the little boys and girls in the convent and the as these little ones “are central to the conversion of all other indios.”44 Initially, the tactics employed by the missionaries where effective. The indios not only were initially obedient to the padres (“native sons for foreign fathers45”), but also

41 De la Rosa, Rolando, OP. (1990). Beginnings of the Filipino Dominicans: A critical inquiry into the late emergence of native Dominicans in the Philippines and their attempt at self-government. Quezon City: Dominican Province of the Philippines. 42 Olaechea Labayen, Juan B. (1972). Los Indios en las Órdenes Religiosas in Missionalia Hispanica. 29:241- 254. 43 Tormo Sanz, Leandro. (1966). El Clero Nativo en Filipinas, Durante el Periodo Español. in Missionalia Hispanica, 23:257-296. 44 Icazbalceta, Joaquin Garcia, ed. (1860). Colección de documentos para la historia de México, Tomo II. Mexico: Antigua Librería, Portal de Agustinos N.3., p. 551. The term “evangelization of children” originated from Trexler, Richard. (1987). From the Mouths of Babes: Christianization by Children in the 16th Century , in Church and Community 1200-1600: Studies in the History of Florence and New Spain. Rome: Storia e Letteratura. 45 De la Rosa, op cit., p. 4 54 helped in bringing back the new religion to their home tribes, countering the religion of their fathers (“native sons versus native fathers46”).

However, in the 16th century, a legislation of the Councils of Mexico47 (1555 and

1585), Lima48 (1567) and Santo Domingo49 (1622) explicitly excluded the native from being members of the clergy, reminiscent of the cristiano viejo and cristiano nuevos policies in

Spain50. De la Rosa51 suggests that this may be because of the influx of mestizos in Latin

America and corresponding to that the building of Hispanic societies in this area, thus eliminating the need for bridges to indigenous tribes.

The supposed inadequacy of the natives to hold religious office is not entirely false, though. The Franciscans in Mexico, which comprise about half of the missionary staff for the said country, was said to have accepted two indios as brothers and have vested them with the habit. However, the said natives were later removed, having been found incapacitated and unable to fulfil the requirements set upon them. This was the first and last time indios were accepted to the order52.

The early repercussions of this incident were evident in a letter sent by the Jesuit

Superior General to the Holy Father after they have established a mission in Latin America:

46 Ibid. 47 Lorenzana y Buitrón, Francisco Antonio de (Archbishop of Mexico (1766-1782) & Alonso de Montúfar (Archbishop of Mexico, 1551-1572). (1769). Concilios provinciales primero, y segundo, celebrados en la muy noble, y muy leal ciudad de México, presidiendo el Illmo. y Rmo. Señor D. Fr. Alonso de Montúfar, en los años de 1555, y 1565. Dalos a luz El Illmo. Sr. D. Francisco Antonio Lorenzana, Arzobispo de esta Santa Metropolitana Iglesia. México: Imprenta de el Superior Gobierno, del Br. D. Joseph Antonio de Hogal 48 Beentjes, W. P. (1955). The canonical requisites in candidates for the indigenous clergy in the mission countries: An historical inquiry. Beverwijk, Holland : Drukkerij Jos de Swart & Co. Beentjes suggests that the prohibition was never abrogated in Lima; De la Rosa motions this was in effect until 1863. 49 De Armellada, Cesareo OFMCap. (1970). Actas del Concilio Provincial de Santo Domingo, 1622-1623. Caracas, : Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas- Universidad Católica <>. 50 Ibid. 51 De la Rosa, op cit. 52 De Sahagun, Bernardino, OFM.; De Bustamante, Carlos Maria (ed.). (1829). Historia general de las cosas de Nueva España. Mexico: Imprenta del Ciudadano Alejandro Valdés. 55

“Me escribe que los mestizos prueban tan mal, que ya en ninguna religión los reciben, y que su majestad ha mandado que a ninguno ordenen. Ser necesario conformarse en esto como las demás religiones.53”

It should be noted that the Jesuits and Franciscans are early contemporaries in

Mexico.

It is clear that the notion that the supposed incapacity and inadequacy of the indios is false, to a certain degree. However, although the main reason for the biased attitude of the frailes is the limpieza de sangre attitude from 14th century Spain, the myths pervading the experience of religious orders in Latin America would surely have affected the thinking and decision-making of the friars sent to the Philippines.

3.3 Efforts of Native Secular Clergy

The contributions of Fr. to the secularization of the Philippine clergy are invaluable. Padre Peláez is a Spanish mestizo- born of a Spanish father and a Filipina mother who hailed from Laguna. As a mestizo, Peláez had rose up the ranks and was quite prominent in society, with influence not only on secular priests but also some of the Dominicans, from whom he gained his education. He was very learned in Canon Law54 and other religious matters, so not surprisingly he has held many important posts such as being vicar-capitular in

1861-62 and as secretary of the Archbishop55.

In 1849, Pelaez along with Fr. , the Vicar Forane of Bacoor, was planning to write an exposition to Queen Isabel II, seeking redress for the loss of the secular

53 ARSI, leg. 703 IB, ff. 300-301. The translation by Fr. De la Rosa, as follows: “They have informed me that the mestizos proved so bad that none of them is received in any of the religious orders, and that His Majesty has decreed that none of them should be ordained. It would be necessary to conform to this command (of yours) as the other religious orders do.” 54 ASV, Arch. Nunz. Madrid, 447. This was a judgement made by Schumacher (1981) in the many letters of Pelaez to the Nuncio in Spain during his Vicar-Capitularship after the death of Archbishop José Aranguren. 55 Schumacher, 1981, op. cit. 56 parishes to the mendicant friars, at the same time emphasizing their loyalty to the crown56.

Despite the emphasis on their loyalty, the Archbishop got a bit wary after hearing of the plans and stopped the presentation of the exposition. So instead, the secular clergy had to resort to the anonymous publication of their grievances in El Clamor Publico, a Madrid newspaper- which provided the battleground for Pelaez and Agudo, the Recollect procurator.

A couple of years later, Pelaez and Gomez planned to send an agent to Madrid, funded by many secular native clergymen from Cavite, Manila and . The initial campaigns were, however, futile57.

The death of Archbishop José Aranguren, O.R.S.A. in 1861 thrust Padre Pelaez into the position of acting prelate, in his role as Vicar-Capitular. During his term as acting

Archbishop, Pelaez ordered the Governor-General for the nullification of the decree that orders the transfer of secular parishes to the Recollects. The also sent an exposition to the Queen on this matter. At the same time, he continued his correspondence with the Nuncio in Madrid, sending proposals and recommendations, along with his friend, the Dominican friar Fr. Francisco Gainza Escobás, OP, who would later on become Bishop of Nueva Caceres58. The proposals more or less revolved around the relinquishing of parishes from the to the secular clergy, as called for the ordinary law. The Nuncio in

Spain received the proposals well59 and in fact discussed them with the incoming

Archbishop, Melitón Martínez, who was agreeable to the matter60. The friars, save for the

Augustinians and the Recollects, were fiercely against the proposal.

56 APT, E-II-a-12, Quejas y exposiciones del clero secular de Cavite contra la Real Orden del 9 de Marzo 1849. 57 Schumacher, op. cit. 58 See Gainza, Francisco, OP. (1864). Amovilidad de los curas regulares de las Islas Filipinas. RL, Microform # Fm360a 59 ASV, Arch. Nunz. Madrid, 447, nos. 396 and 1354, letters dated 5 January 1863 and 23 May 1864. 60 ASV, Arch. Nunz. Madrid, 447, letters of Pelaez and Gainza, nos. 2017 and 2296, 22 July and 4 September 1863 57

With the advances, however, came some setbacks- some parishes outside Cavite were being asked in exchange for the missions in Mindanao. For example, the native clergy were much flabbergasted when the Recollects wanted the Antipolo Parish, a very large parish in terms of its income61, in exchange for the mission of Isabela de Basilan, with 546

Christians62. By this time, the new Archbishop, Gregorio Melitón Martínez has already taken the and ruled against this. While the Audiencia ruled in favour of the

Recollects in an order of 31 July 1862, the Consejo de Estado in Madrid ruled against it63.

Padre Pelaez died in the earthquake that shook Manila in June 1863. His death has allowed many of those who opposed him to speak ill of him and his cause64 65, further kindling the fire that has been burning in the native clergy. It was at this point, as

Schumacher says, that the internal dispute in the Church began to be a nationalist struggle, as it became a battle between the natives who were demanding for racial equality, and the

Spaniards who insist on superiority66.

The events following the death of Pelaez forced one of his students, José A. Burgos of . Burgos, a learned priest who was Pelaez‟s student in the University of Santo

Tomas, wrote a defence not only of the late priest but also of secular clergy. A pamphlet entitled Manifesto que a la noble Nación Española derigen (sic) los leales Filipinos en defensa de su honra y fidelidad gravemente vulneradas por el periódico “La Verdad” de

61 The Antipolo parish does not have a very big population, but is one of the richest parishes in the Archdiocese because of the steady number of pilgrims that go there to pay homage to Nuestra Señora de la Paz y Buen Viaje. 62 Schumacher, op cit. 63 Ibid. 64 A rumor which has been printed in La Verdad was that Pelaez was concocting a plan to overthrow the regime on the very day that he died. Ibid. 65 The person who reputedly wrote to La Verdad is Padre Agudo or someone under his auspices. ASV, Arch. Nunz. Madrid, 447 no. 1354, 27 May 1864. Ibid. 66 Ibid. 58

Madrid67, supposedly issued by “Los Filipinos”, surfaced. The manifesto also declares the loyalty of the native secular clergy to the Queen and Spain, denouncing the accusations as a trick. It also denounces the accusations of incompetence of the native clergy. The mudslinging against the dead Padre Pedro Pelaez was the proverbial straw that broke the camel‟s back, for the native clergy.

The 1868 revolution in Spain erupted which caused the establishment of a provisional government in Madrid. This provisional government installed a new governor-general in the

Philippines in the person of Carlos María de la Torre, one of the generals who led the revolution. Construed as a liberal, the reformists in the Philippines enthusiastically welcomed de la Torres‟ appointment. In fact, on the 12th of June, 1869, a group of people which eventually became the Comité de Reformadores held a demonstration of gratitude in front of the in Intramuros. Joaquín Pardo de Tavera led the group of lawyers and businessmen while Fr. José Burgos led the group of the secular clergy.

However, the new Governor-General was still wary of the reformists. In a letter to the

Postmaster-General dated 23 December 1869, de la Torre asked for the interception68 of foreign mail of several native secular priests:

Administración General de Correos de Filipinas. Gobierno Superior Civil de Filipinas

Reservado

Conviene a los intereses del Estado que V. S. detenga las cartas que procedentes de Europa y de Hongkong lleguen a esa administración con sobre a D. José Gabriel Esquivel, D. Tomas Fuentes, D. Manuel Fuentes, D. Ambrosio Bautista, D. Agustín Mendoza, D. José Burgos, D. Juan Adriano, D. Ignacio Rocha, y D. Joaquín Loizaga (hijo)

Dios guarde a V.S. muchos años.

67 In 2006, Schumacher, re-examined the documents and posited that its contents may not be written entirely by Burgos. It was Rizal who attributed the Manifesto to Fr. Burgos. Schumacher, John S.J. (2006). The Burgos Manifesto: The Authentic Text and Its Genuine Author. in Philippine Studies, 54:2. 68 the term used is “Interceptada”. (Sobre Correspondencia sospechosa interceptada), PNA, Sección Sediciones y Rebeliones 59

Manila 22 de Diciembre de 1869. La Torre

Sr. Administrador General de Correos de Filipinas.

Torres‟ suspicion stems from the appearance of subversive paraphernalia in the

University of Santo Tomas and the Colegio de San José. An investigation was pursued which led to the arrest of Felipe Buencamino. Buencamino is supposed to live under a Filipino priest, Fr. Agustin Estrella. A search in the residence of Buencamino resulted with the discovery of more subversive materials69. The affinity between Buencamino, Estrella and Fr.

Burgos may have raised the suspicions of the government. This was further exacerbated by the publication of El Eco Filipino in Madrid, calling for reforms in the Philippines. The publishers are also members of the same Comité de Reformadores of which Fr. Burgos leads the clergy section70.

3.4 Cavite Mutiny of 1872

On January 20, 1872, a rebellion led by a Filipino sergeant, Lamadrid, and two lieutenants who were incarcerated in Fort San Felipe in Cavite, caused the death of their local commander. The Seventh Infantry Regiment, together with reinforcements from Manila, crushed the rebellion by the morning of the 21st, with the three leaders reported as killed71.

Even before the rebellion was quashed, the Governor-General had Father José

Burgos, Father Jacinto Zamora, Father Mariano Gomez, Father Feliciano Gomez, Father

Domingo Sevilla, as well as Joaquín Pardo de Tavera and Antonio Regidor. A military

69 Schumacher, 1981, op. cit. 70 Ibid. 71 Ibid. This is according to the account by Izquierdo the Overseas Minister. PNA, Insurgent Records, Cavite, No. 17, letter 390. 60 tribunal was established which tried the priests. Father Gomez, Father Burgos, Father

Zamora, as well as one Francisco Zaldua, was found guilty and sentenced to death72. The accusation was that the priests have incited the workers to rebellion, playing on their grievances against the government for removing their privilege for a polo exemption73. It is even said that the plan was to overthrow the government, install Fr. Burgos or Fr. Zamora as head of state, and then order the decapitation of all Spaniards, excepting females. Apparently, there were anonymous reports even from the time of Governor de la Torre to this effect74.

The Archbishop of Manila, Meliton Martinez, found earlier as more or less sympathetic to the plight of Fr. Burgos, received the sentence from Governor General

Izquierdo, who was asking that the priests be defrocked before the execution. The

Archbishop refused to do so without seeing the evidences implicating the three priests. In fact, while the Archbishop has issued a pastoral letter condemning (without naming names) the supposed participation of native priests in the uprising, he wrote a letter to the Governor-

General twice, pleading for clemency for the three priests who were about to be executed75.

The allegation of creating a new government and the mass decapitation is preposterous, considering that Fr. Burgos is a mestizo and has many Spanish friends. The fact stands that besides the supposed anonymous tips and the confession of Octavo, there is no strong evidence that implicated Fr. Burgos, and the rest of the priests for that matter, in the rebellion76.

72 The text of the decree sentencing the priests to death can be found in Schumacher, John SJ and Cushner, Nicholas SJ. (1969, July). Burgos and the Cavite Mutiny. Philippine Studies 17:3. Loyola Heights, Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. 73 Schumacher, 1981, op. cit. The records are hazy as to how the priests were implicated in the rebellion. 74 Ibid. 75 Ibid. 76 Ibid. 61

Schumacher theorizes that the real reason for the sentence on the priests is not their complicity in the rebellion, but their growing influence in society77. Later that year,

Governor-General Izquierdo wrote a letter to the provincials of the religious orders in

Manila, berating them for letting native clergy occupy positions of influence, saying : “I believe that it is to the interest both of religion and of the country that the care of souls be exclusively in the hands of the religious orders. In this sense and on this basis, my efforts, my endeavors, my representations with the supreme government will be active.”78 The Cavite

Mutiny and the execution of the three priests will serve as the spark that will cause the end of the centuries-old Spanish sovereignty over the Philippines.

3.5 The Ilustrados and Anti-Friar Propaganda

That the Propaganda Movement is an heir of the secularization issues is a fact. It is unquestionable that José Rizal, a leading member of the Propaganda Movement, dedicated El

Filibusterismo, his second novel, to Fathers Gomez, Burgos and Zamora, the martyrs of the

Cavite Mutiny of 1872. It is not surprising, therefore, that the literatures of the Propaganda

Movement are usually directed against the friars, and in fact bears little hint on separation from Mother Spain. A survey of the writings of the members of the propaganda movement would show this.

Graciano Lopez Jaena, born in on December 18, 1856, was one-time editor in chief of the La Solidaridad. He is famous for his many representations in Spain seeking a seat for the Philippines in the Spanish Cortes. His most popular literary work is Fray Botod, the story of an avaristic, gluttonous friar who has a kept woman, his canding-canding. Fray

77 Ibid. 78 Ibid, p.29. Quoted from PNA, Insurgent Records, Cavite, exp. 186, 27 March 1872. 62

Botod loves to gamble and would readily sacrifice his parochial duties in favour of his vices79.

Marcelo del Pilar, another famous propagandist, is a native of and Lopez

Jaena‟s successor in La Solidaridad. His is perhaps the widest anti-friar literary work. He authored La soberania monacal and La frailocracia Filipina, on the control of the friars in

Philippine government; under the pseudonym Dolores Manapat, authored Caiigat cayo, a parody of Fr. Rodriguez‟ Caiingat Cayo, in which he attacked the friars for peddling religion and at the same time defending Rizal‟s Noli Me Tangere, which has been the topic of Fr.

Rodriguez‟ volume; Dasalan at Tocsohan, a parody prayer booklet, which plays on the

Filipino translation of prayers, such as the Ama Namin:

Amain naming sumasaconvento ka, sumpain ang ngalan mo, malayo sa amin ang kasakiman mo, quitlin ang liig mo ditto sa lupa para nang sa langit. Saulan mo cami ngayon nang aming kaning iyonh inaraoarao at patauanin mo kami sa iyong pagungal para nang pag papataua mo kung kami nacucualtahan; at huag mo kaming ipahintulot sa iyong manunukso at iadya mo kami sa masama mong dila80.

A close associate of Del Pilar is José Ma. Basa, one of the Filipinos sent to exile in

187281. Basa is the source of many of the flyers and booklets circulating in Manila, such as

Viva España, Viva el Rey, Viva el Ejercito, ¡Fuera los Frailes!. He also reputedly published the leaflet Escandaloso, Horrendo y Punible Delito Perpetrado en el Monasterio de Santa

Clara por un Fraile Franciscano, Vicario de la Misma82. The leaflet tells the story of one Sor

Pepita who was forced to commit illicit acts with the Franciscan Vicar of the Monastery. In her desperation, she tried to escape and was seen at the roof of the Santa Clara Monastery by

79 Schumacher, John N., SJ. (1997). Propaganda Movement, 1880-1895. Loyola Heights, Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. 80 PNA Insurgent Records, Folder 467, No. 3. Del Pilar, Marcelo. (n.d.) Dasalan at Tocsohan (Banal na Kasulatan). 81 Schumacher, 1997, op. cit. 82 AMSC- Basa, José Ma. and Marcelo H. Del Pilar (n.d.) Escandaloso, Horrendo y Punible Delito Perpetrado en el Monasterio de Santa Clara por un Fraile Franciscano, Vicario de la Misma. 63 soldiers, who reported the same to the Governor-General. He ordered an investigation, only to be refused by the Abbess. The only conclusion of the Abbess was that Sor Pepita was insane. The leaflet ends with the sentence ¡Fuera los Canallas Frailes y vengan clerigos peninsulares83!

The supposed story of a “Sor Pepita” would be immortalized in the final scenes of

Rizal‟s first novel, Noli Me Tangere. In the closing scene, Maria Clara entered the Santa

Clara Monastery, only to desire to go out. The same story, that of a climbing up the roof to escape, is duplicated in the novel84. Of course Noli and subsequently, El Fili, is full of anti-friar propaganda, in the characters of the lustful Franciscans, Padre Dámaso Verdolagas, and Padre Bernardo Salví.

There is no doubt that a large number of propaganda materials are directed against the friars, who were portrayed as cunning and deceitful, among others. There is also no doubt that at that point in time, what the propagandists were asking for was not necessarily separation from Spain, but rather an improvement of the situation in the Philippines, which necessitates the removal of the friars. It cannot be discounted that there are rotten apples in the bunch; to say otherwise would be to deny human frailty. The propagandists, however, portray the friars in such a bad light that it appears to be blown out of proportion85. Ambeth

Ocampo argues that if the friars are as evil as they seemed to be, why is there a need for the propagandists to write about it, when it would have been public knowledge, following their

83 Down with the rascal friars, come, peninsular priests! 84 Rizal, José. (1887). Noli Me Tangere Novela Tagala. Berlin: Berliner Buchdruckerei-Actien Gesselschaft. 85 Ocampo, Ambeth. (2002, March 1). The Spanish Friar, Beyond the Propaganda. Philippine Daily Inquirer, A9 64 line of argument86. Thus, it would appear that the vile friars are the exception rather than the norm, and not the other way around, which seems to be insinuated.

3.6 The Revolution

The Philippine Revolution is irrefutably the fruit of the Propaganda Movement. The extremely negative picture it painted of the friars combined with the onset of Masonry and liberalism in the Philippines proved disastrous for the Church and Spain.

The history of the establishment of the Katipunan has been treated in many previous works so the author will instead go into the reasons for the outbreak of the Revolution. What is not written about extensively, however, is the role the Catholic Church played in the

Revolution of 1896.

The discovery of the Katipunan was through the knowledge of the Augustinian Parish

Priest of Tondo, Padre Mariano Gil. Teodoro Patiño had told her sister about the Katipunan.

Her sister was staying in the Asilo de Mandaloya, an orphanage under the care of the

Augustinian Sisters. One of the sisters caught wind of the story and urged Teodoro to tell

Padre Gil the story outside confession. He did, prompting Padre Gil to report this to the authorities. A raid was conducted in the press of the , where lithographic stones used for printing Katipunan documents were found87.

The government, under Governor-General Ramon Blanco, tried its best to suppress the rebellion and sent very few details to Madrid about this. The friars were in despair of the events- they noted that Blanco was “neither foresighted, nor prudent, nor energetic and

86 87 Villaroel, Fidel. (1999). The Dominicans and the Philippine Revolution, 1896-1903. Manila: University of Santo Tomas Pub. House 65 conciliator”88, emblazing the patriotic concern among the Spanish friars. Exasperated at the events in the Philippines and the insufficiency of the actions of the Governor-General, the religious orders thought of an ingenious way to send information to Madrid behind the

Governor‟s back. Mail to through the Suez Canal would take too long, while telegraphs to Madrid via Bolinao and would not be plausible because it will be censored by the government. The Dominicans were the only religious order that had a procuration house in Hong Kong, so the friars sent their telegrams via ordinary steamship mail to Hong Kong, and the Dominicans there would telegraph the messages to Madrid.

Many telegrams were sent by this manner, addressed to the Provincial Vicar and General

Procuration of the Dominican Province of the Holy Rosary, the Durector of the Correo

Español, the Deputy to the Spanish Cortes, the Prime Minister, and the Queen. It is interesting to note how the friars seemed to be at odds with the governor-general89.

Because of the exposition of the religious orders, Blanco was replaced by Camilo

Polavieja before the end of 1896. The government was able to gain more ground against the revolutionaries, although still unable to quash the revolution. After the raring successes of the

Katipuneros in eight provinces in Luzon90, the Tejeros Convention was convened, placing

Aguinaldo in the position of leadership. Several Cavite towns were recaptured, prompting

Aguinaldo to move North, settling in Biak-na-Bato in San Miguel, Bulacan. Negotiations were brokered by Pedro Paterno for the surrender of the revolutionaries and eventual exile to

Hong Kong, in exchange for P 800,000. Aguinaldo took the offer91.

88 Ibid, p. 8 89 Ibid. 90 Manila, Bulacan, Cavite, Pampanga, Tarlac, Laguna, Batangas, and 91 Constantino, Renato and Letiza Constantino. (1975). A Past Revisited: the Philippines. Quezon City: Tala Pub. Services 66

The Pact of Biak-na-Bato marked the foray of the to the Philippines. The

United States was already at war with Spain after the sinking of the U.S.S. Maine, sent by the

American Government to protect American interests in . The war had spread to the

Philippines, as by April, the American Navy under the command of Commodore George

Dewey already began the Battle at . With American aid, Aguinaldo used the money paid by the Spanish government to purchase armaments in , for a planned return to the Philippines, which in fact was encouraged by two US Consuls, Pratt and

Wildman. Aguinaldo would later return to the Philippines on May, 1898, confident that the

Americans will be helping him establish his government. Aguinaldo would later proclaim independence against Spain on June 12, in his residence in Kawit, Cavite92.

Ever since Aguinaldo returned to the Philippines, Spanish nationals in the

Philippines, especially in the provinces, were taken as prisoners by the native collaborators of

Aguinaldo, and there were murders of twenty-one parish priests in Bataan and Cavite.

Twenty-four other priests died while in prison, while another twenty-five died of other causes93. Reports coming in state that the priests were poorly fed and are treated savagely.

Naturally this stirred concern among the religious orders. Requests for aid were sent to the

Catholic Chaplain of the American Fleet at Manila Bay, Fr. W. H. Reaney, who was asked to appeal to Aguinaldo for the release of the clerics who were imprisoned. Fr. Reaney visited the prisoners three times and asked Aguinaldo for their release, but this was futile. No further communications happened between Fr. Reaney and Aguinaldo after the prisoners were transferred from Cavite to Malabon. However, Fr. Reaney was able to obtain a list of the prisoners, mentioning seven Dominicans, six Recollects, and unnamed Dominican Sisters

92 Ibid. 93 Martínez Cuesta, Angel. (1998-1999). La Iglesia y Revolucion Filipina de 1898 in Recollectio XXI-XXII. Rome: Institutum Historicum Augustinianorum Recollectorum. 67 who were detained separately. He also mentioned the existence of sixty priests imprisoned in

Bulacan94. Another approach was also done through the Vatican Secretary of State, Cardinal

Rampolla. An inquiry caused the reply of President Aguinaldo belying the accusations of maltreatment. This however, did not cause the release of the friars. Their release will come only during the course of the Philippine-American War95.

3.7 Fin de Siècle

On August 2, 1898, peace has been attained between the United States and Spain, but not until after a mock battle was staged at Manila, to help save face for the Spaniards. The following December, a Treaty was inked between the United States and Spain, ceding the

Philippine Islands, among other Spanish territories in the Pacific, to the United States, for the settlement of the amount of $20,000,000. The Spanish flag has flown for the last time in the

East, after more than three hundred years of constant sunrise.

3.8 Conclusion

The Spanish government in the Philippines, by virtue of the patronato real, is intrinsically bound to the Catholic Church. At the same breadth, the Catholic Church owes its existence in the Philippines to the King of Spain, who not only finances the missions but also has the prerogative to appoint Bishops and other church officials in the Philippines, with the of the Holy Father. Thus, not only are the clergy servants of the Church, necessarily they are also servants of the King.

94 Villaroel, op. cit. 95 Ibid. 68

The end of Spanish rule in the Philippines can be pointed back to what was supposed to be an internal church issue on the rights of the native secular clergy. Based on their experiences in and influenced by the racist perceptions that pervaded Europe during that time, the friars and the hierarchs generally belittled the capacity of the Filipinos to govern in the Church. The catastrophes of the tenure of the Filipino clergy during the terms of Archbishop Diego Camacho and Archbishop Basilio de Santas Justas y Rufina only seeked to reinforce the thinking of the Spanish peninsular clergy.

The return of the Jesuits in the Philippines and their subsequent assignment to

Mindanao worsened the brewing tension between the native and Spanish clergy. In compensation for the parishes lost in Mindanao, the Recollects asked for the parishes in

Manila that belonged to the secular clergy, which incidentally are among the richest in terms of the finances that the parishes handle. Tired of what they feel as overly prejudiced system, the native clergy of Cavite and Pampanga seeked redress from the Queen. Their recourse to the Queen was misinterpreted as desire to incite rebellion, making the native clergy suspect.

The incidents that followed, such as the events in Santo Tomas and the publication of El Eco

Filipino, only caused the flame to grow bigger. When the opportunity came for the Spanish government to implicate the native clergy, they wasted no time in doing so, which led to the martyrdom of the three secular priess, Fr. Gomez, Burgos and Zamora.

The death of the three priests made a mark on the ilustrados who would embark to

Spain in the next years to study. Seeing the friars as the culprit in the death of the three priests, coupled with the negative personal experiences that they had with the friars, the ilustrados launched a series of negative propaganda against the friars, seeking their expulsion from the country. 69

The propagandists only served to kindle the fire in disgruntled agrarian workers in the

Philippines. Armed with their growing dissent and their wide mass base, the Katipunan launched a revolution against Spain, albeit prematurely. In their attack against Spain, the friar issues came to the fore.

The Governor-General, Ramon Blanco refused to let Madrid in to the real happenings in the Philippines, deciding it would be better to quell the rebellion on his own. He failed in this and the friars had recourse to tell the whole story to the government inMadrid, mindful of their dual duty to God and the King, as well as in the true spirit of pastoral concern over the people.

The rebellion was not quashed, and in fact a third player came in- the Americans. The battle in Cuba was extended to the Philippines. American aid for Aguinaldo caused the downfall of the Spanish government, which ended with the signing of the Treaty of Paris in

December, 1898. Three hundred years of Spanish rule, and the patronato real system, ended.

71

IV

AMERICAN COLONIZATION AND THE SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE

4.1 Separation of Church and State

The end of the Spanish rule in the Philippines caused a lot of shuffling in the Church structure in the Philippines. The Church has been formed under the patronato real system that existed since the earliest days of Spanish colonization, and the entry of Americans cost the suppression of that system.

The patronato real system caused a duality in the person of a clergyman.

Besides the duties he holds as priest, he also has his duty to the King, being under

Royal Patronage. This can be glimpsed in the description of the role of a parish priest during the Spanish colonial period as summarized by the Taft Commission:

In general, it may be said that parochial priest assists in all the meetings of the municipal tribunal [council], whether that body meets alone or in conjunction with the twelve delegates of the principalia. He has the right to intervene in all business conducted by the tribunal, gives his opinion in regard to the approval of bills presented by the captain, and advises the town officials whenever occasion offers. In detail the duties of the parochial priest are as follows: (1) He assists in choosing the members of the municipal tribunal; (2) he revises the act and makes sure that the officials are properly elected; (3) he signs the certificate of election; (4) he assists and supervises the drawing of lots whenever that is necessary to determine who shall go out of office first; (5) he signs a statement certifying to the result of the drawing of lots; (6) he assists the municipal tribunal and the twelve delegates in choosing or nominating the cabeza de ; (7) he becomes a member of the provincial council when there is only one foreign vicar in the 72

province; (8) he assists the tribunal in deciding upon the questions relating to taxes and imposts; (9) he signs the estimates of permanent receipts and expenditures; (10) he assists the tribunal in deciding upon the construction of public works; (11) he assists in making any modification in the estimates of permanent receipts or expenditures; (12) he assists in deciding upon any extraordinary expenditures of the tribunal; (13) he gives his opinion on the accounts presented to him by the tribunal before the same are sent to the provincial council; and (14) he has the power to decide at what hour the meetings of the tribunal in which he is to take part shall be held. Since the duties of the parochial priest are only those of advising and inspecting, in any session in which he takes part, he is not counted in the number of those who must be present to make the deliberations valid. 1

The introduction of the separation of church and state may be described as a two- edged sword. On one hand, it benefited the Church as it left the clergy free to exercise his pastoral ministry without due interference from the State. On the other hand, it cut off the financial support that came from the King of Spain, as well as the other privileges it used to enjoy, such as the exclusive right to conduct marriages. It also allowed the flourishing of non-Catholic religions which have been detrimental to the Catholic cause in the country.

The structure of the Church changed because of the separation. For the first time, a

Papal Delegate was sent to the Philippines, in the person of Mons. Placid Louis Chapelle.

Bishops and are no longer appointed by Spain and confirmed by Rome (a privilege of the Patronato Real); now Rome, with the help of the Papal Delegate, directly appoints the members of the hierarchy.

1 Report of the (Schurman), 1900,1, 57, 58. 73

4.2 Americanization of the Hierarchy and the entry of new religious orders

In an article written for the American Ecclesiastical Review in 1926, then Manila

Archbishop Michael J. O‟Doherty had this to say on the religious situation in the Philippines at the start of the twentieth century:

“A careful analysis of after events will lead one to the conclusion that if the Spanish friars made a mistake in their policy of governing the Filipinos, it was solely in this that they failed to realize that a day might come when Spanish sovereignty in the Islands would cease. Hence they made no plans for an emergency such as happened in 1898. They neglected the Catholic principle that no Church can rest upon a substantial basis unless it is manned by a native clergy. True, native priests had been ordained in the Philippines, but they were seldom, if ever, allowed to become pastors. Their offices were rather those of helpers in the more ordinary duties of the parish. To illustrate, the status of affairs in the Archdiocese of Manila may be cited. Of the 350 parishes under the jurisdiction of the Archbishop, only twelve were actually in his control, so far as appointment of pastors was concerned. Other pastors, although nominally appointed by the Archbishop, were really the choice of the Spanish friars. Such being the case, it is by no means strange that the Filipino priests were wholly unprepared to cope with the situation when full responsibility for the government of parishes fell unexpectedly upon their shoulders. Perpetual curates they had intended to be and nothing more. Their previous training had fitted them for no more. A certain native priest of Bulacan voiced his sentiments to the bishop some years after the new regime had gone into effect exclaiming: “Your Lordship, we were never trained for this”. And his words were but too true.2”

With the forced exile of 700 to 800 priests of the Spanish mendicant orders3 and the institution of the Iglesia Filipina Independiente which caused a great divide in the native clergy, many parishes in the country were left vacant. Because of the need to preserve the

Catholic faith in the Philippines and the pressing concern of the growth of the Aglipayan schism and the Protestant movement, the Catholic hierarchy in the Philippines decided it would be best to invite non-Spanish missionaries to work on two primary concerns: religious education and parochial ministry. It is imperative to mention the role played by Archbishop

2 O‟Doherty, Michael J. (1926). The Religious Situation in the Philippines in The American Ecclesiastical Review, 74, p.131-2. 3 Ibid. 74

Ambrose Agius, OSB, Apostolic Delegate to the Philippines, whose inveterate letter-writing to various religious congregations in Europe caused the accomplishment of the goals.

Congregation of the Most Holy Redeemer (CSsR)

The Redemptorists are the members of the Congregation of the Most Holy Redeemer

(CSsR), founded by St. Alphonsus Maria Liguori in Naples, Italy in 1732. The first

Redemptorists in the Philippines arrived in July of 1906, upon the invitation of the Bishop

Thomas Hendrick, Bishop of Cebu, to handle the parish of Opon4. They grew and established missions in Malate, Manila (1913), Baclaran, Parañaque (1932), Lipa, Batangas (1936) in

Luzon and to Bohol, Leyte, Negros Oriental and even to Camiguin and in

Visayas and Mindanao. In fact, the Redemptorists flourished much more in the Visayas and

Mindanao more than in Luzon, as they were missionaries and did not take on (at least almost always) parochial assignments.

The initial approach to the Jesuit was through the indefatigable Mons.

Aguis, Apostolic Delegate to the Philippines, who was having his retreat in the Redemptorist

Church of Sant‟Alfonso in Rome prior to his assignment in Manila. Fully aware of the circumstances in Manila, the Archbishop hoped to have American Redemptorists sent to the

Philippines. This was respectfully declined. However, this was referred to the Provincial of the new Irish Province, Fr. Andrew Boylan CSsR, who was interested in sending a Philippine mission. A letter from Bishop Hendrick of Cebu asking for help in filling up the more than sixty vacant parishes in his diocese came to Fr. Boylan and, despite initial hesitancy, the

Father sent a letter to Rome by March 1904, acceding to the request of the Bishop of Cebu. A

4 Los Pp. Redentoristas en Filipinas in Misiones Catolicas en Extremo Oriente (XXXIII Congreso Eucaristico Internacional). (1937). Manila: Cacho Hermanos. Also, in Gaspar, Karl. (2006). The History of the Redemptorists in the Philippines (1906-2005). Cebu City: Redemptorist Pastoral Resource Center. 75 visitation was made and in due time an agreement was signed between the Bishop and Fr.

Boylan, who have accepted the parish of Opon (Lapu-Lapu City) as the first base of

Redemptorist mission in the Philippines. Five Redemptorist Fathers and Two were sent to this new mission post from Australia5.

The arrival of the Redemptorists in Opon were tense, especially after it seemed that the “Americans”, as the Irish Fathers were thought to be, booted out the Filipino parocco from the parish of Opon. While eventually the problem was overcome, it might be said that the initial foray of the Redemptorist in parochial work in Opon was not entirely successful, although their efforts in catechism is very laudable6.

The administration of a parish is not the charism of the sons of St. Alphonsus and soon it was decided that the Redemptorists cannot continue work in Opon. After the arrival of the Dutch Fathers, the Redemptorists abandoned Opon and focused instead in creating missions to infidels7.

Missionary Benedictine Sisters (OSB)

The establishment of the Missionary Benedictine Sisters in the Philippines has its roots in a letter sent by Mons. Agius, Apostolic Delegate to Manila. A former Benedictine from the Abbey of Ramsgate in the , the Delegate wrote a letter to his former Abbot, asking to send missionaries in the Philippines because of the serious lack of religious workers to give religious instruction and perform the sacraments. His letter was forwarded to the Abbess of St. Mary‟s in Suffolk, Mother Hildegard Heggen, who in turn

5 They were Fr. Patrick Leo CSsR, the superior; Fathers Creagh, O‟Sullivan, O‟Callaghan, and Cassin, and Brothers Casimir and Eunan. From Baily, Michael CSsR. (1978). Small Net in a Big Sea: The Redemptorists in the Philippines, 1905-1929. Cebu City: San Carlos Publications. 6 Ibid. 7 Ibid. 76 passed the letter to her former spiritual director Abbot Ildefons Schober of Seckau. The

Abbot was one time Superior General of the Missionary Benedictine Sisters and informed

Mother Birgitta, the Superior, about this. Mother Birgitta acceded to the request and in

August 1906, five sisters left Munich for the Philippines: M. Fernandina Hoelzer, Prioress, along with Sr. Petronailla Keller, Sr. Crescentia Veser, Sr. Winfrieda Mueller, and Alexia

Ruedenauer, a novice8.

The sisters arrived in Manila on September 14th and were welcomed by the Sisters of

St. Paul of Chartres, on whose community in St. Paul‟s Hospital they would be staying.

Soon, they moved to Moriones St. in Tondo, where they were assigned to do mission work among the poor. On December of the same year, the sisters opened a school for poor children. Later the following year, the Sisters moved to a bigger compound in San Marcelino

Street, where the school transformed into St. Scholastica‟s College. Space constraints would make the sisters make to move again, this time in Singalong, where St. Scholastica‟s College can be found up to this day. The sisters soon after established several other educational institutions in the country, namely, St. Agnes Academy, Legazpi, Albay (1912); the St.

Scholastica‟s Free School in Manila (1921) the St. Joseph‟s Parish School in (1921), the Saint Alphonsus‟ , Opon, Cebu (1921); St. Mary‟s Academy, Bacolor,

Pampanga (1922); Academy, Angeles Pampanga (1922); Holy Infant Academy,

Angeles, Pampanga (1924); Academy of , Mambajao, Camiguin Island

(1924); Sacred Heart Academy, Cavite City (1924); Assumption Academy, San Fernando,

Pampanga (1925); Immaculate Conception Academy, Boac, Marinduque (1926); St. Joseph‟s

Academy, Mexico, Pampanga (1930); St. Peter‟s Academy, Ormoc, Leyte (1930); The

8 Barrion, Sr. M. Caridad OSB. (1982). The Missionary Benedictine Sisters in the Philippines, 1906-1981. Manila: St. Scholastica‟s Priory. 77

Sisters also promoted vocations for Filipinas almost as soon as they established in the

Philippines- the first Filipinas to profess as Missionary Benedictine Sisters were Sr. M.

Placida Haraza and Sr. M. Maura Alcala, on 30 June 1912.

Missionaries of the Sacred Heart (MSC)

The Royal Decree of November 1884 has sent the Spanish Benedictines of the Abbey of Our Lady of Montserrat to the Island of Mindanao to minister to the Parishes of Surigao, namely, the parishes of Taganaan, Cantilan, Giagquit, Numancia and Dinagat9. The

Benedictines arrived in Manila on 12 September 1895, and proceeded to Surigao after the establishment of a procuration house in San Miguel, Manila six months later.

The Philippine revolution caused the removal of the Benedictines from the Parishes in

Mindanao, although the Benedictines (as well as their Jesuit neighbours) were treated relatively better than their Luzon counterparts. The cessation of Spanish rule from the

Philippines also precipitated the end of the patronato system, which in effect would have meant the removal of the Benedictines in the parishes. Sabio (1980) suggests three possible reasons for the removal of the Benedictines in the parishes in Mindanao: first, the signing of the Treaty of Paris ended the agreement between the Spanish Government and the

Benedictines of the Abbey of Our Lady of Montserrat to send missionaries to Surigao; second, the establishment of the San Beda College in Manila caused a diversion in the attention of the Benedictines in Manila and thus the time, personnel and finances for the parishes in Surigao were split; and consequently, third, the lack of personnel to man the

9 Agreement between the Abbot of the Monastery of Our Lady of Montserrat and Rector of the College of Missionaries and the Secretary of the Jesuit Province of Aragon, in Saez, Ildefonso O.S.B. (July 1934). Apuntes y Documentos in Ecos del Colegio de San Beda, 19:426-27. Also, see Diocese of Surigao (1989). The Golden Years, 1939-1989: Diocese of Surigao. Surigao City: Roman Catholic Diocese of Surigao. 78 mission area in Mindanao10. At the same time, the Benedictines prefer to live a monastic life and is not doing very well in active missions, as the visitor sent by the MSC Fathers would soon discover11.

This is where the Missionaries of the Sacred Heart will come in. The Missionaries of the Sacred Heart is a founded by the Servant of God Fr. Jules

Chevalier, MSC in the Diocese of Bourges in 1854. The founder died in 1907 and within a year his spiritual sons will have started their mission to the Philippines.

The Acts of the General Council of the Congregation dated October 25, 1906 hinted the interest of the Congregation to start a mission in the Philippines, considering that most of its missions are in the Asia-Pacific area: Gilbert and Ellice Islands, British New Guinea,

Marshall Islands, and Dutch New Guinea. Something peculiar with the story of the MSC in the Philippines is the fact that they were the ones who volunteered to go to the Philippines- the Superior General, Fr. Eugene Meyer wrote to the Sacred Congregation for Extraordinary

Ecclesiastical Affairs of the of their interest. After negotiations with the

Apostolic Delegate, Mons. Agius, and the Bishop of Cebu (which had jurisdiction over

Surigao back then), Fr. Meyer sent Fr. Emil Merg, a priest in Sydney, , to conduct a visitation of the area on his behalf. Despite some disappointments in the gravity of work that needs to be done, Fr. Theodore Okhuijsen, Provincial Superior of the Northern Province, as well as his Provincial Council, decided to accept the offer12.

The first group of MSC Fathers arrived in Manila on November 25, 1908, consisting of Fr. M. Nijsters, Superior; Fr. B. Willemsen and Fr. H. Peeters, Counselors; Fr. A. van de

10 Sabio, Generoso T. (1980). The mission work of the Missionaries of the Sacred Heart (MSC) in Surigao from 1908 until 1939. (Master‟s Thesis). Ateneo de Manila University, Quezon City. 11 Ibid. 12 Ibid. 79

Bogaard; Fr. A. de Jong; Fr. J. Menken; Fr. J. Intven, and Fr. B. van Riel. After meeting the

Apostolic Delegate and the Archbishop of Manila, Mons. Harty, the MSC Fathers left for

Surigao by way of Cebu, arriving at their final destination on December 12, 1908. The mission soon expanded and the Fathers were given spiritual ministration over Agusan del

Norte and Agusan del Sur, as well as some parishes in Nueva Ecija. They were also given the administration of the seminary in Lipa13.

It is a testament to the works of the Missionaries of Sacred Heart (especially in matters of evangelization) that Surigao, their mission area, was elevated to the status of a

Diocese in 1939. Then Father John C. Vrakking, MSC was ordained as a bishop and installed as the first bishop of Surigao14.

Maryknoll Sisters

Years passed since the arrival of the first American religious orders, and the situation somehow improved- most of the parishes were filled and in fact some of them were even divided to adjust to the growing population. By the 1920s, the attention shifted to Catholic education, a vital element to maintain the Catholic stronghold in the country.

The Maryknoll Sisters of St. Dominic is a religious congregation for women established by Mother Mary Joseph in New York in 1912, to complement the Maryknoll

Missionary Fathers and Brothers. The sisters are all sent for mission overseas, an important facet of the Maryknoll charism.

Archbishop O‟Doherty noticed the lack of a Catholic Normal School in the

Philippines. The Maryknoll Sisters were thus invited to handle the administration of this

13 Ibid. Also see Portillo, Venancio J. MSC (1983, December 11). MSC: 75 Years in the Philippines: The Challenge of Evangelization in the 80s. in Diocese of Surigao, op. cit. 14 Diocese of Surigao, op. cit. 80 proposed school, in a site in Malabon, Rizal, just outside Manila. The sisters accepted. Seven sisters arrived in Manila just in time for the opening of the school year in 192615.

Soon after the sisters were given the administration of the St. Paul‟s Hospital, located just behind the Cathedral in Intramuros. The archdiocesan hospital was an institution of the

Sisters of St. Paul of Chartres, and assigned to the Maryknoll Sisters because of the lack of professionally trained nurses from the original order. For the hospital, further seven sisters from Hong Kong were sent. Another group of sisters rounded off to twenty-four the total number of Sisters that took-over the work in the Hospital from the Sisters of St. Paul of

Chartres.16. The sisters also operated St. Mary‟s Hall, a dormitory for girls in Pennsylvania

Street17, Paco, the Catholic School (later Maryknoll Academy, 1938), Maryknoll

Convent School in Baguio (1929). It can be gleamed that besides St. Paul‟s Hospital, the

Maryknoll Sisters were able to follow the original purpose for which they have been called to the Philippines, that is to help in religious instruction and education.

4.3 Conclusion

The arrival of the Americans in the Philippines forced the local Catholic Church to adapt to a previously unheard of concept in the Islands, the separation of Church and State.

The Separation was both a blessing and a curse for the church- it is a blessing, in that the

Church is finally free from the shackles of politics that previously bound it inside the patronato real system. However, it was also detrimental as it cut off financial support from the King of Spain, as well as causing the introduction of other religious sects in the country.

15 Lichauco, Luisa R. (1961). A history of the Maryknoll sisters in the Philippines (Master's Thesis). Loyola Heights, Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University. 16 Ibid. 17 Leon Guinto Street 81

The issue of friar lands and war reparations were among the early contentions between the government of the United States and the Philippine Catholic Church. The haciendas were in the fore of the revolution of 1896 and the Americans were adamant that the Church sell the properties to the government. Negotiations with the religious orders and the Vatican ensued, and the haciendas were subsequently sold.

The issuance of the Quae Mari Sinico by the Holy Father Leo XIII introduced reforms in the Catholic Church structure after the end of the royal patronage. New dioceses were carved out, and

The hatred sown by the revolution towards the Spanish mendicant friars made it impossible for them to return to their old parishes. To continue pastoral work and to combat the growing tide of and Aglipayanism, the bishops imported non-Spanish religious orders to work on missions all over the Philippines. This caused the introduction of new religious orders such as the Redemptorists, the Mill Hill Fathers, the Missionaries of the

Sacred Heart, the Benedictine Sisters, and the Maryknoll Sisters, among others. Their contribution towards the renewal of the faith and in the promotion of Catholic education, two domains where they worked thoroughly, is very much commendable.

83

V

THE CHURCH DURING THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION

“Brother Leo Flavius FSC 69 formerly Dean of Studies at De La Salle College was knowledgeable in Oriental languages and understood Japanese. When he heard the Japanese officer's command, Brother Leo slipped to his knees from the bench by the cellar door where he had been sitting with Father Cosgrave and cried, "On your knees, everyone! Father Cosgrave, please grant us absolution!" The shooting and bayoneting began!1”

-From “By Sword and Fire: The Destruction of Manila in World War II”

The Japanese and the Catholic Church in the Philippines seems to have been inseparably linked since time immemorial. Missionaries sent to Japan are inevitably sent from the Philippines. This peculiar relationship has given the Philippines its very first saint-

Saint , who was martyred for his faith in . Conversely, the Philippines had been a haven for Takayama Ukon, a feudal lord of the seventeenth century who was exiled from Japan and lived in the Philippines. When the Japanese forces invaded the

Philippines in 1942, the peculiar bond that linked Japan and the Philippine Catholic Church was reinforced.

5.1 Japanese Invasion of the Philippines

The Philippines was a natural target of the Japanese during the Second World War.

The Philippines was then a Commonwealth under the United States, who declared war

1 Aluit, Alfonso J. (1995). By Sword and Fire: The Destruction of Manila in World War II. Makati City: Bookmark, Inc. 84 against Japan after the dreadful bombing of Pearl Harbor on 7 December 19412. This, combined with Japan‟s “liberation” drive in Asia-Pacific and the establishment of the Great

Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere, are the main reasons why the Japanese have come to these shores.

The Japanese first made their presence known in the Philippines on the 8th of

December, 1941, with bombings in Baguio and Clark, just moments after the attack in Pearl

Harbour3. This was followed by air strikes in and around Manila. It was the solemnity of the

Immaculate Conception, a very important feast in the Church calendar in the Philippines, where she is recognized as the patroness, especially in Manila, who have her as the

Cathedral‟s patroness. The First Holy Communion was being celebrated in scores of churches and school chapels across the country, as traditionally done on this day.

The Jesuit Fathers were having their mass in their new gymnasium in the Ateneo

Campus in Padre Faura, with much fanfare and pomp- the Immaculate Conception, after all, is the Ateneo‟s patroness. At the end of the Mass, the Jesuit Fathers announced, “War, we are at war! Go home to your families immediately4!” Classes were suspended indefinitely5 in the

Ateneo6. Meanwhile, in the Capuchin Church of Our Lady of Lourdes in Intramuros, a frantic Spanish señora nervously went to the sacristy right after the second mass for the day, relating to the Capuchin friars that Pearl Harbour was bombed and that the Philippines was

2 This reflects the American timezone. When the bombings in Pearl Harbour occurred, it was already the 8th in the Philippines. 3 Harper, Ana Maria L. (2004). Santa Cruz: A Living Heritage. Sta. Cruz, Manila: Sta Cruz Parish Pastoral Council. 4 Avanceña, Miguel. (2011, June 19). Remembering heroic Bands of (La Salle) Brothers. Philippine Daily Inquirer. 5 It is often erroneously said by contemporaries that unlike German-run La Salle, the Ateneo was not allowed to operate by the Japanese because it is run by American Jesuits. However, Fr. Hurley, then Jesuit Superior in the Philippines, notes this is because of their refusal to subjugate to Japanese educational demands. See Hurley, John Fidelis S.J. (author) and José S. Arcilla, S.J. (ed.) (2005). Wartime Superior in the Philippines. Loyola Heights, Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, pp. 41-44. 6 Ibid. The conversation is as follows: ¿No sabe la noticia? Los japoneses han bombardeado Pearl Harbor y se les espera en Filipinas de un momento otro. Los trenes han sido ocupados por el ejércitos!” (p.300) 85 next. All the trains, the Spanish lady says, have been taken over by the army7. Over in the

Saint Paul‟s Institution of the Sisters of St. Paul of Chartres in Malate, the community was having their mass when planes were heard roaming above the campus. Panic ensued, with the families hurriedly leaving after the mass. As fate would have it, the first bomb that dropped over Manila was in Malate, near St. Paul‟s8.

The señora had good reasons to warn the friars frantically- several churches and church property are among the early casualties- the Dominican‟s Santo Domingo Church in

Intramuros was razed to the ground while the suffered an indirect hit9. But what happened at the onset is nothing compared to what was about to happen.

The Japanese pursued advances around the country, peaked by the arrival of the greater part of the invading forces in Lingayen in on the 22nd of December. The

Quezon Commonwealth Government had evacuated to before Christmas, save for a few officials10 who were instructed by Quezon to cooperate with the invading forces if only to soften the blows that the country would receive11. Despite Manila being declared an Open

City on the 26th of December, the bombings continued, causing more discord and confusion among the people. The Japanese finally took over Manila on the 2nd of January, 1942. Thus, it naturally was left to the members of the Catholic hierarchy to coordinate efforts as they are the ones who are in the ground and had a clear command and control system in the Islands12.

7 de Arbeiza, Bienvenido OFMCap. (1969). Reseña Historica de los Capuchinos en Filipinas. Pamplona: Pp. Capuchinos. 8 Santiago, Theresina of Jesus SPC. (2003). Ten Decades of Passover. Antipolo City: Sisters of St. Paul of Chartres Philippine Province. 9 Santos, Ruperto. (2000). The Archdiocese during the American Period in The Archdiocese of Manila: A Pilgrimage in Time (1565-1999). Manila: The Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Manila. 10 Among them are Jorge Vargas and José Laurel, who would have positions in the Japanese-sponsored puppet government. 11 Hurley, John Fidelis S.J. (author) and José S. Arcilla, S.J. (ed.) (2005). Wartime Superior in the Philippines. Loyola Heights, Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. 12 Ibid. 86

Even the Japanese High Command gave prominence to the Catholic Church- when they arrived in Manila after it was declared an Open City, the Archbishop of Manila, Michael J.

O‟Doherty, was the first one they called on13.

5.2 Appeasement Efforts and the Religious Section

The Japanese realized the importance of the Catholic Church in the Philippines and they made great efforts to appease the Church. Immediately after the arrival of the Japanese and the establishment of the Japanese Military Administration (JMA), the Japanese authorities have established the “Religious Appeasement Operation Section”. The plan was put forward even before the invasion began and it was to be attached to the Philippine

Expeditionary Force14.

As early as August 1941, the Archbishop of , Archbishop Doi Tatsuo was invited to the Army Headquarters, where he sent two priests of his archdiocese, Fr. Taguchi

Yoshigoro15 and Fr. Shimura Tatsuya, in his stead. The invitation stems from the planned invasion of the Philippines, and the Army was demanding for fifty priests and 150 laypeople to be sent to the country. The Archbishop of Tokyo, upon consulting Archbishop Paolo

Marella16, then the Apostolic Delegate to Japan, decided that it should be done through personal initiative, to which Fr. Shimura responded by going around the country in search of people willing to join the invading forces. With Fr. Taguchi leading, the Catholic unit had

13 Ibid. 14 Ibid. Also, Takefumi, Terada. (2003). Christianity and the Japanese Occupation in Philippine-Japan Relations. Loyola Heights, Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. 15 He will be later named Bishop of Osaka. 16 Born in 1895, he was ordained a priest in 1918 and appointed as Apostolic Delegate to Japan from 1933 to 1948. Subsequently, he was the Apostolic Nuncio to Australia and , and Apostolic Nuncio to France. He was created a Cardinal in 1959, and held the position of Arch-priest of St. Peter‟s Basilica in Rome. He died in 1984. 87 four priests, five seminarians, and five laypeople. The Protestant unit, on the other hand, had eleven ministers and one student. They were under the control of Lt. Col. Narusawa17

Tomoji, who would figure very much in the unfolding of events18.

The Catholic Section‟s primary goal is to curry the favour of the Catholic Church in the Philippines. Realizing the preeminence of the Catholic Church in Philippine society, the

Japanese surely would have recognized the usefulness of a Catholic Church in favor of the

Japanese. Ono Toyoaki lists the activities of the unit as follows:

1. Catholic and Protestant clergy members conducted religious services in a gesture of

friendship toward their Filipino brethren.

2. Lieutenant Colonel Narusawa attended these services and conveyed to the congregation the

Japanese Army‟s “true intentions”

3. The Section printed a notice in the name of the Japanese Army “prohibiting troops from

entering churches or church-affiliated buildings such as monastery, convents, schools,

hospitals and orphanages” and distributed copies to such institutions throughout the

Philippines for posting at their entrances.

4. Members visited leaders of religious organizations (the apostolic delegate [sic], archbishop

[sic] of Manila, and other diocesan bishops, pastors, , and ) in order to explain

the intentions of the Japanese military, foster mutual goodwill, and try to solve problems that

had been caused by the war.

5. The section kept in constant contact with high-ranking Filipino government officials,

particularly the chief of Religious Affairs Bureau.

6. The section established relations with such groups as the , women‟s

auxiliaries and girls‟ club and chaplain aid, etc., in order to gain the cooperation of the

Filipino laity.

17 Santos gives his name as “Naruzawa”, while both Hurley and Takefumi spell it as “Narusawa” 18 Takefumi, op. cit. 88

7. Members were sent all over the country in religious propaganda effort with the support of the

local military Special Service Agencies.

8. Propaganda operations were also directed at the Philippine Independent Church and other

religions.

9. Arrangements were made for clergy members of enemy countries to be kept under house

arrest in their churches or monasteries, but be allowed to continue conducting their activities.

Members also went to internment camps to perform religious services and help POWs cope

with the difficulties of prison life.

10. The section was in charge of religious credentials to clergy members (including those of

enemy countries) in order to ensure proper identification and safe travel while performing

their duties. It also assisted representatives of all Philippine religious organizations with

problems or questions pertaining to the war.

11. In order to promote goodwill, the section initiated a campaign inspired by the era

of the sixteenth and seventeenth century, during which pilgrimages were made to the death

sites of the twenty-six martyrs of Nagasaki, and Christians like Ukon and Naito Juan who

took refuge in the Philippines were remembered19.

Bishop Taguchi Yoshiguro is one of the most important people who were involved in the direction of the Catholic Unit. A priest of the Archdiocese of Tokyo, he was a very prominent figure in the Catholic Church in Japan. He held important positions in the

Vatican‟s diplomatic service, among them being secretary of the Apostolic Delegate to Japan from February 1938 to February 1941, and an adviser to the Manchurian Papal

Representative from March to December 1934. He was also the editor in Chief of the Tokyo

Central Catholic Publishing Department, and later, the head of the Osaka-Shikoku Diocese.

19 Toyoaki, Ono. (1999). Filippin ni okeru Shukyo Senbuhan no Katsudo wo Kaiko shite (Looking back on the activities of the Religious Section in the Philippines, in Hito Shukyohan Kankei Shiryoshu. Tokyo: Ryukeo Shosha, 1:14-15. 89

He was raised to the Episcopate in November 1941, and was ordained the succeeding

December20.

Being adept in diplomacy, it fell to Bishop Taguchi to formulate the policy of the

Japanese High Command with regards to relations to the Catholic Church, generally concerned on three matters: first, religious propaganda in the Philippines; second, religious instruction in public schools; third, the signing of a concordat between Japan and the

Vatican21. The first phase was conducted swiftly under the lead of Colonel Narusawa, who took the initiative of making contact with the leaders of the Catholic Church in the

Philippines. Immediately, he held meetings with the Archbishop of Manila, the Apostolic

Delegate, and the Superior of the Society of Jesus. This was followed by a meeting in the

Archbishop‟s Palace composed of the Archbishop and the Superiors of the Religious

Orders22.

The second approach is evident in the proposals that Bishop Taguchi wrote, Dainihon

Teikoku Seifu to Roma Hoocho tono torikime Gen-an23 and Hito ni okeru Katorikku Kyokai

Mondai ni kansuru Roma Hoocho tono torikmean ni Tsuite24. As a former secretary in the

Apostolic Delegation in Tokyo and trained in the diplomatic sciences, Bishop Taguchi is aware that the only way to settle the policies Japan want to implement on the Catholic

Church in the Philippines is to negotiate a concordat or a similar instrument. Neither the

Archbishop of Manila nor the local superiors can unilaterally decide on matters as enormous as religious administration. However, because of the spread of guerilla resistance,

20 Takefumi, op cit. 21 Takefumi, Terada. (1999). The Religious Propaganda Program for Christian Churches in The Philippines Under Japan: occupation policy and reaction. Loyola Heights, Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila Press. 22 Ibid. 23 Jap. Proposed Agreement Between the Japanese Imperial Government and the Vatican 24 Jap. Concerning the Proposed Agreement with the Vatican Regarding the Catholic Church in the Philippines 90 administrative concerns such as these took a backseat. The proposal was left at that and was not pursued any further25.

While initially very active and held much promise, the clerics attached to the

Religious Section have all left the Philippines by January 1943. To compensate for this, a group of four nuns26 and fifteen laywomen were sent and called the “Catholic Women‟s

Religious Corps.”27 The CWRC‟s main duty in the Philippines is to teach the . All the nineteen members of the corps were sent to Catholic Schools around

Manila, in addition to attending socio-cultural events that aim to link Japanese and Philippine cultures. Like the earlier religious section, they did not stay long and was repatriated on the

12th of February, 194428.

5.3 “Enemy” nationals and the Religious Clergy

If the war was unfortunate for the Catholic Church in the Philippines as a whole, it was a great tragedy for the many American, Australian and Dutch priests and religious in the

Philippines. Being “enemy nationals” of the Japanese, they have experienced the great horrors of the war despite assurances of protection from the Japanese Army. It is thus no surprise that an overwhelming majority (more than ninety percent) of all those who were killed or tortured during the Japanese era are religious clergy.

25 Takefumi, 1999, ibid. 26 The sisters are Sisters Tatsue Yamakita and Shori Makino of the Congregation of the Sisters of St Francis of the Martyr Saint George, Saporro; and Sisters Taeko Kato and Mashi Maki of the Daughters of the Sacred Heart of Jesus, Fujisawa. 27 Takefumi, Terada (n.d.). The Japanese Catholic Women’s Religious Corps and Its Activities in the Philippines during World War II. 28 Ibid. 91

While a large majority of those members of the clergy and the religious who were killed happened during the final months of Japanese occupation, it would be worth mentioning to discuss the early massacres of the religious in this study.

Bishop William Finnemann, SVD, Prefect Apostolic of Calapan

One of the most high profile victims before the liberation is the Prefect Apostolic

(with the rank of Bishop) of Calapan, Mindoro, Bishop William Finnemann, SVD. Bishop

Finnemann, a German who had been naturalized, was a very outspoken man, which endeared him to his flock29.

The Japanese and the bishop got on at the wrong foot, as the adage goes. The Bishop was saying mass when the Japanese invaded Mindoro on February 27, 1942, with no one but

Fr. Bernardo Roos, SVD; Fr. Erwin Thiel, SVD, his secretary; several SSpS sisters, and his manservant around, because of the news of the Japanese invasion. The Japanese reportedly forced open the garage of the Bishop‟s residence and took his service automobile30.

Colonel Suzuki, the local Japanese commander, was conciliatory and met with the

Bishop who assured him the discipline of his soldiers, as well as returning the Bishop‟s , albeit in a bad shape. However, in a few weeks, he was replaced by Captain

Wacabayashi, a garrison commander who was vehemently out to infuriate and insult the bishop. The “safe pass” letter left by Suzuki was worthless to Wacabayashi, who tore it to the

Bishop‟s face. This insult was followed by petty name-callings which Wacabayashi was fond

29 Michael, Peter H. SVD. (1997). Maikling Talambuhay ni Obispo William Finnemann. San José, Mindoro; of San José. 30 Ibid. 92 of doing, such as calling the Bishop “worthless” after planned relief operations when a fire in

Ilaya broke out31.

The incident in Ilaya was just the tip of the iceberg. The Bishop also had clashes with

Wacabayashi over the latter‟s illicit advances towards local girls. This was followed by the confiscation on 7 April 1942 of the parish convent of San Vicente, Calapan which was used by the military as a store room. They also clashed when Wacabayashi unilaterally rented out the school building of the SSpS Sisters to one Mr. Ohata32.

Fr. Thiel, the Bishop‟s secretary, and the sisters seeked recourse from the Japanese

Commission, who eventually ruled in their favor on June of 1942. However, the was short lived as by December, the Japanese Military Police (Kempeitai) was planning to confiscate the same building to avert use of a building used by a certain Mr. Oguro. Colonel

Morimoto of the Kempeitai, like Colonel Wacabayashi, tore the earlier ruling of the Japanese

Commssion, saying he only recognizes the Emperor of Japan33.

The new garrison commander, Captain Ishida, came to the Bishop‟s House on the morning of 18 October 1942, asking for the convent, which naturally was denied by the

Bishop. The same afternoon, his Filipino citizenship documents were confiscated by Ishida34.

At nine in the morning the day after, Bishop Finnemann was arrested. His radio, personal letters and documents, as well as his camera, was confiscated. He was bought to the

Military Headquarters and was subjected to - he was made to kneel and received blows from think wooden poles. A co-internee, a certain Ricardo Pangilinan, later reported that the

Bishop always came back to the cell full of bruises and lash marks. Also, one Adelina del

31 Ibid. 32 Ibid. 33 Ibid. 34 Ibid. 93

Rosario narrated that the Bishop was tied to a metal grill and was scorched by the Japanese.

He was not given any food and it was Adelina and her daughter who sneaked food to the

Bishop, through Wacabayashi, who must have felt some remorse for the man35.

Wacabayashi secretly fed information to Fr. Thiel that the Bishop will be brought to

Manila. The courageous daughter of Adelina, Mercedes del Rosario, along with her brother,

Ramon, went to Manila to the Sisters in the Holy Ghost College in Mendiola, telling them the fate of the Bishop. The Sisters, in turn, notified the provincial of the SVD Fathers in the

Philippines, Fr. Miguel Anspach, SVD who relayed the same to Agustin Okano of the

Japanese Religious Section36.

On the 26th of October, Bishop Finnemann was brought to his residence and told to get some of his things in preparation for his travel to Manila. The ship which was supposed to carry him to Manila left Calapan at around 6.15 am. He was never to be seen again37.

When Fr. Bernard Pues, SVD went to Colonel Ishida to inquire about the Bishop on the 28th, the Colonel replied that he is being investigated upon. However, as early as the 26th, a report filed with the Chief of the Bureau of External Affairs claims that Bishop Finnemann jumped off the ship somewhere between and Batangas, about 20 kilometers from

Calapan. By providence, however, we know what happened to the Bishop through the auspices of Pedro Raagas of Naujan. An engineer by profession, he claims that he saw the

Bishop being tied up with a large rock by his hands and a metal rod by his feet. The next thing he knew was that he heard the clinking of the metal and rock by the ship‟s side. The

Bishop was thrown overboard, never to be seen again38.

35 Ibid. 36 Ibid. 37 Ibid. 38 Ibid. 94

Fr. Agustin Consunji, S.J.

Fr. Agustin Consunji was born in Samal, Bataan on May 5, 1891. He entered the novitiate of the Society of Jesus on September 20, 1911. He studied in Spain and in the

United States, afterwhich he went back to the Philippines and was assigned to the Jesuit

Missions in Mindanao39.

Fr. Consunji was based in , after the war broke out, because the

American Parish Priest had went to the mountains40. Very much against the Japanese, Fr.

Consunji actively helped guerillas in the area by giving food, medicines, and other medicines, which often irritated the Japanese, who called him a “very bad, very bad person.”

He was later arrested and brought to Cagayan de Oro where he was tortured. A Jesuit priest assigned to Cagayan de Oro, Father Isaias X. Edralin, saw him and gave him absolution41. He was brought to Manila, never to be seen again. There are two different accounts of his martyrdom- Ombudsman Merceditas Gutierrez, a great-niece of Fr. Consunji, says that he was convicted guilty by a military tribunal and sentenced to be shot on October 12, 1943. He was ordered to dig his own grave, and later shot, while in a kneeling position. This date is also the date listed in the Catalogus Defunctorum of the Archdiocese of Manila42.

Another version is present in the memoirs of the Jesuit Superior during World War II,

Fr. John Hurley. Several Belgian Sisters of St. Theresa‟s College saw Fr. Consunji on a ship from Mindanao to Manila. He was tied up and in very bad shape, with his clothes much tattered43. The sisters were able to converse with Fr. Consunji until guards came and stopped

39 Bernad, Miguel A., S.J. (2006, July 24). Martyr from Bataan. . 40 Hurley, op. cit. 41 Bernad, op. cit. 42 43 Hurley, op. cit. 95 them. The Catalogus Defunctorum of the Society of Jesus list the death of Fr. Consunji as 10

December 194344.

The Society of Jesus

The Society of Jesus (Jesuit) Fathers in the Philippines were among the first religious congregations to arrive in the Philippines- in fact the third to come to the Philippines. But when the Americans came to the Philippines, the leadership of the Society thought it wise to replace the Spanish Fathers of the Aragon Province with more American Fathers, such that by 1942, only a handful of the Fathers are either Spanish or Filipino45. Thus, it is inevitable that the Jesuit Fathers suffered the greatest during the War.

The first cross that the Jesuits had to suffer was the strain the war had caused on their properties. The Jesuits in Manila had several important properties- the Ateneo de Manila and

Manila Observatory in Padre Faura, the Sacred Heart Novitiate in Novaliches, the San Jose

Seminary in Balintawak, the Mission House and Church of San Ignacio in Intramuros, and the La Ignaciana compound in Sta. Ana. The Japanese, on several occasions, tried to commandeer the properties for their use- the Ateneo in fact, was being asked in exchange for the campuses of the University of the Philippines across it, which Fr. Hurley, the Superior, vehemently refused. The reasoning skills of Fr. Hurley seemed to have saved the day for the

Jesuits- he argued that according to Canon Law, he cannot give up the property and only permission from Rome can allow such thing to happen. That was the end of the argument46.

Death seemed to be always just around the corner for the Jesuits. While lucky that they were not interned in Santo Tomas early on compared to other religious, there were some

44 Bernad, op. cit. 45 Directorio Ecclesiastico del Clero Secular y Regular de Filipinas. (1942). Manila: Catholic Trade School. 46 Hurley, op. cit. 96 close calls for them. At one point, Fr. Hurley was nearly beheaded by a Kempetai after he forbade him to touch one of the nurse‟s muchacha. Luckily, a call from the head of the

Japanese Religious Section, Colonel Narusawa, put a halt on the incident. On another incident, the Filipino scholastic Horacio dela Costa was accused of being intermediary between the Americans47.

Unlike the other religious, the Jesuits decided not to open the Ateneo, not because they were not allowed to, but because they cannot tolerate intrusions in the curriculum to be taught. Fr. Hurley tried to convince the other Catholic schools in Manila, to no avail.

Catholic education, thus, become a farce, with words such as “God” being ordered to be covered by the Japanese48. Instead, the Ateneo in Padre Faura became a stealth relief operation centre with goods and money being channelled through the Jesuits to the interns in

Santo Tomas, the orphanage in Hospicio, and even the concentration camp in Cabanatuan49.

On June 1943, the Japanese Army confiscated the Ateneo campus to be used as a military hospital. The fathers protested to no avail. They were made to leave on 3 July 1943,

Feast of the Sacred Heart. It is a testament to the goodness of the Jesuits that when they were being ejected, help came from all over to pick up their things, as they were only given a short amount of time to get their things. The Belgian Sisters came with their students in St.

Theresa‟s; the Beaterio sisters came with their students from St. Mary‟s; the Christian

Brother brought over their students from La Salle. Of course the Blue Eagles were present as well. To the surprise of the Japanese, neither one light bulb nor one door knob was left in the

Ateneo. The fathers proceeded to the Vincentian Central House in San Marcelino, where they

47 Ibid. 48 Ibid. Also, see AAM Caja 39.B.4., Legajo 32, Documento #43. Letter from Engracio Fabre, Director of the Religious Bureau, to Archbishop O‟Doherty informing him of the decision of Commisioner Recto on the request of Apostolic Delegate Piani to exempt certain words from being covered in religious textbooks. 49 Hurley, op. cit. 97 were received by the Vincentian Fathers. When the Central House was also forcibly taken later, they moved to the San Agustin Monastery in Intramuros. Before the end of the war, the

American Jesuits were interned. There were few casualties among the Jesuits during the liberation, since many of them are in Los Baños50.

The La Salette Missionaries

The La Salette Missionaries are a religious congregation that was closely linked with the Jesuits during the war, by accident. Three young fathers of La Salette, Fr. Joseph

Decoteau, MS; Fr. John Doherty, MS; and Fr. Frederic Julian, MS, were en route to Burma via Manila when their ship was taken over by the American Navy on December 7, 194151.

They were able to live with the Fathers in the Jesuit College, with Fr. Decoteau and Fr. Julian helping out with the duties of the chaplains in the Philippine General Hospital52. They were eventually brought to the Santo Tomas Internment Camp and later to the Los Baños Camp in the College of Agriculture compound of the University of the Philippines. In the camps, Fr.

Decoteau noted that “they (the Japanese) made life hell in every way they could53”, adding:

“don‟t discount any atrocity stories you hear about the Japs. If they are not all true, they could be for similar ones certainly are. I have seen nearly all there is to see of war and cruelty, from the most favourable angle. There was, I can tell you, only that is very mild in Sherman‟s day when he said it was hell54.”

Luckily, all three priests- Fr. Decoteau, Fr. Julian, and Fr. Doherty, were among those who were liberated alive, although admittedly the three were in very poor shape. The three

50 Ibid. 51 Obituary of Fr. Joseph A. Decoteau, MS, Hartford Courant (Hartford, CT), September 30, 2003. 52 “Father Joseph Decoteau writes of Jap prison camp in Los Baños,” Spirit Lake Beacon (Spirit Lake, IO), 29 March 1945, p.9. 53 Ibid. 54 Ibid. 98 never reached Burma, their original destination; Fr. Doherty left earlier than his confreres and followed by Frs. Decoteau and Julian who left the Philippines for the United States to recuperate on May 18, 194555.

The Redemptorists

The Redemptorist Fathers in Manila had a special church in the coastal barrio of

Baclaran in Parañaque. The church, dedicated to Our Mother of Perpetual Help, is famous for its Wednesday Novenas that attract people from all walks of life from all over the island.

The church of Baclaran were among those expropriated by the Japanese early on.

Many of the Redemptorist Fathers were interned, while Fr. Francis Cosgrave, the Rector of the Baclaran Community, being Irish, went instead to the De La Salle College to serve as chaplains of the Brothers.

The devotion to Our Mother of Perpetual Help during that period was already well established, and the special image in the Church well loved. The image in the High Altar is a replica of the original image kept in the Redemptorist Church of Sant‟Alfonso in Via

Merulana in Rome. It is among a limited edition of official replicas made in the early 1900s, copying the original faithfully and later crowned personally by the Pope in Vatican56. Fr.

Cosgrave, realizing the importance and value of the picture, had it kept with a family living near the De La Salle College. However, after the liberation, the house where the image was entrusted for safekeeping was gutted by the fire, and the family was nowhere to be found. It

55 Obituary, op cit. 56 The certificate accompanying the image states: Fidem facimus testamur atque, hanc Imaginem BV Mariae expressam fideliter Esse ex ipsomet veterinario ac miraculis Archetypo, sub titulo de Perpetuo Succursu, olim in Eclessia S. Matthaei in Merulana di Urbe, in Nune tra S. Alphonsi M. de Ligorio in Exquiliis venerato, et un mo R. Capitulo Vaticano corona aurea insignito. In fidem quorum. Romae, ex Collegio nostro annuncio SS. Redemptorem et in honorem S. Alphonsi. (Benedicta a SS. D.N. Benedicto XV et ad Iconem prodigiosam attacta.) 99 was discovered later that the image was among those looted by the Japanese and was stored in the Old Bilibid Prison in Calle Azcarraga57. It was found by a La Salle Brother who reported it to two Redemptorist Fathers, who later retrieved it from the American sentry guarding it, with the help of an unnamed military chaplain58.

The Missionary Benedictine Sisters

The war caused great distress in the mission of the sisters in Luzon. The sisters in

Pampanga (because of its proximity to Clark Airfield) and in Cavite (near the American shipyard) were evacuated to Manila for their safety, staying in their college in Malate. The

German Sisters, thanks to the intervention of Mons. Piani, was interned not in prisons but in their religious houses. This proved useful because two days after the bombing of Pearl

Harbor, St. Scholastica‟s was turned into an army hospital. By January, however, St.

Scholastica‟s was sealed and declared Japanese property after the capture of Manila, leaving the sisters with the clausura, the chapel, and the south wing of St. Cecilia as their living quarters59.

Soon after, private schools were allowed to be open, as long as prior permission was granted by the Executive Commission. All the Schools of the Sisters, except St. Alphonsus in

Opon, Cebu, were opened. The situation however, in St. Scholastica‟s made it difficult to have classes with such cramped space. Through the help of the Japanese Embassy, Tokyo ordered the evacuation of the Army in St. Scholastica‟s. The sisters had the entire compound

57 Recto Avenue 58 Hechanova, Luis G., CSsR. (1998). The Baclaran Story. Quezon City: Claretian Publications. 59 Barrion, Sr. M. Caridad OSB. (1982). The Missionary Benedictine Sisters in the Philippines, 1906-1981. Manila: St. Scholastica‟s Priory. 100 to themselves and later offered part of it to the La Salle Brothers for their elementary school60.

Because majority of the Sisters are of German descent61, they were able to evade the dreaded internship. However, the terrors of liberation seemed to be much worse. In the early days of February, the Japanese Army again took over St. Scholastica‟s and used it as an army hospital. The heavy shelling outside coupled with the great fires that consumed Malate caused terrible fear among the sisters and the refugees. The chaplain, Fr. Dusemond of the

Divine Word Fathers, constantly gave general absolution to the sisters and the refugees just in case death would occur. Finally on February 14, 1945, Ash Wednesday, liberation came.

None of the sisters in Manila, save Sr. Maria Allmang got injured62.

Meanwhile, the sisters in Lipa were staying in St. Joseph‟s Patronage, an institution of the Sisters, together with Bishop Verzosa, were forced to flee by the Japanese from Lipa to

Taisan in Batangas. They met two pious guerillas on their way who reported that the

Japanese will be having a killing spree in Taisan, and escorted the Bishop and the sisters to

Ibaan. They were saved and was able to go to Manila63.

While many sisters were saved from the perils of war, there is one notable death in the Congregation. Mother Clodesindis Leuken, prioress of St. Agnes in Legaspi, was escorting a scared child to an image of the Sacred Heart to pray. Soon after, a bomb fell in the center of the house. Mother Clodesindis grabbed the child unto her. Unfortunately, she died together with Sister Edilburgis and Gertrude64.

60 Ibid. 61 One sister, the British Sr. M. Friedeswida Lane-Fox, was interned in Los Baños. See Appendix. 62 Ibid. 63 Ibid. 64 Ibid. 101

The Maryknoll Sisters

At the outbreak of war, there were fifty-three sisters working in the Philippines, forty- eight of which are Americans. Thus, at the arrival of the Japanese in Manila, the sisters were those who were interned, being an enemy national. However, owing to their religious status, they were interned not at the University of Santo Tomas, but at the Assumption Convent in

Herran65, where forty-two Maryknoll Sisters found themselves on 12 January 1942. St.

Paul‟s Hospital was also transferred at nearby Philippine Women‟s University, which was commandeered for this purpose. Soon after, the fruit of the negotiations between the Church and the Japanese Military Administration was felt when the Sisters, as well as other enemy religious, were given passes to continue their outside Assumption66.

On April 11, 1944, Japanese officials went to Assumption looking for Sister Trinita, the Regional Superior of the Sisters in the Philippines. Accused of espionage, the Japanese took her to Fort Santiago. Two weeks later, Sister Mary Brigida was also arrested, on the same charge. Both were not seen for the next eight months, after which Sister Trinita re- appeared in Los Baños, while Sister Brigida would be found in the Philippine General

Hospital after the liberation67.

On July of the same year, all passes were revoked and the religious workers- both

Catholic and Protestant- were rounded up and brought to UST. This was followed by the internment of the forty-six sisters from Manila and Baguio in the UP Agriculural College in

Los Baños, Laguna, in an area that was to be called “Vatican City” because that specific section of the internment camp housed all the priests and religious.

65 Pedro Gil Street in Malate 66 Lichauco, Luisa R. (1961). A history of the Maryknoll sisters in the Philippines (Master's Thesis). Loyola Heights, Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University. 67 Ibid. 102

“The Diocese of Los Ba os”

As mentioned earlier, all the clerics and religious women from enemy states were brought to Los Baños in Laguna in the later part of the Japanese Occupation. It is in this area that the “Diocese of Los Baños Internment Camp” was established, with Bishop Constant

Jurgens as the Bishop68. A chapel was established in a shed and dedicated after St. Joseph, constructed using some old planks of wood, a cross from the Maryknoll Sisters of Lucena, some plaid cloth, and a leather mass kit as tabernacle, to which a Dutch Sister quipped: “This is indeed the camp life when even God has to live in a suitcase.”69

It was a real diocese, albeit in a miniature scale. The Sisters and other missioners go around the camp, inviting people to convert to the religion, and even conducting lesssons- some under the American Jesuit Fathers who were professors in the Ateneo, or from the

Dominican Fathers of UST. The Sisters on the other hand, took care of home economics, teaching some sewing, among others70. The community situation inside “the Vatican” might have somehow uplifted the spirit of the internees who have been suffering in Los Baños.

The nutritional situation in the “Diocese” must have turned worse as time passes by.

A memorandum from Bishop Jurgens to Major Y. Iwanaka, Commandant of the Camp, noted that despite several verbal negotiations between the Bishop and the commandant, the entire camp had still been suffering from hunger because of lack of ration71. This lamentable situation, however, will continue until their liberation.

68 AHC, Los Baños Minutes/ Memorandum No. 151, Memo to Maj. Y. Iwanaka, from Bishop Jurgens, February 11, 1945. It is not known who has named Bishop Jurgens as such. Also, see Lichauco, op. cit., p. 100. 69 Colman, Sister Mary MM. (1945). Account of Internment in Manila and Los Baños, Philippines. Maryknoll, New York: Mission Research Library, Maryknoll Sister‟s Motherhouse, p. 29. 70 Lichauco, op. cit. 71 Memo to Maj. Y. Iwanaka, from Bishop Jurgens, op. cit. 103

5.4 Liberation of Manila

The last days of Japanese Occupation have been brutal. The Japanese were not giving up without a fight and have been more than willing to kill any moving living creature on the streets. Houses were set ablaze, and people were concentrated in areas and bombed. Bodies lay forlorn in the streets, the cause of death not ascertained whether it was due to hunger, fatigue or brutality on the part of the Japanese.

The Vincentian Fathers

Two incidents caused the death of a large number of the fathers of the Congregation of the Mission (Vincentian Fathers) during the war- first the incident in the Major Seminary, and second the tragedy in the Vincentian House in San Marcelino, Manila.

The fathers of the Major Seminary in Mandaluyong were forced to relocate near the close of the war after the Japanese had taken the building for their use. They were installed in a house in San Juan provided by the Japanese72.

The entry of the Americans in Manila on February 3 made the Japanese frantic.

Mandaluyong and its neighboring San Juan was up in flames, the temporary residence of the

Fathers among them. The four residents, Fathers Prisciano Gonzalez, Crispin Gomez,

Antonino Mayoral, Brother Rafael Martinez, and Seminarian Gumersindo Novero, woke up in the middle of the night of February 7th, hearing voices calling upon them towards the gate of the residence. Fr. Mayoral, out of impulse, ran to the opposite direction towards the back of the house to the neighboring garden, in the house of a Dr. Genato. He later heard four gunshots. Coming back a little past one o‟clock in the morning, he saw the flickers of a

72 Cavanna, Jesus Ma. CM and Rolando dela Goza. (1985). Vincentians in the Philippines. Manila: Congregación de la Mision en la Filipinas, Inc. 104 cigarette. Upon moving closer, around fifteen gunshots were fired towards his direction. He ran back to Dr. Genato‟s residence. When they came back the morning after, the place was ransacked, with no trace of the three Fathers, Br. Martines, and Seminarian Novero. After the liberation, some eyewitnesses said that the five were tied up, shot, and thrown into one of the burning buildings73.

The massacre in the Vincentian Central House was worse than the events that happened in San Juan. After the American‟s entry in Manila on the 3rd, the Vincentians were arrested and imprisoned in their own house in San Marcelino, beside the parish church. By

February 9, the Americans were about to pursue towards San Marcelino, having conquered

La Concordia College. The Fathers74, along with two Chinese farmers and six Filipinos staying in the Central House, were ordered to take dinner early. At around ten o‟clock, all those in the Central House were tied up and led to the nearby Estero de Balete. They were ordered to line-up and then they were shot and bayoneted. Their bodies were thrown into the

Estero. One of the Chinese farmers, Ching Co, feigned death and was able to go back to the shelter of two other Chinese behind the Central House. Their bodies were later recovered and interred in the Parish Church of San Vicente de Paul.75

The Brothers of Christian Schools

One of the greatest tragedies of the Liberation of Manila befell on the Brothers of the

Christian Schools, more popularly known as the La Salle Brothers. At the time of the liberation, there were seventeen brothers in La Salle College in Taft Avenue, twelve of which

73 Ibid. 74 The community consists of Jose Tejada, Luis Ejeda, Adolfo Soto, Julio Ruiz, Jose Fernandez and Jose Aguirreche; four Brothers , Antolin Marcos, Gregorio Induraín, Valentin Santtidrian, and Alejandro Garcia; Minor Seminarian Ramon Santos, and an . Ibid. 75 Ibid. 105 are Germans who were evacuated from Hong Kong (two brothers), and the Malay Peninsula

(ten brother), after being kicked out by the British after their declaration of war against

Germany76. Also at the College during that time was the Redemptorist Father Francis J.

Cosgrave, CSsR, who have stayed with the La Salle Brothers and have served as their chaplain ever since the Japanese confiscated the Redemptorist Church in Baclaran,

Parañaque. Several families have also seeked refuge with the brothers in the College- the family of Dr. Antonio Cojuangco, Billy Aquino and his wife Trinidad, the Carlos family, as well as the Uychuico and Vazquez-Prada families, along with three employees of the college,

Anselmo Sudlan, Pamphilio Almodan, and Ceferino Villamor77.

The Japanese visited the college on the 6th of February, demanding to know the names of the people who are inside the College. They came back again on the ninth, looking for Br. Egbert Xavier, the local Superior, and Judge Jose Carlos. They were never seen again.

On the twelfth, amid heavy bombings in the surrounding areas, a big troop of Japanese soldiers came to the college. The commander yelled a command in Japanese. What followed is the murder of all the people in the college. Br. Leo, the oldest in the group, died instantly.

Male and female, young and old, religious and lay, all were fiercely bayoneted by the soldiers. Those who survived managed to witness the fire that the Japanese tried to start in the college when they came back on the 14th. The courageous Brother Hubert tried to kill the fire with carbon tetrachloride several times. This enraged the Japanese soldier who killed him for good78.

76 Commemoration of the Massacre of the Sixteen Brothers of Manila in The Gateway, The Hong Kong La Sallian Bulletin. February 2009, No. 11. Also, Aluit, Alfonso J. (1994). By Sword and Fire: The Destruction of Manila in World War II, 3 February - 3 March 1945. Manila: National Commission for Culture and the Arts. 77 Aluit, op. cit. 78 Ibid. 106

Salvation came for the victims on the 15th. After hiding in the upper sacristy for several days while at the same time injured, the seven survivors, Fr. Francis J. Cosgrave,

CSsR, Brother Anthony FSC, Rosario Carlos, Servillano Aquino, the college helper Anselmo

Sudlan, Fernando Vasquez-Prada, and the Uychuico servantmaid Clarita Roldan, were rescued by the 12th Cavalry79.

The Massacre of Intramuros

On the 4th of February, the Japanese implemented a concentration plan by concentrating all the people inside Intramuros in three locations- the Cathedral, San Agustin

Church and San Francisco. Later, the men and the women were divided- the women remained in San Agustin while the men sent to the dungeons in Fort Santiago, with those surviving being brought back to San Agustin80.

On the 18th, all the religious men were brought to a warehouse opposite Santa Clara

Monastery, near Fort Santiago- there were twelve Spanish Franciscans, six Spanish

Capuchins, six Spanish Recollects, fifteen Spanish Augustinians, and one Spanish

Vincentian. The next morning, they were led out to be brought to the ruins of the Palacio del

Gobernador, where they were squeezed into two air raid shelters. When everybody has entered the shelter, the Japanese threw bombs into the prisoners. From the first shelter, only two survived, including Fr. Belarmino de Celis, an Augustinian priest. From the second shelter, only seven survived, including the Franciscans Br. Jose María Manjacabas and Br.

Jose María Barullo81.

79 Ibid. 80 Aluit, Alfonso J. (1994). By Sword and Fire: The Destruction of Manila in World War II, 3 February - 3 March 1945. Manila: National Commission for Culture and the Arts. 81 Ibid. 107

Fr. de Celis was able to make a whole big enough for him to breathe. He was able to enlarge it later to be able to fit himself and get out of the shelter, where scores of corpses already began to decompose. He was later able to smuggle into the Santa Clara Monastery, which was recently shelled, causing the death of Mother Eufemia de la Pasion, the only victim. The sisters, who were on their way to San Agustin, pleaded Fr. de Celis to leave to save his life. The sisters were not able to go to San Agustin, and eleven women- five professed nuns, three lay sisters, and three servants- where buried in the ruins on the 23rd when the structure finally caved in.

Meanwhile, the two Franciscan Brothers moved out of the shelter along with the five other survivors and headed for the ruins of the Cathedral. Br. Manjacabas was separated from the group and wandered towards the old San Francisco Church, the house of the Spanish

Franciscans. Br. Barullo, along with the rest took shelter at the ruins of the adjacent Colegio del Tiples and later at the Hotel Cantabria.

Not only can Manila claim as one of the most destroyed cities in the world, it might also hold a record for having the most number of religious workers killed in a span of less that a month. The number of lives claimed by the Liberation of Manila can be best gleamed from the telegram that the Apostolic Delegate, Mons. Piani, sent to Rome:

Please forward following message to Mons. Motini stop supplement previous radiogram regarding Japanese atrocities with following details stop fourteen Augustinians six Recollects ten Franciscans six Capuchins killed with hand grenades in lntramuros stop three more Capuchins bayonetted and shot in Singalong Convent stop ten Vincentians shot in Ermita stop Sixteen Christian brothers bayonetted in La Salle College stop four Columbans taken by Japanese Military Police and never heard from again stop two secular priests killed in stop one Jesuit Scholastic and one seminarian killed in Laguna stop total killed verified to date eighty-five stop in addition about thirty killed by Japanese snipers or died in fires started by Japanese soldiers stop Apostolic Delegation Archbishop's Palace ten churches nine Monasteries and convents twelve seminaries and schools two hospitals and one orphanage totally destroyed stop letter with names of dead further details follows82.

82 Woodstock Letters, vol. 75/1 (March 1946), p. 42. Add to that the eleven that died in Santa Clara. A list of the names of those killed during the war can be found in the appendix. 108

5.5 Aftermath

After the government, the Catholic Church in the Philippines suffered the greatest losses not only in the number of lives taken by the Japanese, but also by the number of properties that were destroyed after the Liberation.

Intramuros was once called by as the holy of holies in Manila, a high altar for Manileños. But after the war, the grandeur of Intramuros was decimated to ashes. Of the eight churches in Intramuros, only the San Agustin Church survived. The Dominican

Santo Domingo Church was the earliest casualty, bombed right after the bombing of Pearl

Harbor. The two Franciscan Churches, the San Francisco and Orden Tercera, as well as the San Nicolas of the Recollects, the Jesuit San Ignacio Church, and the Capuchin

Lourdes Church were reduced to empty shells. The Convents of the Beaterio de la Comapnia, the Beaterio de Santa Rosa, the Monasterio de Santa Clara, and the Beaterio de Santa

Catalina were also gutted and destroyed. St. Paul‟s Hospital is no more, as well as the Manila

Cathedral and the Archbishop‟s Palace. The old Ateneo, Colegio de San Juan de Letran and the University of Santo Tomas only have rubbles in their old spots.

The situation is not peculiar to Intramuros. The legitimate war claims that the

Catholic Church had pressed against the US Government amounted to $27,500,000, which was eventually scaled down to $5,000,000, of which only half was paid83.

83 Hurley, op. cit. 109

Table 5.1 Table of damages caused by the war in the different Dioceses of the Philippines

Right after the war, the Apostolic Delegate, Mons. Guillermo Piani, established the

Catholic Welfare Organization. Fr. Hurley was appointed as its Secretary-General. The

CWO‟s inception is due to the fact that the Catholic Church had the widest and most effective network of people in the entire nation. Donations coming from Manila may be sent to local bishops who would then distribute it to parish priests, who in turn would distribute them to the people in towns and cities. The CWO was able to distribute Php906,030 worth of goods in the first five months of its inception with an overhead cost of only Php540.04. By

1948, the CWO was able to help more than 1.8 million people, handling an average of 1,000 pounds of goods a day84.

84 Ibid. 110

5.6 Conclusion

The Japanese Occupation of the Philippines is among the darkest periods of the

Church in the Philippines, worse, dare I say, than the experiences of the Spanish friars during the end of the Philippine Revolution.

The Japanese High Command in the Philippines is aware of the necessity of the cooperation of the Catholic Church in the Philippines if they are to successfully conquer the

Philippines. They have made efforts to establish a Japanese Religious Section to help spread the propaganda of the goodness of the Japanese.

Their inconsistent approaches to the Church, however, were disastrous. Their abuses were so intolerable for the Church to even consider being associated with them. Furthermore, because of the growing guerilla movement, negotiations soon collapsed, with the Japanese

High Command choosing to focus more on combating guerillas than negotiating with the

Vatican.

The end of the war was disastrous for the Catholic Church. Immense number of

Church properties- churches, schools, orphanages, convents, and seminaries, among others- were powdered by both the American and Japanese forces. Deaths of priests and religious were on a record high, coupled with the large number of foreign religious who had to endure being interned in Santo Tomas and Los Baños.

VI

THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN THE NEW PHILIPPINE REPUBLIC

On the Fourth of July, 1946, the Stars and Stripes Flag of the United States of

America was brought down for the first time and the flag of the Republic of the Philippines flew again after years of being kept. The end of the Philippine Commonwealth and the establishment of the Philippine Republic happened on a hot afternoon in the Luneta

Grandstand, before throngs of people. On the same afternoon, Manuel Acuña Roxas, a

Visayan native, was sworn in as President of the Republic.

While there was relatively less problems for the Church in the transition to a new form of government, expectedly old and new problems cropped up in this period. This chapter will discuss the state of the Church in the Philippines from 4 July 1946, until the proclamation of Martial Law by President Ferdinand Edralin Marcos on 21 September 1973, focusing on two primary issues during that time, the Filipinization of the Church and the increase in social action.

6.1 Filipinization of the Church

It is an understatement to say that the Filipinization of the Catholic Church was carried over from the last epoch. The Third Republic saw the flourishing of secular clergy, not only in their number and the number of parishes accorded to them, but also by the improved sources of knowledge made available to them. 112

It would be useful to look at the Filipinization efforts of members of the hierarchy from the past epochs. It is a fact that during the Japanese Occupation of the Philippines, the

Japanese cleverly used the issue of Filipinization against the mostly foreign-led Bishops of the Philippines. However, to say that the Filipinos are given menial roles in the Church during that time would be very wrong. In a letter from Archbishop Michael O‟Doherty,

Archbishop of Manila, to Engracio Fabre, Director of the Bureau of Religious Affairs, the

Archbishop enumerated the moves of the Catholic Church in the Philippines towards the

Filipinization of the Church ever since he arrived1. First, he noted that when he arrived in

1916, there were only two Filipino bishops. During his episcopate, thirteen Filipinos were elevated to the Sacred Order of Bishops: Mons. , Archbishop of Cebu; Mons.

Alfredo Verzosa, Bishop of Lipa; Mons. Santiago Sancho, Bishop of Nueva Segovia; Mons.

Sofronio Hacbang, Bishop of Calbayog; Mons. Luis del Rosario, SJ, Bishop of Zamboanga;

Mons. Cesar Ma. Guerrero, Auxiliary Bishop of Manila; Mons. Francisco Reyes, Bishop of

Nueva Caceres; Mons. Casimiro Lladoc, Bishop of ; Mons. Pedro Santos, Bishop of

Nueva Caceres; Mons. Mariano Madriaga, Bishop of Lingayen; Mons. Miguel Acebedo,

Bishop of Calbayog; Mons. Manuel Mascariñas, Bishop of Palo; and Mons. Jose Ma.

Cuenco, Auxiliary Bishop of Jaro2. Only the Episcopal sees of Manila, Surigao, Jaro,

Montañosa, , Calapan and Tuguegarao are occupied by foreign bishops.

Archbishop O‟Doherty also noted that while there were no when he arrived in Manila, fifteen priests were elevated to his honorary position during his tenure3.

1 AAM, Caja 39.B.4, Legajo 32, Documentos 29-32. Letter from Archbishop M. J. O‟Doherty to E. Fabre. 2 Ibid. 3 These Domestic to are: Mons. Mariano Sevilla; Mons. Eulalio Almeyda; Mons. José Bustamante; Mons. Hipolito Arceo; Mons. Juan Sumera; Mons. José Dimbla; Mons. Eulogio Sanchez; Mons. Eulogio Sanchez ; Mons. Percival Rigor, Mons. Prudencio David; Mons. Ruperto Rosario; Mons. José Jovellanos; Mons. Pedro Santos (later Bishop of Nueva Caceres); Mons. Vicente Fernandez; Mons. Cesar Ma. Guerrero (later Bishop of Lingayen and Auxiliary Bishop of Manila); and Mons. Narciso Gatpayad. 113

He also noted that he was able to send twenty-three priests to study ecclesiastical sciences in

Pontifical Universities in Rome, when there had been no such opportunities before he arrived. He also argued that the Filipino priests in the Archdiocese under his watch doubled, and that of the thirty-three parishes that he created, twenty-six was awarded to Filipino priests, which is very high considering some of the parishes are owned by religious corporations, such as the Santissimo Rosario Parish inside the University of Santo Tomas and the Parish of Santa Cruz de San Juan Del Monte which is also owned by the Dominican

Fathers. Three seminaries were also opened under his episcopate: The Inter-Diocesan Central

Seminary in the University of Santo Tomas; the Christ the King Seminary of the SVD

Fathers, and the San José Apostolic School4.

In the story of the development of a Filipino secular clergy and hierarchy, emphasis on the institution of the Pontificio Collegio Filippino, the first Pontifical Seminary for Asians in Rome, is imperative. In January 1959, the Catholic Bishops of the Philippines, led by

Rufino Cardinal Santos, sent a petition to the Holy Father, requesting the establishment of the

Filipino College. The response was affirmative and on October 7, 1961, the Holy Father himself graced the groundbreaking of the Pontifical Filipino College in Via Aurelia 490, in what used to be part of the La Salle Brothers‟ Generalate in Rome5. The College opened on the same day, with Fr. Reginald Arliss, c.p. as the Rector. There were eighteen priests sent for higher studies and four seminarians sent for formation during the opening year6.

The opening of the Filipino College is very important in the process of Filipinization because it has opened the door for many priests and seminarians to undergo formation and

4 Ibid. 5 Santos, Ruperto C. A Short History of the Pontificio Collegio Filippino, 1961-2001 in Philippiniana Sacra 37:109, pp.121-156. 6 Ibid. 114 higher studies sub umbra Petri7. In the past, most of the few Filipino priests and seminarians who were able to study in Rome came from the Archdiocese of Manila, who would lodge with the Pontificio Colegio Pio-Latino Americano, the South American Pontifical College. It must be noted that many of the alumni of the Filipino College have eventually become prelates- thirty-eight bishops, plus scores of Monsignori and other officials in the Church. In fact, from the first batch of students alone, eight8 eventually became bishops9.

When Pope John XXIII came to inaugurate the college, he wished that “many

Filipino students will avail of the opportunities with the aim of preparing wise and holy ministers of the Church10.” Evidently, the wish of the Holy Father came true.

6.2 The Second Vatican Council: Church Renewal

The Second Vatican Council was a new Pentecost to the Universal Church.11.

Promotion of social justice, in addition to the spiritual care of the people, became a great interest of the Church12. Church Social Teachings became very much highlighted under the papacy of Pope Leo XIII, who issued Rerum Novarum (1891) in response to

Karl Marx‟s Communist Manifesto. The call for the need for social justice was followed by succeeding popes, as outlined in the encyclical letter Gaudium et Spes

7 Lat. Under the shadow of Peter. 8 Bishop Patricio Alo (of Mati); Bishop Benjamin Almoneda (of Daet); Bishop Teodoro Buhain (Auxiliary of Manila); Bishop Angel Hobayan (of Catarman); Bishop Rafael Lim (of Boac); Archbishop Alberto Piamonte (of Jaro); Bishop Miguel Purruganan (of Ilagan); and Bishop Gabriel Reyes (of Antipolo). 9 Ibid. 10 Laying of the Cornerstone in Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas, 33:377 (October 1959), p.586. 11 Mananzan, Mary John, O.S.B. (2002). Church-state relationships during martial law in the Philippines 1972- 1986. Studies in World Christianity, 8(2), 196-204.1986. Studies in World Christianity, 8(2), 196-204. 12 Australian Catholic Social Justice Council. (n.d.). Brief Introduction to . New South , Australia: Catholic Bishop's Conference of Australia- Australian Catholic Social Justice Council. 115

(1971), and in the following document Justica in Mundo, a document issued by the

World Synod of Bishops in 1971:

“The members of the Church, as members of society, have the same right and duty to promote the common good as do other citizens. Christians ought to fulfil their temporal obligations with fidelity and competence. They should act as a leaven in the world, in their family, professional, social, cultural and political life.” 13

The Second Vatican Council in particular responded to the challenges that the

Church and society in general faced towards the second millennium. As mentioned earlier, Gaudium et Spes, a conciliar document, stressed the importance of human conditions and the communion of the hierarchy with their flock.

The role of the laity in the Church is strengthened by the Second Vatican

Council. Speaking before the World Synod of Bishops in 1974, Stephanus Cardinal

Kim Sou-hwan, Archbishop of Seoul, challenged the congregation by asking “Ecclesia: pro sua vita aut pro mundi vita?”14 The Church at that time was reflecting on the need to shift roles; the Church does not simply live for Herself, She lives so that others may live. Not only had the centrality of the role of the laypeople became highlighted, but also social justice came to the fore because of Vatican II.

The concept of social justice in the Catholic Church is as old as the Church itself. Bishop Broderick Pabillo, Auxiliary Bishop of Manila15 argues that the concept of social justice is rooted in the message of Jesus: “that every person is a child of God.”

The integral salvation of man, meaning the salvation of body and soul, the preservation

13 Justica in Mundo. (1971), #38 14 Labayen, Julio X., OCD (n.d.) The Role of Priests, Religious and Laity in the Basic Christian Community. FABC Papers No. 26, p. 20 15 Current Chairman of the National Secretariat for Social Action-Justice and Peace of the Catholic Bishops‟ Conference of the Philippines. Interview with Bishop Broderick Pabillo, D.D., Tondo, Manila, November 30, 2011. 116 of human dignity and the renewal of the earth have always been part of the development paradigm of the Catholic Church16. In fact, as Bishop Escaler intimates, the whole concept of the Ten Commandments in the Books of Exodus is rooted in justice for individuals, families, and communities17.

Cotabato Archbishop OMI seconds Bishop Pabillo‟s statement. Quevedo reiterates that the virtue of moral justice has always been present in the teachings of the Church. However, because of the evils that the industrial revolution has brought to the dignity of human life, the Church had to speak out, thus Pope Leo

XIII‟s issuance of Rerum Novarum18, which tackled the conditions of workers. He says that the separation of capital and labor has produced a new situation that necessitated

Church response19.

16 Ibid. 17 Interview with Bishop Federico Escaler, SJ, DD, Bishop-Prelate-Emeritus of Ipil. San Miguel, Manila. 18 Latin. Of new things. 19 Interview with Archbishop Orlando B. Quevedo, OMI, DD, Archbishop of Cotabato. Pope Pius XII Center, Manila, 11 December 2011

VII

THE CATHOLIC CHURCH DURING THE MARCOS DICTATORSHIP 1 9 7 2 - 1 9 8 6

“No power on earth can stop Marxism except ... the justice and charity of Christ.” -Fr. François Dufay

The Catholic Church in the Philippines has just experienced a new Pentecost after the

Second Vatican Council. Lay initiative and participation is not only welcomed- in fact they are actively promoted. The Church began to look at the grassroots movements and programs, among them the Basic Christian Communities. At the same time, the Catholic Church was able to regain its wide base and its central position in Philippine society. Social justice efforts of the Church, which had a great fostering after the Second World War, were on its peak as well. The declaration of martial rule in the Philippines and the continuance of the presidency of will prove to be one of the greatest moments in Church history, in light of the new Pentecost that She has been experiencing.

7.1 The Declaration of Martial Law in the Philippines and its precursors

On the night of 23 September 1972, a live broadcast was made by Ferdinand Edralin

Marcos, the President of the Philippines, from his office in Malacañang Palace. Two days earlier, the president has signed Proclamation No. 1081, placing the whole country under

Martial Law. 118

While the declaration of Martial Law took many people by surprise, some people were not shocked by this development. Senator Benigno Aquino, Jr., an oppositionist

Senator, had in fact seen this coming1. Marcos is nearly finishing his last term as president.

Protests are erupting left and right against his authoritarian rule. In fact, as Fr. Romeo

Intengan SJ says, there seems to be an ounce of truth in the growing communist insurgency in the Philippines, especially in the countryside2. Just a year earlier, in August of 1971, the miting de avance of the Liberal Party in was bombed, causing the President to declare the of the Writ of Habeas Corpus. Then came the staged assassination of

Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile. This arranged scene fit for a telenovela was used as an primary excuse by the president to declare Martial Law, among other reasons.

7.2 The Catholic Bishops

The Catholic Bishop‟s Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) has its roots in the

Catholic Welfare Organization, founded by then Apostolic Delegate to the Philippines,

Mons. Guillermo Piani, with Fr. John Hurley, SJ as its secretary-general. The immediate concern of the CWO at its inception was coordination of nationwide war relief services as well as coordination with donors outside the country3.

Gradually, the CWO- being a body with the Catholic Bishops of the Philippines as its

Directors- transformed into an organization that became the stalwart defender of Church interests. The CWO, thus, became active in promoting religious education in public schools,

1 Maramba, Asuncion David. (1984). Ninoy Aquino: the man, the legend. Mandaluyong: Cacho Hermanos. Passim. 2 Interview with Fr. Romeo Intengan, SJ. Loyola House of Studies, Ateneo de Manila University, Quezon City. 2 January 2011. 3 Hurley, John Fidelis S.J. (author) and José S. Arcilla, S.J. (ed.) (2005). Wartime Superior in the Philippines. Loyola Heights, Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. 119 in opposing Rafael Palma‟s The Pride of the Malay Race, and opposing the Rizal Bill No.

438. With the end of the Second Vatican Council, it was necessary to re-transform the CWO into an , which we now know as the Catholic Bishop‟s Conference of the Philippines, with its goal to “study, promote, coordinate in a way corresponding ever more to the needs of the present time the apostolate of the Church in the Philippines.”4

At the onset of Martial Law, the Catholic Bishop‟s Conference of the Philippines issued a pastoral letter outlining their position on the announcement made by the president. In the statement, the CBCP conceded that the reasons for declaring Martial

Law may be valid, but made concessions that human rights should be upheld. This marked what Bishop Claver would call as “critical collaboration”5. While the Church was quite critical of the government, it was so little of what would have been desired, or as the journalist Ceres Doyo wrote, it was nothing but a whimper from the CBCP6.

To say that it did not act, though, would be grossly inaccurate. In the first half of 1973, the CBCP organized a liaison group that would monitor violations of Martial Law on the Church‟s rights and prerogatives, such as closing of radio stations and Catholic schools, threats received by priests and nuns, and the like. This was followed by the establishment of the Church-Military Liaison Committee the following year7.

The Catholic bishops in the Philippines, like many groups in Philippine society during Martial Law, were split. Fr. John J. Carroll, a Jesuit sociologist, would categorize the

CBCP‟s members into three groups. First is the conservative group, led by Julio Cardinal

4 Robredillo, Lope C. (1995). Challenges and Responses: A Brief Historical Survey of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines in Linsangan, Araceli Altmann, ed. (1995). Catholic Bishops' Conference of the Philippines, 1945-1995. Manila: Catholic Bishop's Conference of the Philippines., p. 27. 5 Doyo, Ma. Ceres P. (1986, Feb 21-27). 1986 Bishop's Power: Like the Wrath of God. Mr and Ms. Special. 6 Ibid. 7 Robredillo, op. cit. 120

Rosales. This group would prefer to speak only on spiritual matters and would refuse to go against the government. The moderate group, led by Jaime Cardinal Sin, was the ones who would praise the government when right and would be the first to lambast it when it is wrong. The third group consist the progressives, led by Bishop Cisco Claver and Bishop

Julio Labayen, were the most outspoken and often spoke against injustices in the society and the abuses of the government8. However, Archbishop Quevedo9 and Fr. James Reuter SJ10 both noted that over time, the number of conservative members of the CBCP slowly shrank and joined the ranks of the moderates and progressives. The pastoral letters issued by the

CBCP became bolder over time; as early as 1983, the CBCP issued Dialogue for Peace which blasted the government for its record of illegal detention and torture, among others11.

This was soon followed by the Church‟s withdrawal from the Church-Military Liaison

Committee, citing that the exercise has been futile. That year, the CBCP also criticized the issuance of the Presidential Commitment Order, giving the military the power to arbitrarily arrest people12. These actions show that somehow the bishops became more aversive to the

Marcos regime and started to act against it, in the spirit of true pastoral commitment.

Pastoral letters are one of the most convenient ways available to Catholic

Bishops in disseminating information about the Church‟s position and instructions on things spiritual and temporal. Pastoral letters (litterœ pastorales) are letters of

8 McCloskey, Benjamin (pseudo). (1978). Church, State, and Conflict in the Philippines in In the Philippines Today: Christian Faith Ideologies… Marxism Loyola apers 10. Loyola Heights, Quezon City: Loyola School of Theology, Ateneo de Manila University. Benjamin McCloskey is the pseudonym used by Fr. Jack Carroll, after the name of his father and the maiden surname of her mother. Also, see Giordano, Pasquale T. S.J (1988). Awakening to Mission: The Philippine Catholic Church, 1965-1981. Quezon City: New Day Publishers; and Youngblood, Robert (1993). Marcos against the Church: Economic development and political repression in the Philippines.Quezon City: New Day Publishers. 9 Ibid. 10 Interview with Fr. James Reuter, SJ. 11 Dialogue for Peace (1983, February 20). Manila: Catholic Bishops‟ Conference of the Philippines. 12 Robredillo, op. cit. 121 instruction, direction or admonition issued by the bishop or local ordinary during specific times to members of the laity or to the clergy of a bishop's diocese, or both 13.

Being the open letter of the local ordinary, it is mandated to be read on all masses said in all parishes in the diocese concerned; in the case of the pastoral letter being issued by the Bishop‟s Conference, on all masses said in all parishes in that country.

Cotabato Bishop Quevedo recognized that “are not expected to change the social injustice by itself, rather, they were intended as contribution to educating and raising people's consciousness.” However, one of the purposes of the issuance of the pastoral letters is to inform the Catholic faithful. By this information, a domino effect was desired- that given the instructions, these instructions would be translated into action, and the actions would bear the desired fruits.

Pastoral letters are beneficial and effective depending on the way they are constructed. Fr. SJ has said that "there is an ethos and worldview in the majority of Christian Filipinos, shaped by the symbols and practices of popular

Christianity, which can be a basis for social change"14. The Catholic Hierarchy was able to take that into consideration and during the martial law, with the building anger and frustration against the government, the Catholic Church‟s pastoral letters served as the fans that kindled the flame.

Fr. Pedro de Achetegui, in 1995, generally categorizes all the pastoral letters of the CBCP into four categories- first, “letters on matters of social justice or social action”; second, “on political matters, mostly on elections”; third, on “specific pastoral

13 Sägmüller, Johannes Baptist (1910). Ecclesiastical Letters. In The . New York: Robert Appleton Company. 14 Nebres, Bienvenido F., S.J. (1986). Political Spectrum in the Present in The Miracle of the Philippine Revolution: Interdisciplinary Reflections. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. 122 concerns”, and fourth, “education and religious instruction”15. It is interesting to note that the first two categories, letters on social justice and on political matters, constitute nearly two thirds of all the pastoral letters written until 1995- thirty-four for the first category, and twenty eight for the second category. The remaining two categories had thirty-one and nine pastoral letters, respectively16.

As early as 1949, the Catholic Welfare Organization (as the CBCP was then known), issued two of its earliest pastoral letters on social justice- the Joint Pastoral

Letter of the Hierarchy of the Philippines on the Virtue of Justice and Social Justice: A

Joint Pastoral Letter of the Catholic Bishops of the Philippines. The letters speak of the quality of life of man, equality and fairness in labor, suffrage, and common good, among others. Similar to the circumstances that provoked Leo XIII to issue Rerum

Novarum, it would seem that the growing tide of Communism in Asia during that time triggered the outspokenness of the Bishops in matters of social justice, realizing at the same time that the mission of the Church is inherently connected with the salvation of man, body and soul17.

Bishop Labayen notes how during the Martial Law period, there was a pattern in the pastoral letters issued by the CBCP. Affirming the divisions in the CBCP during that time, Bishop Labayen notes that in the beginning, the Bishops were eerily silent on

Martial Law, explaining that at that point, some Bishops preferred to “watch, wait and see”, before supporting or condemning the Presidential Declaration. However, over

15 De Achetegui, Pedro SJ. (1995). Pastoral Letters of the Philippine Bishops in Linsangan, Araceli Altmann, ed. (1995). Catholic Bishops' Conference of the Philippines, 1945-1995. Manila: Catholic Bishop's Conference of the Philippines, p. 41 16 Ibid. 17 The Catholic Bishops of the Philippines: Social Justice: A Joint Pastoral Letter of the Catholic Bishops of the Philippines. (1949, May 21). Manila: Catholic Welfare Organization. 123 time, the Bishops became more emboldened by what was happening, and issued more stringent pastoral letters addressed to priests (Guideline for Priests, Religious and Lay

Workers in the Task of Social Justice) and the laity (Let There be Life; We Must Obey

God Rather Than Men; and Post-Election Statement.)18

Crafting of pastoral letters issued by the CBCP goes through a very exhaustive process. Archbishop Quevedo narrates that there are four fundamental questions that need to be answered: Is there a need for a pastoral statement? If yes, on what? Who will write the letter? Who will select the writers? This inevitably takes a lot of time, moreso in the beginning of Martial Rule when there were stark differences in the positions of the bishops19.

In 1974, Jaime Cardinal Sin, apparently at the instigation of Fr. Benny Mayo, SJ and the Vatican, issued the very scathing pastoral letter condemning the raid at the

Sacred Heart Novitiate in Novaliches20. In 1975, after President Marcos banned all labour strikes, Jaime Cardinal Sin alongside with the Diocese of and Archbishop

Antonio Ll. Mabutas of Davao, issued pastoral letters to declare their opposition to P.D.

823. This was followed by less controversial pastoral letters which the Cardinal and the other bishops frequently issued about topics ranging from following one‟s conscience during referendums and elections, to a public exhortation on the preservation of human rights and human dignity21.

18 Labayen, Julio Xavier OCD. (1991). Summary View- During Martial Law in Josol, Abdon Ma. C. CSsR (1991). Response to the Signs of the Times. Cebu City: Redemptorist Vice-Province of Cebu, Philippines. 19 Interview with Archbishop Orlando B. Quevedo, OMI, DD, Archbishop of Cotabato. Pope Pius XII Center, Manila, 11 December 2011 20 Homily at the Mass for Fr. Benigno Mayo, S.J. (2005). Ateneo de Manila University- Loyola House of Studies. 21 Robredillo, Lope C. (1995). Challenges of the Times and the CBCP's Responses: A History of the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines. Paper delivered at the assembly of the CBCP in Tagaytay City, 1995. 124

Several Catholic hierarchs have noted how useful persuasion and good relations with officials of the government is. José Cardinal Sanchez noted how, early in his life as an Auxiliary Bishop in Caceres, he would invite the congressman and other local government officials for a merienda to discuss the Church‟s position on certain issues and try to convince them to the Church‟s favor. He also gave the example of President

Marcos who converted to Catholicism (from being an Aglipayan) to create better relations with the Church22. Bishop Labayen, for his part, says that is not infrequent that he does the same thing- even during Martial Law, the Bishop says he had often visited the President and told him of his concerns23.

7.3 The Religious Orders

The role of the religious orders during Martial Law is interesting to note. Bishop

Broderick Pabillo, Auxiliary Bishop of Manila, maintains that while there are “avant-garde” orders in their pursuit of social justice, there are also religious orders who do not care about the situation. However, he himself said that his training under the Salesians, one of the biggest religious congregations in the country, exposed him to the plight of the poor and in the good sense of “God”24.

The Discalced Carmelite Bishop-Prelate Emeritus of Infanta, Quezon, Bishop

Labayen, noted that those coming from religious orders are among the most active against the dictatorship. Even the most vocal members of the CBCP back then, the “Magnificent

Seven”, was mostly composed of bishops who came from religious orders. Bishop Labayen

22 Interview with José Tomas Cardinal Sànchez, Prefect Emeritus of the Sacred Congregation for the Clergy, July 2011, Immaculate Mother School, Commonwealth, Quezon City. 23 Interview with Bishop Julio X. Labayen OCD, Bishop-Prelate-Emeritus of Infanta, Alagad ni Maria Seminary, Antipolo City, August 28, 2011. 24 Interview with Bishop Broderick Pabillo, D.D., Tondo, Manila, November 30, 2011. 125 attributed it to the unique training that the religious had, because of their membership in a religious congregation. For example, as Sr. Remy Centeno, a sister of the Daughters of

Charity of St. Vincent de Paul said, the Congregation of the Mission (C.M.) and the

Daughters of Charity (D.C.) has as its charism, service and dedication to the poor, of which they take a vow to uphold25. This is something unique to them.

For Br. Karl Gaspar, a professed Redemptorist Brother, there are five reasons why the religious were more active in fighting the dictatorship, compared to secular clergy. First, he postulates that the religious has a certain level of security that secular clergy does not have.

The social and symbolic capital that the religious possess is advantageous for him or her.

Second, the mode of ministry of the religious clergy is more conducive for continuing formation. Parochial ministries of the secular clergy eat up most of their time leaving very few clergy who can pursue higher ecclesiastical studies. Also, the national and international nature of the religious congregation is to the advantage of the religious- their religious family extend throughout the country and throughout the globe, while the secular clergy‟s official family is locked to the diocese where he is incardinated. Also, the relatively conservative nature of training and leadership of secular clergy, compared to that the religious also has a bearing on the stance they took at the beginning of Martial rule26.

It is worthwhile to make a special discussion of two religious congregations that were among the most active during Martial Law- the Jesuits and the Redemptorists.

25 Interview with Sr. Remedios Centeno, DC. DC Provincial House, Paranaque City. 26 Interview with Br. Karl Gaspar CSsR, Redemptorist Monastery, Cebu, October 2011. 126

The Jesuits

The Society of Jesus (Jesuits) has been one of the most vocal religious congregations in the Philippines in expressing their dissent of the government. The Society of Jesus is a religious order founded in Spain by Saint Ignatius of Loyola, a former soldier. The Jesuits arrived in the Philippines from Mexico in 1581, was suppressed by order of the Spanish King in 1768, and returned back to the Philippines in 1859. The fathers of the Society of Jesus are the administrators of the many Jesuit schools in the country, among them the Ateneo de

Manila University, the Ateneos in Davao, Naga, Cebu and Zamboanga, Xavier University-

Ateneo de Cagayan in Cagayan de Oro, Loyola College in Culion Island, Ateneo de Iloilo-

Santa Maria Catholic School, and Xavier School in San Juan. They also run the Manila

Observatory, San José Seminary, the John J. Carroll Institute on Church and Social Issues,

Loyola School of Theology, and the Simbahang Lingkod ng Bayan, among others.

The Jesuits have well received the increased social awareness promoted by the

Second Vatican council, especially under the term of the Father General , SJ.

During the 32nd General Council of the Society of Jesus, a document was issued, entitled Our

Mission Today: The Service of Faith and the Promotion of Justice, the fourth decree issued by the General Council. The document re-affirms the Jesuit‟s commitment to the promotion of justice, something they find inseperable from their mission in the promotion of the faith27.

The Jesuits in the Philippines have clearly been in unison with the General Council.

Even before the issuance of the decree, Jesuit Fathers in the Philippines have promoted justice through formation of welfare and support groups like the Federation of Free Farmers,

Federation of Free Workers, and Catholic Youth Action. In fact, President Marcos even

27 32nd General Council of the Society of Jesus. (1975). Our Mission Today: The Service of Faith and the Promotion of Justice. Rome: Curia Generalizia dei Compagnia di Gesu. 127 accused the Jesuits of inciting rebellion28. Even the First Lady intimated to the CIA and Pope

Paul VI that the Jesuits were trying to start a revolution, even before Martial Law29. In a memo recently declassified by the US State Department, it is revealed that the Former First

Lady had a meeting with then CIA Director Richard Helms in September 1970, seeking funding for rural electrification among others, with the first lady equating this to support for the candidates of his husband in the November. The First Lady intimated that there are many threats against the government, pinpointing the Christian Socialist Movement led by Senator

Raul Manglapus as planning to control the Constitutional Convention. Mrs. Marcos went further to say that this is being sponsored by the Jesuits, particularly a certain “Fr. Ortega”, who resigned his post in the Ateneo de Manila University as president to focus on running for a seat in the Constitutional Convention30. These groups, Mrs. Marcos elucidates, have already chosen candidates for all the election districts, and are intent in changing the type of government to Socialism or Communism, thus the need for support from the United States.

The First Lady even went further saying that on her way to the United States for this meeting, she made a private visit to Pope Paul VI, imploring the Pontiff to move his visit after the elections, “to prevent the Catholic Church in the Philippines from using his visit to further its political ambitions.” To this, the Holy Father apparently acceded31.

The Jesuits has been in the receiving end of many attacks from the government which appears to be retaliatory. Of the 22 Catholic Institutions raided by the government from

28 Guerrero, Amadis Ma. (1970, March 18). Marcos and the Jesuit 'Subversives'. The Philippine Graphic, 6-7 29 Memorandum of Conversation, Washington, September 22, 1970. Subject: Conversation between the Director of Central Intelligence and Madam Imelda Marcos, Wife of the Philippines President. Subject File, Philippines. Nixon Intelligence Files in the National Security Council Files. 30 This is in fact, Fr. Pacifico Ortiz, S.J., the second Filipino President of the Ateneo de Manila University. He ran and won in the Constitutional Convention in 1971. He was the personal chaplain of Former President Manuel L. Quezon, as well as a chaplain of the UP Diliman Community. He was also a regent of the Ateneo College of Law. 31 Ibid. 128

1973-198432, five of these are Jesuit institutions, like the Sacred Heart Novitiate in

Novaliches; the La Ignaciana Apostolic Centre in Santa Ana, San Jose Seminary and the

Loyola House of Studies inside the Ateneo campus in Quezon City, and Xavier House in Sta.

Ana, Manila33. Moreover, government controlled newspapers frequently branded numerous

Jesuit priests such as Fr. Romeo Intengan SJ (who was arrested in the San Jose Seminary raid), as revolutionaries. In an edition of Bulletin Today (1 Nov 1979), Fr Romeo Intengan recounted that he was named as a leader of a group intent to overthrow the government and was incarcerated at the Camp Bagong Diwa in Taguig34. A year later, on the same newspaper and at least three others (November 16, 1980), Fr. Intengan was named as the mastermind of the bombing of the April 6 Liberation Movement. To this, Fr. Bienvenido Nebres, S.J., then the Jesuit Provincial, issued his disgust on what seems to be the government‟s “orchestrated campaign to discredit Intengan and the Church as a whole” (The Guidon, 21 November

1979). Other Jesuits who are part of the National Mass Media Office and the Federation of

Catholic Broadcasters of the Philippines were either imprisoned or if the Jesuit concerned was a foreign citizen, would be asked to leave or be deported35. At least one Jesuit member of the National Mass Media Office was murdered during dictatorship.

The truth is the Jesuits were one of the ardent campaigners for social justice especially after the Second Vatican Council36. The Jesuit‟s guiding rule is to maintain the equality in the four spheres of Filipino life, the “SPES” or Social, Political and Economic

32 Templo, Isabel L. (2011, February 25). The truth shall set us free: The role of Church-owned radio stations in the Philippines. Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility. http://www.cmfr-phil.org/2011/02/25/the-truth- shall-set-us-free-the-role-of-church-owned-radio-stations-in-the-philippines/ 33 Homily, op. cit. 34 Interview with Fr. Romeo Intengan, SJ. Loyola House of Studies, Ateneo de Manila University, Quezon City. 2 January 2011. 35 Poulin, Calvin H., SJ. (7 July 2010) Homily at the Funeral Mass of Bishop Francisco F. Claver, S.J., of St Ignatius, Loyola House of Studies. 36 Montiel, Cristina J. (2007). Living and Dying: In Memory of 11 Ateneo de Manila Martial Law Activists. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. 129

Spheres- in harmony with the Jesuit Magis, of doing more for God and His people. The

Philippine Province of the Society of Jesus has instituted several socially-oriented NGOs, such as the Institute of Social Order (focused on personal and familial development); the

Corps Youth Group of Fr. Jose Blanco, and the Mindanao Community Development

Centre37. The Jesuits, particularly Fr Arsenio C. Jesena of the Loyola House of Studies, had been at the forefront of the struggle against the unfair treatment of workers in sacadas in

Negros, the owners of which are Marcos cronies38. The Jesuits of Ateneo de Manila

University in fact promoted student activism, especially those under the guiding principle of

Social-Christian Democracy39. Fr. Jose Cruz established C-Haus (Challenge Haus), which is the forerunner of KASAPI. Fr Jose Blanco led the Samahang Pagpapaunlad sa Lipunan, which, among others, helped workers organize and conduct strikes. Fr. Romeo Intengan, SJ, on the other hand, led the establishment of the PDSP- Partido Demokratiko-Sosyalista ng

Pilipinas. Other Jesuits in the Catholic Hierarchy such as Bishop Francisco F. Claver, S.J. of the Prelature of Malaybalay in Bukidnon, the first Igorot Bishop, was the one of the strongest supporters of the Kalinga Indigenous Groups against the establishment of the - funded Chico hydroelectric dam in the Cordillera during the 70s40.

It was also the Jesuits who were one of the most active supporters of the then-newly founded Association of Major Religious Superiors in the Philippines, of which the Jesuit Fr.

Benny Mayo, S.J., was the first male co-chair.

37 Guerrero, op. cit. 38 Ibid. 39 Montiel, op. cit. 40 Alave, Kristine. and Vincent Cabreza. (2010, July 2). First Igorot Bishop, Martial Law Foe Dies; 81. Philippine Daily Inquirer, p. A12. 130

The Redemptorists

The Second Vatican Council was a period of renewal for the Redemptorists as it had been for the whole Church.

Like the Jesuits, the Redemptorists are one of the most actively opposing the Marcos

regime, especially in Mindanao, to the point that they were dubbed as “Redemp-terrorist”41 ,

and thus constantly under surveillance of the government42. The Redemptorists were known

for establishing the Redemptorist Justice and Peace Desk, which is described as a challenge

“to the (Redemptorist) Congregation to be more radical in witnessing to the gospel today. The oppressive situation in our country- the widening gap between the rich and the poor, the pervasive poverty of our people, the exploitation and destruction of our environment, the many evils in our society- opens our eyes and hearts and calls us to revitalize and inculturate our Alphonsian spirit of commitment to the poor43.”

Perhaps one of the most known heroes from the Congregation from this period is Fr.

Rudy Romano, a priest from Cebu. Fr. Rudy was assigned to the famous Redemptorist

Church in Cebu, and at the same time active in BAYAN, an active oppositionist group. He

also served as the vice-chairman of the New Patriotic Alliance in the Visayas region, as well

as the executive secretary of the Visayas Ecumenical Movement for Justice and Peace and

head of the “Oust Marcos Movement for the Advancement of Nationalism and Democracy”

in Cebu. In the afternoon of 22 July 1985, Fr. Rudy Romano was picked up by military men

in Tisa, Labangon, Cebu City. He was never found again. An investigation conducted by the

military suggested two different things- first that Fr. Rudy Romano ran away with a woman

with whom he was having a relationship, the second was that Fr. Rudy and the Communist

Party staged the whole thing so Fr. Rudy can go underground to work on subversive

41 Fruto, Ramon CSsR, Amado Picardal CSsR and Karl Gaspar CSsR. (2006). Being Sent: Redemptorist Missions in Mindanao (1975-2005). Quezon City: Claretian Publications. 42 Hechanova, Luis G., CSsR. (1998). The Baclaran Story. Quezon City: Claretian Publications 43 Ibid, p. 39-40. 131 activities, full time. The inconsistencies in their statements and the communications between the military and the Redemptorist Fathers further strengthens the earlier testimonies of eyewitnesses that the military had a hand in Fr. Rudy‟s disappearal.44

The Redemptorists will also be greatly remembered for the role they played after the walkout of the computer operators of the Comission on Elections from their stations in the

Philippine International Convention Center. Someone from the crowd suggested to the thirty- five technicians to proceed to Baclaran Church, where they were noticed by Fr. Warren CSsR inside the compound. Hearing their story, the priest offered them to stay in the convento where they had their meal and stayed for the night until they left for the Ateneo. The Marcos camp attacked the generosity of the Redemptorists, saying that “we all know that the

Redemptorist church is a haven for the opposition.”45 The same church also played host to the body of the assassinated oppositionist governor of Antique, Evelio Javier, just at the heels of the snap elections46.

Religious Women

Nuns of the Catholic Church are also one of the most active in the cause. Sr. Mary

John Mananzan, O.S.B. Prioress of the St Scholastica‟s Priory of the St Scholastica‟s

College, one of the more familiar nuns who were actively opposing martial law, have described her actions as the gospel of “integral salvation”, that it is not sufficient to take care

44 Chan-Santos, Lilette. (1995). Romano of the Philippines. Cebu City: Redemptorist Vice-Province of Cebu and Claretian Publications. 45 Ibid, p. 42. 46 Ibid. 132 of the soul by getting rid of „death, sin and hell‟, but “from everything that dehumanizes- exploitation, oppression and poverty47.”

Roces said that the “positioning as ambivalent women that gave them power and legitimacy as political activists”, such that even the First Lady Imelda Marcos invited Sr.

Christine Tan, RGS and her fellow nuns in an attempt to “convert” them from being against the dictatorship to being for the dictatorship48.

Many nuns are recognized as “Parliamentarians of the Street” before, during, and after Martial Law. Most of these nuns are reputed to come from four religious congregations,

The Order of St. Benedict (mostly from the Priory of St. Scholastica, where Sr. Mary John

Mananzan, OSB is from), the Religious of the Assumption (where Sr. Gertrude Borres, RA was Superior), the Franciscan Sisters of the Immaculate (where Sr. Mariani Dimaranan, SFIC is from) and the Religious of the Good Shepherd (where Sr. Christine Tan, RSG was

Superior)49. Even before Martial Law, these non-cloistered sisters have helped make advances in grassroots movements. For example, Sr. Mary John Mananzan OSB and Sr.

Mariani Dimaranan SFIC were two of the greatest defenders of the workers of La Tondeña

Distillery who were on strike for unfair labour practices50. Upon the declaration of Martial

Law, more sisters became more active, primarily because of their concern for the victims and the families of the victims of extra-judicial killings and enforced disappearances51. Noble

Prize for Peace nominee Sr. Mariani Dimaranan SFIC, led TFDP, or Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, which is involved in documenting political prisoners and leading calls for

47 de Castro, C. (2011, March 9-11). Sr. Mary John Mananzan, OSB: One of the Top 100 Most Inspiring People in the World. LA Midweek, p.2. 48 Roces, Mina (2004). The Militant Nun as Political Activist and Feminist in Martial Law Philippines. Portal 1(1) 49 Ibid. 50 De Castro, op. cit. 51 Roces, op. cit. 133 their release and in asking for justice52. Sr. Soledad Perpiñan, RGS, on the other hand, helped form “Friends of the Workers”, a group of nuns dedicated to helping workers execute their strikes and in disseminating information about their causes53.

One of the biggest contributions of the nuns is that they usually guarantee safety, not only their personal safety but also that of the others on the rally. The appearance of the nun in a habit, Sr. Gertrude Borres of the Religious of the Assumption says, exudes the moral power that nuns and other religious possesses. While the Vatican issued a directive asking the religious to dress like the laity, Sr. Gertrude noted that during rallies the nuns would arrive in their veils and priests in their cassocks. Sr. Gertrude says that this would at least let them

'escape punishment', although sadly, it is noted that in some cases this would not be true54.

Thus, it is the nuns at EDSA that were on the frontlines during the EDSA People Power

Revolution. Nuns also protected Radio Veritas during the EDSA Revolution. “Wall-to-wall nuns,” as Fr Reuter described, protected radio announcer June Keithley at the DZRJ station.

"For the military to have gotten to her on the twelfth floor, they would have had to slaughter all the nuns on the stairs55."

It is also the congregations of nuns, particularly those of the conventual/cloistered orientation (such as the Carmelites and the Pink Sisters) that usually provide sanctuary to oppositionists who are being targeted by the military or those that may be at great risk.

Oppositionist Quezon City Vice-Mayor and human rights activist, Charito Planas, hid among the nuns after her escape from prison and was able to go to and on to the United

52 Ibid. 53 Ibid. 54 Ibid. 55 Templo, op. cit. 134

States56. Supreme Court Justice Cecilia Muñoz-Palma also hid with the Benedictine nuns of

St Scholastica‟s for some time because of her decisions in the Supreme Court which were unpopular with the Administration57. Karen Tañada, granddaughter of the legislator Lorenzo

Tañada and KASAPI (of Ateneo de Manila) member, was under the care of the Good

Shepherd Sisters when she had to go underground to evade the military58. And lastly,

President Corazon Aquino hid among the Carmelites of Cebu with her daughter, Kris, in the heat of the tallying of the votes during the 1986 snap elections59. It must also be remembered that when the computer technicians walked-out of PICC in disgust because of the overly manipulated election results, they went to a Church (Baclaran Church of the Redemptorist

Fathers), to seek sanctuary.

They also proved great help during the snap elections in 1986. Nuns all over the country have protected the sanctity of the ballot by providing themselves as human shields and protecting the ballot boxes. For example, it is reported that Assumptionist nuns, particularly those in Antique and Pampanga, never let the ballot boxes out of their sight, even if it entailed having to walk from the voting precincts to the municipal halls, and even to the provincial capitols60. Sr. Remy Centeno, personally recounted the difficulties she and her fellow sisters have experienced during the counting of the snap elections. Sr. Remy said that she and her sisters has been the object of many bullet strafes and bomb threats in the course of performing what they see as their sacred duty to protect the ballots in the area61.

56 Fortich, Chic. (1991). Escape! Charito Planas: Her Story. Quezon City: New Day Publishers. 57 Roces, op. cit. 58 Doyo, op. cit. 59 Interview with Mother Aimee of the Sacred Heart OCD, Carmelite Monastery, Mabolo, Cebu 60 Roces, op. cit. 61 Centeno, op. cit. 135

In relaying the truth, a nun, from the Religious of the Good Shepherd, ought to take a big part of the credit. Sr. Mary Soledad L. Perpiñan, RGS‟s biggest contribution to the struggle against the dictatorship is the founding of IBON Facts and Figures, a newsletter giving reliable data about Philippine politics, economy and society. With the general distrust of the data spurned out by Marcos and crony news agencies, scholars and scientists home and abroad continuously relied on Ibon for their data62.

7.4 The Role of the Laity

One of the greatest assets of the Catholic Church is the large number of their flock, which in the case of the Philippines, is at least 70% of the population (85% during Martial Law). The Catholic Church has from time to time used this asset to excellent use through the effective mobilization of the laity brought about by the rigid and fool-proof hierarchical structure of the church (i.e. parish pastoral commissions to parishes to vicariates to dioceses, to archdioceses, the bishop‟s conference). The role of the laity, especially after Vatican II, is central to the church because, as Bishop Nacua explained, “the hierarchy without the laity is like a general without an army 63!”

Blume noticed how the church compartmentalizes the laity to maximize and organize their mobilization. The relationship between the Church and the laity is a mutualism, that is, for the Church‟s agenda to be effective the Church needs the flock; and for the flock‟s agenda to be effective, the flock needs the Church 64. The Church,

62 Roces, op. cit. 63 Interview with Bishop Joseph Nacua OFMCap, Bishop of Ilagan (Isabela), 25 January 2012, Pius XII Catholic Center, Manila 64 Blume, Francine B. (1993) The process of nonviolent politics: Lessons from the Philippines (Doctoral dissertation). : University of Hawaii. (UMI No. 9334910). 136 according to Fr Bienvenido Nebres, S.J., President of the Ateneo de Manila University and part of the 1986 Constitutional Commission, (1986) recognizes that it is the role of the church, which continues to be the “driving moral force” in Philippine society 65 to serve as the model of its laity. The members of the laity, on the other hand, rely on the extensive network and organization of the church. The church serves as a sort of

“rallying point” for relatively unorganized groups so that their efforts, and the efforts of their confreres in the cause (in this case the other members of the Roman Catholic

Church) will be more in sync and more effective66.

The mutual need of the church and the laity for each other became more evident during the time of the assassination of the Senator Ninoy Aquino in 198367. It is the late

Malaybalay, Bukidnon Bishop Francisco Claver, SJ that said that there are two kinds of social power in the Philippines, that deriving from power or lakas, and that deriving from pity or awa68. The power deriving from pity was so strongly exuded during the time that, more than at any point during the Marcos regime, aggression won over fear and people were not afraid to show their dissent against the government. At this point, majority of the people were merely agitated, experiencing a sort of collective grievance for the murder of Senator Aquino, and as opposed to those that have been part of the struggle early on, had very little affiliations and does not know where to start or where to direct all that agitation, anger and frustration.

That is where the Church picks up its role. It is the Catholic Church, one of the biggest organizations in the Philippines, that these agitated people are all affiliated

65 Ibid. 66 Nebres, op. cit. 67 Blume, op. cit. 68 Claver, Francisco F., S.J. (1987). People Power and Value Transformation: A Faith Perspective (mimeographed). Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University, Institute on Church and Social Issues. 137 with. They see the Catholic Church as a source of moral guidance, that they see themselves in a fight between the good and the evil, where they, being at the side of the

Church, are the good, and that the Marcos-led bureaucracy, tagged for the murder of the

Senator at the tarmac of the airport, is the evil.

The church used their extensive network and well-defined hierarchy to mobilize this newly agitated laity. First is by the utilization of the various lay and charismatic organizations inside the Church. As early as the evening of August 22, 1983, a key group of five Marian Organizations (the Rosary Movement, Militia Immaculata,

Missionary Associates of Mary Immaculate, Blue Army of Fatima, and the Marian

Movement of Priests) headed by Howard Dee (later Ambassador to the Holy See) and then Ateneo President Fr. Francisco Araneta SJ already conducted the organization of the funeral and burial of Senator Aquino with the family, and was one of the earliest groups to cry for justice for the slain senator69.

The church also used as one of its major tools the establishment of more Basic

Christian Communities in all parishes across the archipelago. Patterned after the

Churches in Latin America, Cardinal Vidal notes how the Basic Christian Communites are “new ways of being Church”70. In the spirit of Vatican II, the BCCs provide for the grassroots development of the Church, for it to become a true mystical communion.

Conscientization is stressed in BCCs, which perhaps is the reason why it earned the ire of the military. The BCCs was also a major tool for education of the laity; for example,

Cardinal Sin encouraged the community lecture trainings conducted by Jean and

Hildegard Goss-Myers, which emphasizes on faith-based and active non-violence.

69 Dee, Howard (2009). President Cory and Fatima in Penson-Juico, M. (ed.) Cory: An Intimate Portrait. Anvil Publishing, Inc. 70 Interview with Ricardo Cardinal Vidal, Talamban, Cebu City, 25 October 2011 138

Cardinal Sin would later give credit to this as one of the causes of the peaceful EDSA

Revolution71.

The military has apparently seen the BCCs as a grave enough danger such that military operatives muzzled some BCCs especially in Visayas and Southern

Mindanao72. Cotabato Archbishop Orlando Quevedo notes that during his term as

Bishop of Kidapawan, leaders of GKK73 were often harassed by military and para- military groups like CAFGUs because of their being supossed NPA sympathizers. In fact, to the recollection of Archbishop Quevedo, some were detained and tortured, while other just disappeared, never to be heard of again. One of them, Sofronio Roxas, was a social action leader for the GKK in the Parish of Matalang. He was shot while he was on his way home from a rice mill74.

7.5 The Vatican

In 1899, the Vatican has sent an apostolic delegate to the Philippines, which was later upgraded to as nuncio in 1951. The role of the Apostolic Delegate is a crucial one as it in effect helps preserve the bond between the Mother Church, that is the See of

Peter, and the local Church in the Philippines75.

The Apostolic Delegate and the Apostolic Nuncio differ on one major point- the

Apostolic Delegate has purely ecclesiastical functions, meaning it is only concerned with Church affairs, while the Apostolic Nuncio also has diplomatic functions- relations

71 Ibid. 72 Ibid. 73 Gagmayng Kristohanong Katilingban, an equivalent term for Basic Christian Communities 74 Interview with Archbishop Orlando B. Quevedo, OMI, DD, Archbishop of Cotabato. Pope Pius XII Center, Manila, 11 December 2011 75 Interview with Amb. Henrietta de Villa, Paco, Manila, 22 November 2011 139 between the Vatican and the State- in addition to his ecclesiastical functions76. That is why Archbishop Bruno Torpigliani, the longest serving Papal Nuncio in the

Philippines, called the Nuncio as an “abnormal case of a somehow dual personality.” 77

To properly contextualize the role that the Apostolic Nunciature played during martial law, it would be beneficial to discuss the ecclesiastical and diplomatic duties of this office. As the Pope‟s legate to the local Church, it has five primary functions: (1) informing and providing counsel to the Pope on matters concerning the local church;

(2) to give counsel and advise to the Bishops, as needed; (3), to foster communications between the Holy See and the Episcopal Conference; (4), to safeguard the individual and collective rights of the Church before the State; and (5), to execute the instructions of the Holy See, being the ordinary enforcer of the mandate of the Holy See in the local

Church78.

On the other hand, the diplomatic role of the Nunciature can be summed up as the promotion of good relations between the Holy See and the civil state 79. It seeks (1) to foster good relations between the state and the Holy See, (2) to answer ordinary question on matters of Church and state, and (3) to draft and execute treaties, , modus vivendi, and similar diplomatic instruments. Perhaps it is worthwhile to sum up that the diplomatic role of the Nunciature is founded on the goal of good relations between the Holy See and the State80.

76 Arrieta Ochoa de Chinchetru, Juan Ignacio (2000). Governance Structures within the Catholic Church. Montreal: Wilson &. Lafleur Ltée. 77 Torpigliani, Bruno. (1990). How the Vatiacn Diplomacy Works in Seventeen Years in the Philippines as ope’s Ambassador. Manila: Doctrinal Research Foundation and Apostolic Nunciature, p. 18. 78 Arrieta Ochoa de Chinchetru, op. cit. 79 Torpigliani, op. cit. 80 Arrieta Ochoa de Chinchetru, op. cit. 140

This is the proper context from which the Apostolic Nuncio, and consequently the Nunciature, should be viewed. While the religious and diplomatic nature of the

Nuncio cannot be completely separated, the diplomatic goals of the Nuncio may somehow constrain its action and would always think of its end goal of enhanced relations between the Church and the State.

Coming from that discussion, the role of the Vatican, then, during the entire duration of the Marcos regime is worth noting. Documents released by the CIA under the Freedom of Information Act note that the former First Lady Imelda Marcos had made intimations to the then Director of Central Intelligence Richard Helms for funds for campaigning for the 1971 Constitutional Convention elections. Mrs. Marcos apparently recognized that liberal Catholic groups, especially the Jesuits, are some of her greatest opponents. It is also reported in the documents that the First Lady had an audience with Pope Paul VI to request him to delay his visit to the Philippines until after the Con-Con election, apparently to prevent the Catholic Church in the Philippines to use it as propaganda, to which the Pope conceded81. In 1986, the Pope through the

Papal Nuncio in the Philippines warned Cardinal Vidal, then the CBCP President, and

Cardinal Sin, against issuing a pastoral letter denouncing the snap election as fraudulent. They disobeyed this and issued perhaps the most remembered pastoral letter of the CBCP. After that, the Papal Nuncio warned Cardinal Sin against herding people to EDSA, which he disobeyed. The Vatican Secretary of State and the Papal Nuncio seemed to have aghast at the Cardinal Archbishop of Manila asking people to protect rebels, such that various telexes and telephone calls have been exchanged between the

81 Rushford, op. cit. 141

Nunciature, Rome, and Villa San Miguel82. The Nuncio even requested several times that Cardinal Sin accompany him to Malacañang, which was politely declined 83. Also, because of how EDSA ended, the Pope, seeing it as the miracle of the Blessed Virgin at the end of Marian Year84, merely hugged the Cardinal, instead of the anticipated reprimand, when the Cardinal was summoned to Rome to explain himself 85. The Pope conferred with Cardinal Sin and Cardinal Vidal for an hour and a half, even adding that based on his experiences as the Cardinal Archbishop of Krakow, it is not far-fetched to think that he would‟ve done the same thing, given the circumstances 86.

The events described above are some evidences of how the relationship must have been between Filipino Church officials and the Vatican during Martial Law. The

Vatican hierarchy is represented in the Philippines by the Papal Nuncio, the Pope‟s

Ambassador to the Philippines. The Vatican, Archbishop Quevedo and Bishop Labayen said, reputedly issued a directive to all the Bishops to temper their involvement in politics87. However, other members of the clergy and religious women are taking it upon themselves to pick up the struggle against the government, without any opposition or from their bishops, who are supposed to regulate the religious in their respective dioceses88. The Philippine Catholic Church, technically did not disobey these directives. What they did was invoke the apostolic letter Octogesima Adveniens of Pope

Paul VI (1971), which gave local churches full competence to judge local issues.

82 Interview with Archbishop Socrates B. Villegas, D.D., Archbishop of Lingayen-Dagupan, Pope Pius Center, January 23, 2009. Also, Joaquin, Nick. (1992). The Book of sin : from golden salakot to red hat. Makati: Weekly Graphic Pub. 83 Ibid. 84 Dee, op. cit. 85 Rufo, Aries (2003, August 17). Twilight of the Hierarch. Newsbreak. Accessed, March 19, 2011, http://www.newsbreak.ph/2003/08/17/twilight-of-the-hierarch/. 86 Joaquin, ibid. Also, Interview with Ricardo Cardinal Vidal, Talamban, Cebu City, 25 October 2011 87 Quevedo, op. cit.; Labayen, op. Cit. 88 Claver, op. cit. 142

Thus, it was the superiors of the religious orders in the Philippines who are at the receiving end of more directives to reduce their direct involvement in politics. Fr

Benny Mayo, SJ had received sharp missives from letters from Arturo Cardinal Tabera, then Prefect of the Sacred Congregation for Religious and Secular Institutes, and

Sebastiano Cardinal Baggio, then Prefect of the Sacred Congregation for Bishops, admonishing him and his association (AMRSP) for their "almost exclusive socio- political emphasis" and activities which damaged the "relations between the Church and civil authorities." Furthermore, after the end of his term as Provincial of the Philippine

Province of the Jesuits, the Papal Nuncio imposed upon him a mandatory exile of one year to Canada89.

Sr. Christine Tan RGS, the former Superior of the Religious of the Good

Shepherd and co-chair of Fr Benny in the AMRSP, was also the receiving end of some form of censure from the Generalate of her order in Rome. When the appointment of a new Philippine Superior came, it was made sure that Sr Christine would not be in the name of nominees, which normally as current superior she would be entitled to, to ensure that she will not be the Superior again, and thus lose her membership in the

Association of Major Religious Superiors in the Philippines90.

At times, this relationship between the Vatican and the Philippines has worked to the advantage of the Philippine Catholic Church‟s causes. For example, it was reported that the very first pastoral letter issued by Jaime Cardinal Sin was in part the instigation of Fr Benny Mayo, SJ, but also of the Vatican Hierarchy. The Vatican,

89 Homily, op. cit. However, Fr. Romeo Intengan, SJ says that as far as he knows, the reason that Fr. Benny Mayo was sent to Canada was because he gave dispensation to a Jesuit to laicize without prior consultation. Intengan, op. cit. 90 Ibid. 143 apparently, was furious of the fact that a church property was raided by the civilian government. This is significant as this was the very first time a high ranking prelate of the Roman Catholic Church spoke out against the dictatorship91. Also, Cardinal Sin has able to use the Papal Visit as leverage against the dictatorship. Prior to the Pope‟s visit to Manila in 1981 to beatify Lorenzo Ruiz in Luneta, Cardinal Sin made a public statement asking the President to lift Martial Law before the Pope‟s visit. The president, perhaps in a show of respect to the Pope, acceded to the request by lifting Martial Law on January 1981, a couple of weeks before the Papal Visit. Of course, the lifting of

Martial Law is merely on paper and this act did not translate to a cessation of the human rights violations committed by the government92.

7.6 The Catholic Church and Marxism

A large poster of Camara, former Archbishop of Recife, used to adorn the office of Bacolod Bishop Antonio Fortich. In the poster, a quotation is written, saying: “When I give food to the poor, they call me a saint; when I ask why the poor have no food, they call me a communist.93” Sr. Mary John Mananzan echoes the same sentiment, saying: "Ah! You are intelligent, you have a heart? You must be left!94".

Many members of the Catholic Church- clergy, religious, and laity alike- have been branded time and time again as leftists, or those supporting the communist insurgency as a solution. It would be beneficial to devote a few paragraphs on this issue.

91 Rufo, op. cit. 92 Quezon, Manuel L. III. (2009, January 8). The Church and Political Change. Philippine Daily Inquirer, p. A18. 93 Friesen, Dorothy (1988). Critical Choices: A Journey with the Filipino People. Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company. 94 Interview with Sr. Mary John Mananzan, OSB, Prioress of St. Scholastica‟s Priory, Manila, by Focus on the Global South Philippines Program. (EDSA Stories) 144

In 1971, the Holy Father Pope Paul VI issued the apostolic letter Octogesima

Adveniens, in which he discussed the issue of social justice, in time for the eightieth anniversary of the Rerum Novarum. Prominently placed in number twenty-six of the apostolic letter are the following words:

“Therefore the Christian who wishes to live his faith in a political activity which he thinks of as service cannot without contradicting himself adhere to ideological systems which radically or substantially go against his faith and his concept of man. He cannot adhere to the Marxist ideology, to its atheistic materialism, to its dialectic of violence and to the way it absorbs individual freedom in the collectivity, at the same time denying all transcendence to man and his personal and collective history; nor can be adhere to the liberal ideology which believes it exalts individual freedom by with drawing it from every limitation, by stimulating it through exclusive seeking of interest and power, and by considering social solidarities as more or less automatic consequences of individual initiatives, not as an aim and a major criterion of the value of the social organization.” 95

This repudiation of Marxism as contrary and incompatible with the Catholic faith was reinforced with the “Instruction on Certain Aspects of "Theology of Liberation"”, issued by the Sacred Congregation of the Doctrine of Faith in 1984 by its prefect, Joseph Cardinal

Ratzinger, who is now Pope Benedict XVI96. In the document, the Cardinal reminds the faithful that the core of Marxism, “atheistic values and the denial of the human person” is never compatible with a faith which is espousing integral salvation. Furthermore, the

Cardinal staunchly opposed the “law of class struggle” found in Marxism and which was employed by several sectors in Latin America. He warned that the “law of class struggle” which pre-supposes the violence of domination of the rich over the poor, would entail a counter-violence to invert the situation, something that is amoral and entirely against the

Christian faith97.

95 Pope Paul VI (1971, May 14). Octogesima Adveniens (Apostolic Letter) 96 Sacra Congregatio pro Doctrina Fidei. (6 August 1984). Instruction on Certain Aspects of Theology of Liberation. 97 Ibid. 145

Despite this, some members of the Catholic Church in the Philippines- clergy98, religious and laity-, have been attracted by Marxism and have seen this as a “liberating force”, and had the opinion of preferring to join the underground instead of continuing with their pastoral missions, perhaps due to impatience or desire for quick results99.

That some Basic Christian Communities, especially in Mindanao (where the BCCs flourished), was infiltrated by communist forces, is very much plausible100. This would explain why the Catholic Church was very much suspect from military forces. Even those considered to be the “radical bishops101” have acknowledged this in “A Pastoral of Total

Faith Commitment”, published in 1983102. The Bishops noted the existence of “committed priests and religious” who are attracted to the concept of armed struggle as a means and an end. Even Bacolod Bishop Antonio Fortich, labeled by some sectors as a communist, was also in disagreement with having to take up arms against the government- it must be noted that he was in disagreement with the members of his clergy who have joined the New

People‟s Army and the National Democratic Front (NDF), perhaps most prominent among them is Fr. Luis Jalandoni, who used to head the social action office of the Diocese of

Bacolod. 103 This fact is also confirmed by Bishop Antonio Tobias of the Diocese of

98 Some of the more popular include two former SVD priests, Conrado Balweg and Edicio dela Torre, and a secular priest from Bacolod, the former Fr. Luis Jalandoni. 99 This observation is shared by Cardinal Ratzinger in the Instruction issued in 1984. 100 Picardal, Amado CSsR. (2011). Basic Ecclesial Communities in the Philippines:A Reception and Realization of the Vatican II Vision of a Renewed Church. Paper delivered at the Asian BEC Conference in Taipei, Sept. 3, 2011. Also, in Intengan, op. cit. 101 The following bishops signed the reflection: Ireneo Amantillo C.Ss.R. (Tandag), (Iligan), Miguel Cinches S.V.D. (Surigao), Federico Escaler S.J. (Ipil), (Cebu), Julio Xavier Labayen O.C.D. (Infanta), Carmelo Morelos (Butuan), Antonio Nepomuceno O.M.I. (retired), Timoteo Pacis C.M. (retired), Miguel Purugganan (Ilagan), Jose Maria Querexeta C.M.F. (Isabela de Basilan), Orlando Quevedo O.M.I. (Kidapawan), Jose Sorra (Virac), Bienvenido Tudtud (), Jesus Varela (Sorsogon), Cornelio de Wit M.H.M. (Antique) 102 Claver, Francisco SJ. (1983). Reflections on the Philippine Church in Human Society Series, 19. 103 O'Brien, Niall, (July – September, 2003). An Island of Tears, Island of Hope: The Story of Bishop Fortich. Kasama: the newsletter of Solidarity Philippines Australia Network. Queensland, Australia: Solidarity Philippines Australia Network. 146

Novaliches, who was the second bishop appointed to the see of Pagadian during Martial Law.

Bishop Tobias noted how he had to be very cautious with the people in the Church structure in Pagadian as some of them are being used by leftist elements104.

It is thus imperative to underscore the relationship between the Catholic Church and

Marxism. The accusation of being communists was frequently thrown against even the highest members of the hierarchy, i.e., the Bishops. Marcos had a list of the “Magnificent

Seven” bishops who were staunchly against the government, thus communists105. But the

Church as a whole, especially a Church in communion with the See of Peter, cannot and should not be associated with Marxism106. The fact that some of the laity, and even members of the clergy, are being suspected as part of an attempt to thwart the government should be treated accordingly. For example, it must be noted that both Fr. Balweg and Fr. Jalandoni have been laicized, meaning deemed removed from their clerical state and can no longer administer the sacraments. This is a consequence of them joining the leftist groups.

7.7 The Catholic Media

The Catholic Church, even before Martial Law, has kept up with the times by instituting a media conglomerate system. This is hardly surprising, (given the large population of Catholics in the Philippines, and with specialized media-savvy congregations, such as the Paulines of Blessed James Alberione), as using the media is

104 Interview with Bishop Antonio Tobias, Diocese of Novaliches, 3 February 2012, Cathedral of the Good Shepherd, Novaliches, Quezon City. 105 These are, according to interviews done with Archbishop Quevedo, Archbishop Aniceto, and Bishop Escaler, are: Julio Xavier Labayen OCD of Infanta, Jesus Varela of Sorsogon, Felix Perez of Imus, Francisco Claver SJ of Malaybalay, Carmelo Morelos of Butuan, Miguel Purugganan of Ilagan, Isabela, and Rafael Lim of . 106 This is the same argument against some Catholics who support the Reproductive Health Bill. Support for the bill necessarily entails disobedience to the orders of the Holy See, which has stated in Humanae Vitae the immorality of using artificial contraceptives. 147 one of the most convenient and most effective method of reaching to their flock wherever they may be in the Philippines.

In 1966, Bishop Gerard Monegau, O.M.I., Bishop of Cotabato and only Filipino member of the for Social Communications, founded the

National Office of Mass Media, under the auspices of the CBCP Commission for Social

Communications. Radio Veritas, among other radio and television stations, were among those established by the office through the franchise granted by Congress in 1967107.

The Philippine Catholic Church had at the time of Martial Law the Philippine

Federation of Catholic Broadcasters, with 17 stations spread throughout the country 108.

Of course there are the numerous Catholic newspapers and circulars, such as Signs of the Times, (circular of the Association of Major Religious Superiors of the Philippines),

The Communicator (a Jesuit circular under Fr. James Reuter, SJ), and Ang Bandilyo, of the Prelature of Malaybalay, under Bishop Francisco F. Claver, SJ.

Following the declaration of Martial Law, President Marcos issued Letter of

Instruction No. 1, which ordered the press secretary and the defence secretary to take- over and control all forms of mass media in the Philippines. The media institutions of the Catholic Church have not escaped this order and all Catholic media outfits were closed, pending clearance from the Department of Public Information. According to Fr.

James B. Reuter, SJ, then president of the National Office of Mass Media of the

Catholic Church, they had to promise not to speak against Marcos or the government109.

After the negotiations, all Catholic radio stations and publications were allowed to resume operations.

107 Linsangan, op cit. 108 Templo, op. cit. 109 Ibid. 148

The thing with these Catholic Media institutions is that they were not very popular prior to Martial Law. For example, Templo that Radio Veritas, the major

Catholic radio station in the Philippines, had an average A.M. radio audience share of

0.2% prior to the media censorship of Martial Law 110. But with the closing of other radio and television stations, save for those run by Marcos cronies and dummies,

Catholic media was the only source of information that people could trust 111. Radio

Veritas is the only radio station in the country that announced live on air the assassination of Senator Aquino moments after it happened. It was the only radio station that broadcast the funeral march of the Senator, as well as the reports of the campaign trail of the opposition, and later the COMELEC Tally, alongside the

NAMFREL Tally for the Snap Elections. They had been trusted very much that they ranked fifth among all radio stations (AM and FM), with an audience share of 9% 112.

Bishop Francisco F. Claver, SJ, of the Prelature of Malaybalay, Bukidnon, is perhaps the greatest user of Catholic media in disseminating information during Martial

Law. Bishop Claver actively used the Prelature‟s radio station, DXBB, which can broadcast to at least half of Mindanao, in revealing the excesses of the dictatorship. He also used the Prelature‟s weekly newsletter, Ang Bandilyo, a sort of printed version of the DXBB113. The military would later close the radio station and the newsletter for allegedly sending secret messages to the NPA guerrillas in the mountains 114. Despite this, the Bishop continued his mission of exposing the administration by writing a weekly pastoral letter read in all the churches of the Prelature, and distributing

110 Ibid. 111 Ibid. 112 Ibid. 113 Poulin, op. cit. 114 Carroll, op. cit. 149 mimeographed copies of the pastoral letter to the original recipients of Ang Bandilyo115.

The military later closed another radio station in Davao, DXCD, and arrested two priests from the church-operated radio station in Negros on charges of sedition116.

The progressive AMRSP, led by Sr. Christine Tan, RGS and Fr. Benny Mayo,

SJ, also published several newsletters critical of the government, which caught the ire of the government. In 1975, they started the publication of Signs of the Times, only to be replaced later by Informationis Causa (The Cause of Information), and by Ichthys

(lat. fish), in 1977. The AMRSP circular, which raises the abuses of the government, is not reserved to the members of the AMRSP. The target readership of the AMRSP circular, whatever its name was, was intended for as wide a readership it can reach.

This is evidenced by the fact that the stamp “For Religious Use Only” was removed after the first issue of Signs of the Times. Sr. Christine Tan later issued a memorandum to all major religious superiors about the Signs of the Times, detailing their aim:

“Publishing the newspaper is a defence of our human rights, that is, the right to receive and disseminate information not carried by the controlled media, for our theological reflection, conscientization and Christian response. From the start we wanted our publication to be partisan: for the poor, the suffering and the oppressed; for truth, justice and freedom. But partisanship does not prevent our publication from extending every effort to be objective, that is, to present the facts.”117

The Catholic Bishop‟s Conference of the Philippines, on the other hand, had The

Communicator, a weekly newsletter with a circulation of 10,000, under the National

Office of Mass Media, of which Fr. James Reuter, SJ is in charge. The authorities shut

115 Poulin, op. cit.; Carroll, op. cit. 116 Templo, op. cit. 117 Roces, op. cit. Also, Linsangan, op. cit. 150 down The Communicator in 1976 and placed Fr. Reuter under house arrest for two years, tried and found guilty by the military court, and later given amnesty118.

The National Office of Mass Media helped further the cause by providing resources to Catholic editors all around the country. For example, from 1972 to 1986, the National Office of Mass Media was able to distribute 89 mimeograph machines as well as stencils, typewriters and other supplies to the twenty-five rural blackboard newspapers, which were powerful tools of the Catholic Church in the rural areas. They also founded a group of 25 blackboard newspapers, especially in rural areas. At least one priest from the blackboard newspaper movement, Fr. Godofredo Alingal, S.J. of

Bukidnon, was killed by military operatives119.

Radio Veritas already shone when it was the only local news organization that covered live the funeral of Sen. Ninoy Aquino in 1983120. Radio Veritas‟ “finest hour121” has been during the EDSA People Power Revolution. Former UP President

Francisco Nemenzo even intimated that:

“Without Radio Veritas, it would have been difficult, if not impossible, to mobilize millions of people in a matter of hours. Radio Veritas, in fact, was our umbilical cord to whatever else is going on.”122

It is through Radio Veritas that people had first learned that Ramos and Enrile had broken off with the President, and it is through Radio Veritas that people learned of

Cardinal Sin‟s appeal to go to EDSA to form a human barricade for the protection of

118 Commission on Social Communications and Mass Media. (n.d.) Profile. Manila: Commission on Social Communications and Mass Media of the Catholic Bishop's Conference of the Philippines. Retreived, March 17, 2010, cbcponline.net 119 Ibid. Also, Linsangan, op. cit. 120 Buhain, Teodoro DD. (19 121 According to Fr. James Reuter, SJ, as cited in Templo, op. cit. 122 Nemenzo, Francisco. (1986). A Nation In Ferment: Analysis of the February Revolution in M. Rajaretnam (ed.) The Aquino Alternative. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies., p. 47 151

Gen. Ramos and Secretary Enrile. The “logistical development” is largely caused by

Radio Veritas, as Smith had argued and Nemenzo has reiterated123. Radio Veritas, with members of the church hierarchy being its top listeners, was able to tap into the BCCs organized in parishes, and in the manpower of the religious congregations, which constituted a large part of those in EDSA.

It is to Radio Veritas‟s credit that they served as the “revolutionary radio” during the three day revolution; Radio Veritas did all that was in their power to continue broadcasting throughout the three days. Despite their facilities being bombed, they continued broadcasting under the name “Radio Bandido” using the facilities of

DZRJ, using the extensive ground personnel of the National Office of Mass Media, the nuns (particularly from the Sisters of St Paul of Chartres) and of the CBCP. Using the single band radios of Radio Veritas, they were able to link the broadcast to all of the catholic radio stations in the Philippines that was reclaimed, thus enabling a unified live broadcast of Radio Veritas in all the islands of the Philippines 124. It is also with the personnel of Radio Veritas, that rebel forces gained the government-controlled television stations125. Fr. Ben Carreon and Fr Efren were with the group of Maan

Hontiveros and Orly Punzalan; Fr. Aris Sison and Fr. Bong Bongayan, SVD were with the group of Johnny Manahan and Subas Herrero in the re-capture of ABS-CBN (then called the Maharlika Broadcasting Corporation operated by Marcos crony Roberto

Salas-Benedicto). With the Radio Veritas personnel‟s knowledge, combined with those

123 Ibid; Smith, Desmond (1996). Democracy and the media in developing countries: a case study of the Philippines (Doctoral Dissertation). Leeds, United Kingdom: University of Leeds. 124 Templo, op. cit. 125 Gonzalez-Yap, Miguela (1989). The Making of Cory. Quezon City: New Day Publishers. 152 of Johnny Manahan and other former ABS-CBN employees, they were able to cut

Marcos‟ broadcast and conduct their own revolutionary broadcast126.

7.8 The Church, the Snap Elections, and EDSA

One of the most fearless pastoral letters was the one issued by the CBCP in

1986, entitled “We Must Obey God Rather Than Men”, stating that "elections can become a great scandal and an offence against God...; that the forces of evil bent on frustrating the people‟s will should not make them succumb to cynicism, and in the conflict of interest and loyalties, it reminded them to let God‟s will prevail." While in the pastoral letter, the CBCP endorsed no particular candidate, their choice of words such as “Vote for persons who morally, intellectually and physically show themselves capable of inspiring the whole nation towards a hopeful future”, leave very little guesswork to know who the Bishops are telling not to vote.

A more fearless pastoral letter was the Post-Election Statement of the CBCP, which was co-authored by Bishop Claver127. This was the product of an intense prayer and discussion of over 100 bishops in the CBCP headquarters in Intramuros, interrupted only by the First Lady who waltzed her way in to the Bishops to beg them not to issue a critical pastoral letter. They politely said no to the First Lady128. In fact, the First Lady even tried to convince the Bishops individually- Cardinal Vidal recounted that the First

Lady approached him, asking His Eminence, who was the CBCP President during that

126 Ibid. 127 Doyo, op. cit..; Caroll, John J., S.J. (6 July 2010) A Within the Community: Francisco Claver, SJ (Text of the Eulogy for the late Bishop Francisco Claver, SJ). Accessed, 18 March 2011, www.phjesuits.org/features/305-a-pastor-within-the-community 128 Doyo, op. cit. 153 time, not to release any statement against the government. The good Cardinal patiently explained to the first lady that he only has one vote129. The visit of the First Lady was half-expected by the bishops; prior to the visit, according to then Davao Auxiliary

Bishop Juan de Dios Pubelos, the Bishops were told by an informant that the President was about to send one of her daughters to give one million pesos to each Bishop as some sort of bribe for them not to vote for the statement against the government 130.

While in the past, the CBCP never directly attacked the government, in this pastoral letter, they portrayed a cheating and manipulative regime:

“The people have spoken. Or have tried to. Despite the obstacles thrown in the way of their speaking freely, we, the bishops, believe that on the basis of our assessment as pastors of the recently concluded polls, what they attempted to say is clear enough…. In our considered judgment, the polls were unparalleled in the fraudulence of their conduct…. According to moral principles, a government that assumes or retains power through fraudulent means has no moral basis. For such an access to power is tantamount to a forcible seizure and cannot command the allegiance of the citizenry…. Now is the time to speak up. Now is the time to repair the wrong. The wrong was systematically organized. So must its correction be.”

As expected, President Marcos was proclaimed president by the Congress. Cory

Aquino, sincerely believeing that she had won the elections. She had organized a protest rally in Quirino Grandtstand and by the twenty-second, she was in Cebu, where she did the same thing. However, while she was already in Cebu, trouble was brewing in Manila. Gen. Fabian

Ver, the right hand man of President Marcos, uncovered a secret plot to overthrow Marcos under the leadership of Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile and the members of the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM). This prompted Minister Enrile to hole up inside

Camp Aguinaldo. On the other side of EDSA, Fidel Ramos, a Marcos relative and the chief of the , also withdrew their support from Marcos.

129 Vidal, op. cit. 130 Interview with Bishop Juan de Dios Pueblos, Bishop of Butuan, January 30, 2011, Pius XII Catholic Center, Manila. 154

The Cardinal received a call from Cristina Ponce-Enrile, wife of Defense Minister

Enrile, pleading for help. At that time, the Cardinal was not entirely aware of all the on- goings and does not see how he can be of any help. This was followed by a meeting with

Betty Go-Belmonte, who narrated the events. The Cardinal was shocked, and proceeded home. Minister Enrile called Villa San Miguel, and talked with the Cardinal. Minister Enrile explicitly asked the Cardinal to ask people to go to the streets to support them131.

After Enrile‟s call, there was a third call, and it was Cory Aquino, who was in

Cebu132. Mrs. Aquino was inside the enclosed monastery of the in

Cebu, together with Kris, and Cebu Congressman Antonio Cuenco and his wife133. Mrs.

Aquino was apprehensive of the events in Manila; she suspected that Enrile might want to grab power for himself. The Cardinal, however, thought otherwise. He said it might be

Divine Providence, notioning that “without it, you could be demonstrating all over the land day after day and still never be President. But now you will be. This is the answer to our prayers.”134

After asking the Pink Sisters, , and the Discalced Carmelite Nuns in

Manila to fast and pray before the Blessed Sacrament, as well as asking the nuns of to instruct the children to pray for him135, Cardinal Sin went on air in Veritas. He asked people to go to Crame.

The people came in droves. Priests, nuns, religious, and laypeople all went to EDSA, bringing with them religious images, , flowers, and food, among others. Masses were

131 Joaquin, op. cit. 132 Ibid. 133 Interview with Mother Aimee of the Sacred Heart OCD, Carmelite Monastery, Mabolo, Cebu 134 Joaquin, op. cit., p. 191 135 The prayer asked to be recited by children was “O Lord God, Cardinal Sin has a problem and has to make a big decision. Please guide him Lord.” The Cardinal thought that this would surely be effective as God cannot refuse children. 155 said on an improvised stage in front of the camps, were the norm, and endless rosaries were prayed. Whenever tanks approached or helicopters hovered, they would pray and plead with the soldiers asking them to join them. By miracle, they did. The EDSA was a bloodless revolution. It was a success in that it was able to topple a dictator without use of arms, and claiming not one soul.

On the twenty-fifth, two simultaneous inaugurations occurred in Manila. In Club

Filipino in Greenhills, Cory Aquino swore as President of the Republic before Supreme

Court Justice Claudio Tehankee. Bishop Federico Escaler of Ipil led the invocation136.

Minister Enrile was appointed Defense Minister. Meanwhile, in Malacañang, President

Marcos was sworn in by Chief Justice Ramon Aquino. The inauguration of President Marcos was supposed to be broadcast live over Channel 7 and Channel 13, but the RAM was able to bomb the transmitters just at the moment that Marcos was swearing in.

Aided by the American government, Marcos and his family left Malacanang that evening. DZRH reported the event at 9:52 the same night. The bells of San Beda pealed.

Marcos is gone.

Cardinal Sin notions that it was imperative for him to act, not because he felt he has the right to interfere in government affairs, but because, following the signs of the times, it was necessary to avoid bloodshed. Had he not asked people to come to EDSA, Enrile and the rebel soldiers would surely have been bombed and civil war would have ensued, said the

Cardinal. He saw it as his duty as a prophet, teacher and priest, to speak out and help Enrile and Ramos.

136 Interview with Bishop Federico Escaler, SJ, DD, Bishop-Prelate-Emeritus of Ipil. San Miguel, Manila 156

157

VIII

CONCLUSION

8.1 Assesments

The study was able to comprehensively show the underlying factor for the Church‟s response to the evolving forms of government in the Philippines. To sum these up, I make three assesments. First, I argue that the response of the Church is in response to the “Signs of the Times137.” My second argument involves the term coined by the AMRSP in the early years of Martial Law (and often wrongly attributed as first used by late Jaime Cardinal Sin), the concept of “critical collaboration.” Finally, I argue that the actions of the Church are driven by its interests- moral, institutional, and political interests).

8.2 Response to the “Signs of the Times”

The term Signs of the Times is lifted from Matthew 16:2b-3. By using this biblical term, I mean to say that the Catholic Church, in the true spirit of fulfilling Her pastoral mission over Her flock, always takes into consideration the conditions which She faces, whether spiritual or temporal. While I concede that the term didn‟t gain favour and wasn‟t popularly used in the Church until the Second Vatican Council138, the Church in the

Philippines, in effect, has always been driven to be on the look-out for the “Signs of the

Times”, especially in temporal matters. It was evident when the heads of the religious orders

137 Matt. 16:2b-3 138 See Paul VI. Gaudium et Spes (Pastoral Constitution). 7 December 1965 158 covertly sent reports to Madrid to inform the government of ther real situation in the country.

It was also evident during the Japanese occupation when Archbishop O‟Doherty would discreetly help the guerrilla movement, done in a pastoral spirit guided by the “Signs of the

Times.”

8.3 Critical Collaboration

Cardinal Vidal defines critical collaboration as follows- the Church does not place itself as an adversary or an ally, rather Her relationship with the State depends on a case-to- case basis139. The Church will praise the government for a well done, while it will not be afraid to criticize it for wrongdoings, with the Church magisterium as the primary arbiter of morality, in the true spirit of the prophetic mission of the Church, being “Mater et

Magistra”.140 It is true that this would have been difficult to implement during the patronato real141 system during the Spanish colonial period, but the reality is there are many instances where the Church clashed with the civil government, especially after the installation of the liberal Bourbon dynasty- the planned secularization of the University of Santo Tomas during the end of the Spanish colonial rule is an example. The system of critical collaboration was evidently much clearer in the events that transpired after the establishment of American rule and the enforcement of the separation of Church and State.

139 Vidal, op. cit. 140 Lat. Mother and Teacher 141 Sp. Royal Patronage 159

8.4 Interest Driven

I note also how the Church is driven by its interests in its responses to society. By interests, I would like to adopt the terms that Portada used in his study of the Catholic Church in Cuba142. Portada states that the Church in Cuba formulates a strategy that serves its moral, institutional and political interests. I argue that the same is true in the Philippine context- that perhaps the principal reason for the actions of the Church is to protect its moral interests over the people (thus Her fight against divorce and abortion, among others); its political interests

(thus Her desire, during the Spanish era, to maintain the patronato real system); and its institutional interests (thus Her outspokenness and aghast against the Marcos government when several Jesuit houses were raided by the government).

8.5 Recommendations

This study was able to examine the responses of the Catholic Church vis-à-vis the changing regimes that have ruled the Philippines from the period of one hundred years, from

1886-1986. The author would like to believe that the study successfully helped in filling the gap in the body of knowledge, especially on research on the Church during two crucial periods- the Church during the Japanese Occupation and during Martial Law.

In light of the upcoming fifth centenary of the arrival of Christianity in the

Philippines, it is ardently hoped that the study would have presented an alternative way of looking at the history of the Catholic Church in the Philippines, by looking at its socio-

142 Portada, Robert III, A. (2008). The Dissident Cross: The Catholic Church and Political Confrontation in Cuba. (Doctoral Dissertation). Indiana: University of Notre Dame. 160 political dimension. It is also hoped that this would ignite interest in this field of study in the years to come.

APPENDICES

162

163

APPENDIX “A”

LIST OF CATHOLIC PRIESTS MURDERED DURING THE REVOLUTION FROM 1896-18991

Name Order Residence Date of Death Learte, P. José Maria OAR Imus 1.9.1896 Herrero, P. Juan OAR Imus 1.9.1896 Caballero, P. Román OAR Imus 1.9.1896 Zueco, H. Jorge OAR Imus 1.9.1896 Angós, H. Bernardo OAR Imus 1.9.1896 López, H. Victoriano OAR Imus 1.9.1896 Goñi, H. Dámaso OAR Imus 1.9.1896 Garbayo, H. Luis OAR Salitrán 3.9.1896 Umbón, H. Julían OAR Hacienda Salitrán 3.9.1896 Mateo, P. Toribio OAR Dasmariñas 3.9.1896 Marín, P. OAR Maragondon 3.9.1896 Lizasoain, P. Faustino OAR Bailén (Cavite) 3.9.1896 Moreno, P. Toribio OAR Silang 3.9.1896 Varas, P. Domingo OP Hermosa, Bataan Nov. 1986 Cabrejas, P. Domingo OAR Morong, Bataan 26.12.1986 San Juan, P. José OAR Bagac, Bataan 26.12.1986 Echegoyen, P. Agapito OAR Amadeo, Cavite 28.2.1897 Candenas, P. Domingo OSA Talisay, Batangas 28.2.1897 Piernavieja, P. Antonio OSA Hda Buenavista, Cavite 28.2.1897 Rivero, H. Matías OSA Hacienda Buenavista 28.2.1897 Abadía, P. Baldomero OAR O‟Donnell, Tarlac 31.10.1897 Jiménez, P. Julián OAR Poon-Bató, Zambales 6(?).3.1898 Azagra, P. Manuel OAR Bolinao, Zambales 11.3.1898 Torrente, P. Mariano OAR San Isidro, Zambales Mar. 1898 Navas, P. Juan OAR Dasol, Zambales Mar. 1898 Romero, P. Andrés OAR Alaminos, Zambales Mar. 1898 Vergara, P. Epifanio OAR Balincaguin, Zambales Mar. 1898 Redondo, P. Rafael OSA Candón, 28.3.1898 Montes, P. Ricardo OSA Daclán, Benguet 28.3.1898 García, P. Santiago OSA Capangan, Benguet 28.3.1898 Santos, P. Moisés OSA , Bulacan 31.3.1898 Liberal, P. Isidoro OAR Cebù 4.4.1898 Jiménez, P. Tomas OSA Pardo, Cebù 4.4.1898 Tejedor, P. Hipólito OSA Santa Isabel, Bulacan 6.4.1898 García, P. Mariano OAR Aringay, 11.4.1898 Itturi, P. Buenaventura OAR San Marcelino, Zambales 11.5.1898 Martínez, P. Maximino OAR Botolan, Zambales 11.5.1898 Jiménez, P. Manuel OAR Súbic, Zambales 11.5.1898

1 Martínez Cuesta, Angel. (1998-1999). La Iglesia y Revolucion Filipina de 1898 in Recollectio XXI-XXII. Rome: Institutum Historicum Augustinianorum Recollectorum. 164

Lorente, P. Serapio OAR Corregidor 18.5.1898 Renedo, P. Francisco OSA Paombong, Bulacan 27.5.1898 Vera, P. Miguel A. OSA Angat, Bulacan 27.5.1898 Sánchez, P. Leocadio OSA Guiguinto, Bulacan 27.5.1898 Tarrero, P. Juan OSA México, Pampanga 5.6.1898 Bueno, P. Gregorio OAR Mabalacat, Pampanga 3.6.1898 Ortiz, P. Juan OAR Iba, Zambales 25.12.1899

APPENDIX “B”

LIST OF CATHOLIC PRIESTS WHO DIED IN PRISON DURING THE REVOLUTION FROM 1898-19002

Name Order Residence Date of Death Iborra, H. Santiago OP Calamba, Laguna 8.6.1898 Massip, H. Agustín OP Gerona, Tarlac 16.7.1898 Ávila, P. Vicente OP San Carlos, Pangasinan 8.9.1898 Aranceta, P. Ramon OP Urbiztondo, Pangasinan 8.9.1898 Lillo, P. Jesús OFM , Quezon 25.10.1898 Toledo, P. Lope OFM , Quezon 28.10.1898 Ruiz, P. Patricio OAR Bambán, Tarlac 29.10.1898 Miñón, P. Pedro OP Dagupan, Pangasinan 11.11.1898 Vidales, P. Antonio Ma. OFM Sta Maria, Pandí, Bulacan 1.12.1898 Iztegui, P. Vicente OP Dagupan, Pangasinan 21.12.1898 Toledo, P. Román OSA Appari, Cagayan Feb. 2899 Redondo, P. Antonio OSA San Fernando, Pampanga 30.3.1899 Rodriguez, P. Jesús OFM Santa Cruz, Laguna 24.6.1899 Laborda, P. Alejandro OAR Calápan, Mindoro 11.7.1899 Ruiz, P. Anselmo OAR Romblón 23.7.1899 López, P. Julián OFM Mabitac, Laguna 14.8.1899 Zallo, P. Juan OSA Laoag, Ilocos Norte 28.8.1899 Corrales, P. Leandro OFM Morong, Rizal 11.11.1899 Villanueva, P. Luis OSA Appari, Cagayan 15.11.1899 Campo, P. Domingo OP Echague, Isabela 1899 Fernández, P. Isidro OP Camalaniugan, Cagayan 1899 Pelaz, P. Braulio OFM , Tayabas 20.2.1900 Pérez, P. Agustín OAR Odiongan, Romblón 11.6.1900

2 Martínez Cuesta, Angel. (1998-1999). La Iglesia y Revolucion Filipina de 1898 in Recollectio XXI-XXII. Rome: Institutum Historicum Augustinianorum Recollectorum. 165

APPENDIX “C”

RELIGIOUS CONGREGATIONS THAT ENTERED THE PHILIPPINES 1899-1945

Religious Congregations for Men Congregation Mission Area Year Congregation of the Most Holy Redeemer (CSsR) Opon, Cebù 1906 St. Joseph‟s Foreign Missionary Society-Mill Hill (MHM) Diocese of Jaro 1906 Congregation of the Immaculate Heart of Mary (CICM) Mountain Province 1907 Missionaries of the Sacred Heart (MSC) Surigao 1908 Society of the Divine Word (SVD) Bangued, Abra 1909 Brothers of Christian Schools (FSC) Manila 1911 of St. Joseph (OSJ) Lipa 1915 Maryknoll Fathers (MM) Manila 1925 Society of St. Columban (SSC) Malate, Manila 1929 Society of St. Paul Lipa 1935 Society of Foreign Missions of Quebec (PME) Davao 1937 Missionary Oblates of Mary Immaculate Cotabato 1939

Religious Congregations for Women Congregation Mission Area Year Religious of the Assumption3 (RA) Manila and Iloilo 1904 Sisters of St. Paul of Chartres (SPC) Iloilo 1904 Missionary Benedictine Sisters of Tutzing (OSB) Tondo, Manila 1906 Missionary Cannonesses of St Augustine (ICM) 1910 Missionary-Sister Servants of the Holy Spirit (SSpS) Tayum, Abra 1912 Congregation of the Sisters of the Good Shepherd Batangas 1912 Franciscan Missionaries of Mary (FMM) Batangas 1912 Discalced Carmelite Sisters (OCD) Iloilo 1932 Foreign Mission Sisters of St. Dominic (Maryknoll) (MM) Manila 1926 Franciscan Sisters of the Immaculate Conception (FSIC) Manila 1929 Hijas de Jesus (FI) Iloilo 1932 Siervas de San Jose (SSJ) Antique 1932 Missionary Sisters of the Immaculate Conception (MIC) Manila 1933 Columban Sisters Manila 1939

3 A first group of Assumption Sisters arrived in the Philippines near the end of the Spanish colonization but went back to Spain in 1898. 166

APPENDIX “D”

LIST OF CATHOLIC CLERGY INTERNED DURING WORLD WAR II4 1941-1945

CICM Congregation of the Immaculate Heart of Mary Aldenhuiysen, G.5 M Du. 59 S 611 Paz, Paco Burer, Jan A. M Du. 33 S 80 General Luna Street, Baguio Van Overveld, A. M Du. 51 S , Rizal

CSC Congregation of the Holy Cross Bleau, Albert M Fr. 40 S La Ignaciana Desmarias, Camille Nivard M Fr. 23 S La Ignaciana Hennels, Charles L.6 M Am. 23 S Ateneo de Manila Jarry, André M Fr. 31 S La Ignaciana Kapes, David7 M Am. 40 S Ateneo de Manila La Forest, Laurian M Fr. 46 S La Ignaciana Lawyer, R. M Am. 31 S Ateneo de Manila McKee, Robert M Am. 29 S Ateneo de Manila Murphy, William J. M Br. 43 S La Ignaciana, 2118 Herran, Paco

CSC Sisters of the Holy Cross Alphonsus-Liguori, Sister Marie F Br. 29 S Anglo-Chinese Academy St. Gustave, Sister Marie of F Br. 37 S Anglo-Chinese Academy De St. Anne Celine, Sister Marie F Br. 20 S Anglo-Chinese Academy De St, Madeleine, Sister Marie F Br. 36 S Anglo-Chinese Academy Cecelius, Sister F Am. 25 S Assumption Convent Olivette, Sister F Am. 34 S Assumption Convent

CSsR Congregation of the Most Holy Redeemer Best, Francis8 M Br. 36 S Baclaran, Manila Byrne, Br. Joseph M Br. 43 S Baclaran, Manila Cruice, William M Br. 34 S Baclaran, Manila Deane, Patrick M Br. 32 S De La Salle College English, Leo M Br. 35 S Baclaran, Manila Gyger, Andrew M Br. 30 S De La Salle College Hurly, Patrick M Br. 29 S De La Salle College McCarthy, Charles M Br. 33 S Baclaran, Manila O‟Donnell, Gerard M Br. 34 S Baclaran, Manila , Francis M Br. 37 S Baclaran, Manila

4 List culled from AHN-RL, Santo Tomas Internment Camp, Vols. 1-6. 5 Parish Priest of San Fernando de Dilao, Paco, Manila 6 Br. Rex, CSC 7 Br. Theodore, CSC 8 Br. Placid, CSsR 167

Taylor, Charles M Br. 45 S Baclaran, Manila Walsch, Francisco M Br. 32 S Redemptorist Monastery, Baclaran

FMM Franciscan Missionaries of Mary Berg, Ella F Am. 37 S St. Anthony, Sampaloc Camacho, Sister Marie Leon G, F Am. 23 S 142 Manrique, Sampaloc Casavant, Sister Rita F Am. 50 S 142 Manrique, Sampaloc Cassar, Carmela F Br. 37 S 142 Manrique, Sampaloc Counery, Sister Catherine F Am. 56 S St. Joseph‟s Academy, , Tayabas Dumas, Sister Cecile F Am. 34 S St. Anthony, Sampaloc Franquez, Sister Maria F Am. 31 S St. Anthony, Sampaloc Hamel, Alma F Br. 49 S 562 Legarda, Sampaloc Hamelin, Sister Annette F Br. 46 S Virgo Fidelis Convent, Sampaloc Mendiola, Asuncion P. F Am. 30 S St. Anthony‟s Academy Petit, Sister Ivonne F Br. 29 S St. Anthony, Sampaloc Vasso. Mary Guarda F Am. 23 S 142 Manrique, Sampaloc Westfield, Dorothy F Br. 25 S 142 Manrique, Sampaloc Willman, Sister Ruth F Am. 33 S St. Joseph‟s Academy, Sariaya, Tayabas

FSC Brother of Christian Schools Barry, Michael9 M Am, 25 S De La Salle College Chilshom, Roderick10 M Am. 28 S La Ignaciana, 2118 Herran, Paco Droste, Leonard11 M Am. 42 S 2118 Herran, Paco Graves, Arthur12 M Am. 54 S 2118 Herran, Paco Masson, Philip13 M Am. 27 S Santo Tomas University Reinhart, James14 M Am. 30 S De La Salle College Wester, Arthur15 M Am. 26 S 2118 Herran, Paco

ICM Belgian Canonesses Anselm, Sister F Am. 61 S St. Theresa‟s College Holy Name, Sister M. of the F Am. 50 S St. Theresa‟s College Maurice, Sister F Br. 56 S St. Theresa‟s College St. Patritia, Sister M. of F Am. 58 S St. Theresa‟s College St. Vitalis, Sr. of F Am. 51 S St. Theresa‟s College

MHM Mill Hill Missionaries Deegan, Fr. Stephen Gerard M Br. 36 S Iloilo/ Antique Foller, Fr. John M Du. ? S Iloilo/ Antique Groot, Fr. Petrus M Du. 53 S Iloilo/ Antique Jackson, Fr. James Gregory M Br. 52 S Iloilo/ Antique

9 Br. Bertin Raymond, FSC 10 Br. Lambert Edward, FSC 11 Br. John, FSC 12 Br. Albinus Peter, FSC 13 Br. Felix, FSC 14 Br. Athanasius Lucian, FSC 15 Br. Hugh Damian, FSC 168

Jacobs, Fr. Andreas Cornelius M Du. 34 S Iloilo/ Antique Jonkergouw, Fr. Hubertus Josephus M Du. 41 S Iloilo/ Antique Keet, Fr. Cornelius Christophorus M Du. 41 S Iloilo/ Antique Koelman, Fr. Cornelius M Du. 40 S Iloilo/ Antique McCann, Fr. Joseph M Br. 32 S Iloilo/ Antique McGarrell, Fr. John M Br. 35 S Iloilo/ Antique McMullen, Fr. Raymond M Br. 36 S Iloilo/ Antique Oomen, Fr. Anthonius Paulus M Du. 33 S Iloilo/ Antique Schouten, Fr. Laurence M Du. 52 S Iloilo/ Antique Timmons, Fr. James Patrick M Br. 40 S Iloilo/ Antique Timp, Fr. Petrus John M Du. 52 S Iloilo/ Antique Van De Kamp, Fr. Everardus M Du. ? S Iloilo/ Antique Van Der Linden, Fr. Franciscus Antonius Du. ? S Iloilo/ Antique Verheyen, Fr. Anthony M Du. 56 S Iloilo/ Antique

MIC Missionaries of the Immaculate Conception Angelina, Sister Marie F Br. 61 S Anglo-Chinese Academy Anne, Sister Marie F Br. 39 S Anglo-Chinese Academy De Annonciation, Sister Gabriel F Br. 34 S Anglo-Chinese Academy De Precieux Sang, Sister Marie F Br. 42 S Anglo-Chinese Academy Des Lis, Sister Marie F Br. 41 S Anglo-Chinese Academy St. Christophe, Sister F Br. 35 S Anglo-Chinese Academy St. Gabriel, Sr. F Br. 37 S Anglo-Chinese Academy St. Joseph de Bethlan, Sister F Br. 39 S Anglo-Chinese Academy St. Louise de Gonzague, Sister F Br. 52 S Immaculate Conception St. Mathieu, Sister F Br. 43 S Anglo-Chinese Academy St. Maurice. Sister F Br. 30 S Anglo-Chinese Academy St. Pierre Claver, Sister F Br. 57 S Anglo-Chinese Academy

MM Maryknoll Fathers Daley, Timothy Joseph M Am. 34 S Ateneo de Manila Hughes, Russel G. M Am. 35 S Ateneo de Manila McCarthy, William Ransom M Am. 44 S Ateneo de Manila Sheridan, Robert E. M Am. 42 S Ateneo de Manila

MM Maryknoll Sisters Agnes, Sister Miriem F Am. 45 S Assumption Convent Alfonsa, Sister F Am. 50 S Assumption Convent Beata, Sister Mary F Am. 40 S Assumption Convent Bernard, Sister Mary F Am. 37 S Assumption Convent Bernadette, Sister F Am. 29 S Assumption Convent Bridgettine, Sister Mary F Am. 40 S Assumption Convent Caritas, Sister May F Am. 52 S Assumption Convent Catherine, Sister Mary F Am. 46 S Assumption Convent Catherine, Sister Rose F Am. 25 S Assumption Convent Ceclia, Sister Marion F Am. 36 S Assumption Convent 169

Celeste, Sister Mary F Am. 47 S Assumption Convent Clotilde, Sister Mary F Br. 37 S Assumption Convent Colman, Sister Mary F Am. 40 S Assumption Convent De Chantal, Sister Mary F Am. 40 S Assumption Convent Del Roy, Sister Marie F Am. 33 S Assumption Convent Francis, Sister Eleanor F Du. 38 S Assumption Convent Frederica, Sister Mary F Am. 49 S Assumption Convent , Sister Rose F Am. 39 S Assumption Convent Georgia, Sister Mary F Am. 44 S Assumption Convent Imelda, Sister Agnes F Am. 33 S Assumption Convent Isabel, Sister Mary F Am, 47 S Assumption Convent Jude, Sister Rose F Am. 26 S Assumption Convent Justin, Sister Mary F Am. 49 S Assumption Convent Marie, Sister Ancilla F Am. 25 S Assumption Convent Marie, Sister David F Am. 37 S Assumption Convent Marie, Sister Patricia F Am. 35 S Assumption Convent Marie, Sister F Br. 35 S Assumption Convent Marie, Sister Robert F Am. 29 S Assumption Convent Marie, Sister Rose F Am. 37 S Assumption Convent Mathew, Sister Rose F Am. 27 S Assumption Convent Redempta, Sister Mary F Am. 39 S Assumption Convent Regina, Sister Agnes F Am. 34 S Assumption Convent Scholastica, Sister Mary F Am. 36 S Assumption Convent Shaum, Sister Maure F Am. 33 S Assumption College Siena, Sister Mary F Am. 40 S Assumption Convent Thomas, Sister Miriam F Am. 31 S Assumption Convent Trinita, Sister Mary F Am. 46 S Assumption Convent Una, Sister Mary F Br. 41 S Assumption Convent

MS Missionaries of Our Lady of La Salette Decoteau, Joseph A. M Am. 27 S Ateneo de Manila Doherty, John M Am. 40 S Santo Tomas Julian, Frederic E. M Am. 27 S Ateneo de Manila

MSC Missionaries of the Sacred Heart Corsten, Andrew M Du. 22 S De La Salle College Klib, Anthony M Du. 35 S Sacred Heart Convent Mees, Gregory M Du. 46 S Sacred Heart Convent Mees, William M Du. 38 S Sacred Heart Convent Michels, Theodore M Du. 30 S P.C,C. San Jose, Nueva Ecija Van Opstal, W. M Du. 38 S Sacred Heart Convent Van Roessel, Cornelio M S Sacred Heart Convent Von Hagen, John M Du. 58 S

MSSC Missionary Society of St. Columba Douglas, Francis P. M Br. 32 S Pililia, Rizal 170

Harttog, William M Du. 38 S Cuyapo, Nueva Ecija Jackson, Gordon M Br. 27 S Silang, Cavite Kelly, Patrick M ? ? S Malate, Manila Monaghan, Forbes M Am. 35 S Malate, Manila Price, Arthur M Br. 31 S Cardona, Rizal Strong, Martin M Br. 35 S Binangonan, Rizal

OMI Oblates of Mary Immaculate Baynes, George Edward M Am. 29 S Davao Beaudoin, Egide Joseph Wilfred M Am. 31 S Davao Billman, Cuthbert Bernard M Am. 33 S Davao Bolduc, Emile J. M. Am. 47 S Davao Boyd, Joseph M Am. 43 S Ateneo de Manila Burke, James William M Am. 28 S Davao Clancy, Bernard Joseph M Am. 31 S Davao Dion, George Eli M Am. 32 S Davao Gordon, Edward Charles M Am. 29 S Davao Laquerre, Emile Eugene M BrC 30 S Davao McSorley, Francis Joseph M Am. 30 S Davao Mongeau, Gerard M BrC. 43 S Davao Quinn, Joseph Patrick M Am. 27 S Davao Sheehan, John Joseph M Am. 29 S Davao Sullivan, Robert Edward M Am. 29 S Davao

OP Order of Preachers Ahern, Hilary M Am. 31 S Santo Tomas Bond, Miles Lee M Am. 35 S Santo Tomas Cain, Thomas Mathias M Am. 31 S Santo Tomas De la Fuente, Peregrin M Am. 42 S Santo Tomas Norton, Alfred A. M Am. 30 S Santo Tomas

OSA Order of St. Augustine Casey, John Vincent M Am. 31 S San Agustin Church Monte, Alfred M Am. 29 S San Agustin Church

OSB Order of St. Benedict Axtman, Boniface16 M Am. 33 S San Beda College Koostner, Alfred M Am. 29 S San Beda College, Mendiola Tekippe, Owen L. M Am. 34 S San Beda College, Mendiola, Manila

OSB Missionary Benedictine Sisters of Tutzing Lane-Fox, Sister Gertrude F Br. 50 S St. Agnes‟ Academy, Legaspi

PME Foreign Mission Society of Quebec Bazinet, Jean-Bernard M BrC. 30 S Davao

16 Rector of San Beda College 171

Campagna, Gerard M BrC. 31 S Davao Jasmin, Ernest M BrC. 41 S Davao Labelle, Lionel M BrC. 32 S Davao Lahaye, Paul E. M BrC. 31 S Davao Ouellet, Charles Euguene M BrC. 39 S Davao Pigeon, André M BrC. 29 S Davao Thibault, Clobis Henry M BrC. 33 S Davao Turcotte, Marcel M BrC. 30 S Davao Vezina, Julian M BrC. 30 S Davao

RGS Religious of the Good Shepherd St. Evarista, Sr. M. of F Br. 51 S Good Shepherd

SDB Salesian Society of Don Bosco Zolin, Pablo. M Am. 63 S M. H. del Pilar

Sec. Secular Clergy Landwehr, Julius M Am. 50 S 95 Arzobispo McCloskey, James P.17 M Am. 72 S 95 Arzobispo

SFIC Franciscan Sisters of the Immaculate Alarda, Sister F Du. 40 S St. Joseph‟s Academy, Quezon City Alem, Wilhelmina18 F Du. 50 S St. Joseph‟s Academy, Quezon City Canisia, Sister F Du. 44 S St. Joseph‟s Academy, Quezon City Donata, Sister F Du. 41 S St. Joseph‟s Academy, Q. C. Joseph. Sister F Du. 33 S St. Joseph‟s, Q. C. Lutgardis, Sister F Du. 47 S St. Joseph‟s Academy, Q. C. Modesta, Sister F Du. 48 S St. Joseph‟s, Q. C.

SFM Scarboro Missionaries Fraser, John M. M Am. 65 S 95 Arzobispo, Manila

SJ Society of Jesus Abrams, John E. M Am. 34 S Ateneo de Manila Avery, Henry C. M Am. 58 S Ateneo de Manila Bauerlein, Edward M Am. 48 S Ateneo de Manila Boyle, Philip J. M Am. 26 S Ateneo de Manila Burns, Francis D. M Am. 38 S Ateneo de Manila Casey, Edward F. M Am. 63 S Ateneo de Manila Cashman, Michael J. M Am. 24 S Ateneo de Manila Coffey, Henry A. M Am. 65 S Ateneo de Manila Corbett, F. M Am. 25 S Ateneo de Manila Cullum, Leo A. M Am. 40 S Ateneo de Manila Daly, David A. M Am. 58 S Ateneo de Manila

17 Bishop of Jaro. Died in UST Hospital just after liberation. 18 Provincial Superior 172

Depperman, Charles E M Am, 52 S Ateneo de Manila Dincher, Frederick M Am. 37 S Ateneo de Manila Doucette, Bernard F. M Am. 46 S Ateneo de Manila Dow, William J. M Am. 43 S Ateneo de Manila Dowd, Austin V, P. M Am, 45 S Ateneo de Manila Dowling, Richard M Am. 43 S Ateneo de Manila Fasy, Carroll I. M Am. 41 S Ateneo de Manila Fox, Henry F. M Am. 30 S Ateneo de Manila Gisel, Euegene A. M Am. 43 S Ateneo de Manila Grau, Albert M Am. 28 S Ateneo de Manila Greer, Henry W. M Am. 39 S Ateneo de Manila Guicheteau, Armand J. M Am. 35 S Ateneo de Manila Hacker, Leonard G. M Am. 27 S Ateneo de Manila Hartnett, Ernest P, M Am. 37 S Ateneo de Manila Hayes, James Thomas G.19 M Am. 54 S Ateneo de Manila Healy, Gerald G. M Am. 28 S Ateneo de Manila Horgan, Gerard G. M Am. 28 S Ateneo de Manila Hurley, John F. M Am, 45 S Ateneo de Manila Hyland, Walter F. M Am. 40 S Ateneo de Manila Irwin, Henry L. M Am. 49 S Ateneo de Manila Kavanagh, Joseph J. M Am. 38 S Ateneo de Manila Keane, Anthony V. M Am. 41 S Ateneo de Manila Kerr, Joseph F. M Am, 37 S Ateneo de Manila Keinle, Alfred F. M Am. 52 S Ateneo de Manila Kinn, Leo M. M Am. 40 S Ateneo de Manila Klippert, Edward J. M Am, 30 S Ateneo de Manila Leary, Paul F. K. M Am. 24 S Ateneo de Manila Lochboehler, Bernard M. M Am. 34 S Ateneo de Manila McCaffray, Arthur J. M Am. 67 S Ateneo de Manila McCann, James J. M Am. 37 S Ateneo de Manila McCullogh, Henry B. M Br. 50 S Ateneo de Manila McGinty, Edward B. M Am. 24 S Ateneo de Manila McGovern, Leo E. M Am. 40 S Ateneo de Manila McMahon, James J. M Am. 25 S Ateneo de Manila McManus, Ambrose J. M Am. 35 S Ateneo de Manila McNicholas, John F. M Am. 35 S Ateneo de Manila McSorley, Richard M Am. 25 S Ateneo de Manila Madigan, Francis G. M Am. 24 S Ateneo de Manila Martin, Edgar A. M Am. 34 S Ateneo de Manila Maxey, Joseph F. X. M Am, 39 S Ateneo de Manila Monaghan, Forbes J. M Am. 35 S Ateneo de Manila Moran, James P. M Am. 43 S Ateneo de Manila Morning, John A. M Am. 61 S Ateneo de Manila Mudd, Maurice A. M Am, 51 S Ateneo de Manila Mulry, Joseph A. M Am. 53 S Ateneo de Manila

19 Bishop of Cagayan de Oro 173

Nicholson, William J. M Am, 26 S Ateneo de Manila Nuttall, Edmund J. M Am. 44 S Ateneo de Manila O‟Beirne, Vincent de P. M Am. 44 S Ateneo de Manila O‟Neill, James L. M Am. 50 S Ateneo de Manila O‟Shaughnessy, Jertin J. M Am. 51 S Ateneo de Manila Pangborn, Wallace J. M Am. 38 S Ateneo de Manila Priestner, Joseph A. M Am. 39 S Ateneo de Manila Quinn, Grant A. M Am. 32 S Ateneo de Manila Reardon, Francis X. M Am. 43 S Ateneo de Manila Reilly, Mathew P. M Am. 41 S Ateneo de Manila Reith, Joseph M Am. 48 S Ateneo de Manila Repetti, William C. M Am. 58 S Ateneo de Manila Reuter, James B. M Am. 27 S Ateneo de Manila Riley, Charles W. M Am. 22 S Ateneo de Manila Rittner, Joseph H. M Am. 36 S Ateneo de Manila Rively, William E. M Am. 24 S Ateneo de Manila Ruane, John P. M Am. 21 S Ateneo de Manila Sullivan, Edward P. M Am. 25 S Ateneo de Manila Sullivan, Russell M. M Am. 47 S Ateneo de Manila Treubig, John F. M Am. 47 S Ateneo de Manila Tuite, Thomas P. M Am. 34 S Ateneo de Manila Welch, Leo G, M Am. 36 S Ateneo de Manila Wiley, R. M Am. 22 S Ateneo de Manila Willman, George J. M Am. 44 S Ateneo de Manila Wolf, Charles E. M Am. 21 S Ateneo de Manila Zillig, Martin L. M Am. 59 S Ateneo de Manila

SPC Sisters of St. Paul of Chartres Celestine, Sister Mary F Br. 21 S St. Paul‟s College De Marie, Sister Gabriel F Br. 35 S St. Paul‟s

SSpS Missionary- Sisters Servants of the Holy Spirit Richarde, Sister F Pol. 38 S Holy Ghost Convent Rosabella, Sister F Am. 37 S Holy Ghost Convent Rosella, Sister F Am. 45 S Holy Ghost Convent

SVD Society of the Divine Word Bonin, Alexander M Pol. 35 S Christ the King Seminary, Quezon City Botelho, Manuel M Am. 51 S Christ the King Seminary, Quezon City Carlucci, John Francis M Am. 63 S Christ the King Seminary, Quezon City Dingman, Arthur F. M Am. 44 S Christ the King Seminary, Q.C. Felix, Harold L. M Am. 29 S Christ the King Seminary, Q.C. Grode, Leo Joseph M Am. 36 S Christ the King Seminary, Q. C. Grzegorsitza, Ludwig L. M Pol. 36 S Christ the King Seminary, Q. C. Healy, John Donald M Am. 25 S Christ the King Seminary, Q. C. Keilen, Ernest Edward M Am. 27 S Christ the King Seminary, Q. C. 174

Stoll, Eugene Leo M Am. 28 S Christ the King Seminary, Q. C. Vogelgessang, John Daniel M Am. 28 S Christ the King Seminary, Quezon City Wagner, Rudolph Jerome M Am. 52 S Christ the King Seminary, Quezon City Zacharias, Hans Conrad Ernest M Br. 68 S Christ the King Seminary, Quezon City

Unknown Begin, Joseph O. M Br. 31 S Ateneo de Manila Brouillard, Rodrigue M Fr. 30 S La Ignaciana De Kenelly, Vicente M Br. 47 S Ateneo de Manila McCloskey, Robert M Am. 27 S 2118 Herran, Paco McGuiness, Ignatius M Am. 27 S De La Salle College Mahon, Donald M Am. 31 S Santo Tomas University Martin, Clarence A. M Am. 23 S Ateneo de Manila Mitchell, Thomas A. M Am. 27 S Ateneo de Manila Nicholson, John M Am. 40 S Ateneo de Manila Vogas, Francis J. M Am. 28 S Mandaluyong, Rizal

175

APPENDIX “E”

LIST OF CATHOLIC CLERGY WHO DIED DURING THE LIBERATION OF MANILA, FEBRUARY 1945

Date Name February 6 Fr. Santiago of Ibiricu, OFMCap Singalong Parish, Manila Fr. Raimundo of Labiano, OFMCap Singalong Parish, Manila Fr. Pacifico of Villatuerta, OFMCap Singalong Parish, Manila Fr. Juan Vives, SJ Unknown February 7 Fr. Crispin Gomez, CM Mandaluyong Seminary Fr. Prisciano Gonzalez, CM Mandaluyong Seminary Br. Rafael Martines, CM Mandaluyong Seminary Sem. Gumersindo Novero Mandaluyong Seminary February 9 Fr. Jose Tejada, CM Vicentian Central House, Paco Fr. Jose Aguirreche, CM Vicentian Central House, Paco Fr. Luis Ejeda, CM Vicentian Central House, Paco Fr. Jose Fernandez, CM Vicentian Central House, Paco Fr. Adolfo Soto, CM Vicentian Central House, Paco Fr. Julio Ruiz, CM Vicentian Central House, Paco Br. Valentin Santidrian Vicentian Central House, Paco Br. Antolin Marcos Prado, CM Vicentian Central House, Paco Br. Gregorio Indurain, CM Vicentian Central House, Paco Br. Alejandro Garcia, CM Vicentian Central House, Paco February 10 Fr. , FSC De La Salle College Fr. Peter Fallon, MSSC20 Malate Parish Fr. John Heneghan, MSSC Malate Parish Fr. Patrick Kelly, MSSC Malate Parish Fr. Joseph Monaghan, MSSC Malate Parish Fr. David A. Daly, SJ Ateneo de Manila, Ermita February 11 Sr. Maria Blanca Pamintuan, RA Assumption Convent, Malate February 12 Brother Flavius Leo John Corcoran FSC De La Salle College Brother Alemond Lucian FSC De La Salle College Brother Baptist Janos Gyula FSC De La Salle College Brother Adolf Gebhard Bender FSC De La Salle College Brother Berthwin Philibert Gelb FSC De La Salle College Brother Arkadius Maria Picker FSC De La Salle College Brother Friedbert Johannes Kuntz FSC De La Salle College Brother Gerfried Joseph Hastreiter FSC De La Salle College Brother Lambert Romanus Kammerling FSC De La Salle College Brother Mutwald William Henglebrocks FSC De La Salle College Brother Paternus Paul Seipil FSC De La Salle College Brother Romuald Sixtus Swegner FSC De La Salle College Brother Hartmann Hubert Kreitner FSC De La Salle College

20 The four MSSC Fathers were taken by the Japanese for interrogation but was never found again. 176

Brother Maximin Maria Meier FSC De La Salle College Brother Victorinus Heinrich Wehle FSC De La Salle College February 13 Fr. John Lalor, MSSC Malate Parish February 14 Scholastic Ricardo Pimentel, SJ San Agustin Convent February 19 Fr. Jeronimo Pampliega, CM Santa Isabel College Bro. Valentin of Azcoitia, OFMCap Capuchin Church, Intramuros Fr. Ladislao of Busturia, OFMCap Capuchin Church, Intramuros Fr. Felix of Igusquiza, OFMCap Capuchin Church, Intramuros Fr. Florencio of Lezaun, OFMCap Capuchin Church, Intramuros Bro. Elceario of Sarasate, OFMCap Capuchin Church, Intramuros Bro. Ignacio of Vidania, OFMCap Capuchin Church, Intramuros Fr. Francisco Alvarado, OSA San Agustin Convent Fr. Manuel Bartolomé, OSA San Agustin Convent Fr. Juan Cabanas, OSA San Agustin Convent Fr. Benigno Cano, OSA San Agustin Convent Fr. David Casares. OSA San Agustin Convent Fr. Carlos Castrillo, OSA San Agustin Convent Fr. Gaudencio Castrillo, OSA San Agustin Convent Fr. Simón del Canto, OSA San Agustin Convent Fr. Victor González, OSA San Agustin Convent Fr. Alipio Martínez, OSA San Agustin Convent Fr. Emeterio Pinedo, OSA San Agustin Convent Fr. Melecio Polo, OSA San Agustin Convent February 23 Mo. Eufemia de la Pasion, OSC Santa Clara Monastery Sr. Agapita de San Joaquin, OSC Santa Clara Monastery Sr. Dolores de las Mercedes, OSC Santa Clara Monastery Sr. Maxima de Santa Clara, OSC Santa Clara Monastery Sr. Rosa de Santa Teresita, OSC Santa Clara Monastery Sr. Maria de la Eucaristia, OSC Santa Clara Monastery Sr. Ines de la Cruz, OSC Santa Clara Monastery Sr. Rita de San Jose, OSC Santa Clara Monastery

177

APPENDIX “F”

BISHOP ALUMNUS OF THE PONTIFICIO COLEGIO FILIPPINO21

Most Rev. Mons. Guillermo AFABLE Digos Most Rev. Mons. Benjamin ALMONEDA Daet (Emeritus) Most Rev. Mons. Patricio ALO Mati Most Rev. Mons. Ramon ARGUELLES Lipa Most Rev. Mons. Teodoro BACANI Novaliches (Emeritus) Most Rev. Mons. Sofio BALCE Cabanatuan (Emeritus) Most Rev. Mons. José BANTOLO Masbate Most Rev. Mons. Teodoro BUHAIN Manila, Auxiliary (Emeritus) Most Rev. Mons. Antonieto CABAJOG Surigao Most Rev. Mons. Julito CORTES Cebu, Auxiliary Most Rev. Mons. Florentino CINENSE Tarlac Most Rev. Mons. Maximiniano CRUZ Calbayog (Emeritus) Most Rev. Mons. Lingayen-Dagupan (Emeritus) Most Rev. Mons. Manolo DELOS SANTOS Virac Most Rev. Mons. Camilo GREGORIO Batanes Most Rev. Mons. Dinualdo GUTIERREZ Marbel Most Rev. Mons. Angel HOBAYAN Catarman (Emeritus) Most Rev. Mons. Jacinto JOSE Urdaneta † Most Rev. Mons. Rafael LIM Boac Most Rev. Mons. Emilio MARQUEZ Lucena Most Rev. Mons. Raul José MARTIREZ San José de Antique (Emeritus) Most Rev. Mons. Jesse MERCADO Parañaque Most Rev. Mons. Jose OLIVEROS Malolos Most Rev. Mons. Honesto ONGTIOCO Cubao Most Rev. Mons. Osvaldo PADILLA Apostolic Nuncio to Most Rev. Mons. José PALMA Cebù † Most Rev. Mons. Severino PELAYO Military † Most Rev. Mons. Alberto PIAMONTE Jaro † Most Rev. Mons. Miguel PURUGGANAN Ilagan Most Rev. Mons. Gabriel REYES Antipolo Most Rev. Mons. Ernesto SALGADO Nueva Segovia Most Rev. Mons. Balanga Most Rev. Mons. Julius TONEL Ipil † Most Rev. Mons. Bienvenido TUDTUD Marawi Most Rev. Mons. Sergio UTLEG Tuguegarao Most Rev. Mons. Zamboanga Most Rev. Mons. Ramon VILLENA Bayombong Most Rev. Mons. Crisostomo YALUNG Antipolo (Emeritus)

21 Partly adapted from Santos, Ruperto C. A Short History of the Pontificio Collegio Filippino, 1961-2001 in Philippiniana Sacra 37:109, pp.121-156. 178

APPENDIX “G”

MEMBERS OF THE CATHOLIC BISHOPS’ CONFERENCE OF THE PHILIPPINES 1972-1986

ARCHDIOCESE OF NUEVA CACERES  Teopisto Valderrama ALBERTO (1965-1983)  Leonardo Zamora LEGASPI, O.P (1983-present) o Concordio Maria SARTE (1976-1973) (Auxiliary) o Antonio BUENAFE (1976-1976) (Auxiliary)

DIOCESE OF LEGAZPI  Teotimo C. PACIS, C.M. (1969-1980)  Concordio Maria SARTE (1980-1991) o Nestor Celestial CARIÑO (1978-1980) (Auxiliary) o Lucilo B. QUIAMBAO (1982-2009) (Auxiliary)

DIOCESE OF MASBATE  Porfirio R. ILIGAN (1968-1998)

DIOCESE OF DAET  Celestino Rojo ENVERGA (1974-1990)

DIOCESE OF VIRAC  José C. SORRA (1974-1993)

DIOCESE OF SORSOGON  Arnulfo S. ARCILLA (1959-1979)  Jesus Y. VARELA (1980-1986)

ARCHDIOCESE OF CAGAYAN DE ORO  Patrick H. CRONIN, S.S.C.M.E. (1970-1988)

DIOCESE OF SURIGAO  Charles VAN DEN OUWELANT, M.S.C.(1955-1973)  Miguel C. CINCHES, S.V.D. (1973-2001)

DIOCESE OF TANDAG  Ireneo A. AMANTILLO, C.SS.R. (1978-2001)

179

DIOCESE OF MALAYBALAY  Francisco F. CLAVER, S.J. (1969-1974)  Gaudencio Borbon ROSALES (1984-1992)

DIOCESE OF BUTUAN  Carmelo Dominador Flores MORELOS (1967-1994)

ARCHDIOCESE OF  Antonio José FRONDOSA (1952-1986) o Vicente Macanan NAVARRA (1979-1987) (Auxiliary)

DIOCESE OF ROMBLON  Nicolas M. MONDEJAR (1974-1987)

DIOCESE OF  Juan Nicolasora NILMAR (1976-1992)

ARCHDIOCESE OF CEBU  Julio Ras Cardinal ROSALES (1949-1982)  Ricardo Jamin Cardinal VIDAL (1982-2010) o Nicolas M. MONDEJAR (1970-1974) (Auxiliary) o Angel N. LAGDAMEO (1980-1986) (Auxiliary)

DIOCESE OF MAASIN  Vicente ATAVIADO y Tumalad (1968-1997) o Wilfredo D. MANLAPAZ (1980-1986) (Auxiliary)

DIOCESE OF DUMAGUETE  Epifanio Surban BELMONTE (1955-1989) o Salvador T. MODESTO (1978-1987) (Auxiliary) o Onesimo Cadiz GORDONCILLO (1974-1976) (Auxiliary)

DIOCESE OF TAGBILARAN  Manuel MASCARIÑAS y Morgia (1951-1976) (Spain)  Onesimo Cadiz GORDONCILLO (1976-1986)

ARCHDIOCESE OF COTABATO  Gérard MONGEAU, O.M.I. (1951-1980)  Philip Francis SMITH, O.M.I. (1980-1998)

180

DIOCESE OF MARBEL  Reginald Edward Vincent ARLISS, C.P. (1969-1981)  Dinualdo D. GUTIERREZ (1981-present)

DIOCESE OF KIDAPAWAN  Federico O. ESCALER, S.J. (1976-1980)  Orlando Beltran QUEVEDO, O.M.I. (1980-1986)

ARCHDIIOCESE OF DAVAO  Clovis Joseph THIBAULD (Thibault), P.M.E. (1954-1972)  Antonio Lloren MABUTAS (1972-1996) o Fernando R. CAPALLA (1975-1977) (Auxiliary) o Pedro Rosales DEAN (1977-1980) (Auxiliary) o Antonio Realubin TOBIAS (1982-1984) (Auxiliary) o Juan de Dios Mataflorida PUEBLOS (1985-1987) (Auxiliary)

DIOCESE OF MATI (E-1984)  Patricio Hacbang ALO (1984-)

DIOCESE OF ILIGAN  Bienvenido Solon TUDTUD (1971-1977)  Fernando R. CAPALLA (1977-1994)

DIOCESE OF DIGOS  Generoso C. CAMIÑA, P.M.E. (1979-2003)

DIOCESE OF  Joseph William REGAN, M.M. (1962-1980)  Pedro Rosales DEAN (1980-1985)  Wilfredo D. MANLAPAZ (1986-) o Ramon B. VILLENA (1982-1985) (Auxiliary)

ARCHDIOCESE OF JARO  Jaime Lachica SIN (1972-1974)  Artemio G. CASAS (1974-1985)

DIOCESE OF BACOLOD  Antonio Yapsutco FORTICH (1967-1989)

DIOCESE OF SAN JOSE DE ANTIQUE  Cornelius DE WIT, M.H.M. (1962-1982)  Raul José Quimpo MARTIREZ (1983-2002) 181

ARCHDIOCESE OF LINGAYEN-DAGUPAN  Mariano MADRIAGA (1938-1973)  Federico G. LIMON, S.V.D. (1973-1991) o Jesus Aputen CABRERA (1980-1985) (Auxiliary)

DIOCESE OF CABANATUAN  Vicente P. REYES (1967-1983)  Ciceron Santa Maria TUMBOCON (1983-1990)

DIOCESE OF SAN JOSE DE NUEVA ECIJA  Florentino Ferrer CINENSE (1984-1985)

DIOCESE OF ALAMINOS  Jesus Aputen CABRERA (1985-2007)

DIOCESE OF URDANETA  Pedro G. MAGUGAT, M.S.C. (1985-1990)

ARCHDIOCESE OF MANILA  Rufino Jiao Cardinal SANTOS, 1960-1973  Jaime Lachica Cardinal SIN, (1973-2003)

(Auxiliaries)  Hernando ANTIPORDA (1954-1975)  Bienvenido M. LOPEZ (1966-1995)  Amado PAULINO y Hernandez (1969-1985)  Gaudencio Borbon Cardinal ROSALES (1974-1982) (Auxiliary)  Oscar V. CRUZ (1976-1978) (Auxiliary)  Protacio G. GUNGON (1977-1983)  Leonardo Z. LEGASPI (1977-1983)  Manuel C. SOBREVIÑAS (1979-1993)  Gabriel Villaruz REYES (1981-1993)  Teodoro BUHAIN (1983-2003)  Juan Bautista VELASCO Díaz, O.P. (1983-1984) (Spanish)  Teodoro C. BACANI, Jr. (1984-2002)  Leoncio Leviste LAT (1985-1992)

DIOCESE OF IMUS  Felix Paz PEREZ (1969-1992)

182

DIOCESE OF MALOLOS (E-1961)  Manuel P. DEL ROSARIO (1961-1977)  Cirilo R. ALMARIO (1977-1996) o Leopoldo A. ARCAIRA (1966-1988) (Auxiliary) o Ricardo Jamin Cardinal VIDAL (1971-1973) (Coadjutor) o Leoncio Leviste LAT (1980-1985) (Auxiliary) o Deogracias S. IÑIGUEZ, Jr. (1985-1989) (Auxiliary)

MILITARY ORDINARIATE  Rufino Jiao SANTOS (1951-1973)  Mariano GAVIOLA y Garcés (1974-1981)  Pedro G. MAGUGAT, M.S.C. (1981-1985)  Severino M. PELAYO (1985-1995)

VICARIATE OF PUERTO PRINCESA  Gregorio ESPIGA E INFANTE, O.A.R. (1954-1987) (Spanish)

DIOCESE OF ANTIPOLO  Protacio G. GUNGON (1983-2001)

ARCHDIOCESE OF NUEVA SEGOVIA  Juan C. SISON (1966-1981)  José Tomás SÁNCHEZ (1982-1986) o Victorino Cristobal LIGOT (1969-1970) (Auxiliary) o Salvador Lazo LAZO (1977-1981) (Auxiliary) o Patricio Maqui LOPEZ (1985-1991) (Auxiliary)

DIOCESE OF LAOAG  Rafael Montiano LIM (1971-1978)  Edmundo M. ABAYA (1978-1999)

DIOCESE OF SAN FERNANDO DE LA UNION  Victorino Cristobal LIGOT (1970-1980)  Salvador Lazo LAZO (1981-1993)

DIOCESE OF BAGUIO (FORMERLY MOUNTAIN PROVINCE)  William BRASSEUR, C.I.C.M. (1948-1981)  Emiliano Kulhi MADANGENG (1981-1987), Auxiliary, (1971-1981)

183

DIOCESE OF BANGUED  Odilo ETSPUELER, S.V.D. (1956-1987) o Cesar C. RAVAL, S.V.D. (1981-1987) (Auxiliary)

ARCHDIOCESE OF OZAMIZ  Jesus Y. VARELA (1971-1980)  Jesus Armamento DOSADO, C.M. (1981-present)

DIOCESE OF PAGADIAN  Jesus B. TUQUIB (1973-1984)  Antonio Realubin TOBIAS (1984-1993)

DIOCESE OF DIPOLOG  Felix Sanchez ZAFRA (1967-1986)

PRELATURE OF MARAWI (E-1976)  Bienvenido Solon TUDTUD (1977-1987)

ARCHDIOCESE OF PALO  Manuel S. SALVADOR (1969-1972)  Cipriano URGEL y Villahermosa (1973-1985)  Pedro Rosales DEAN (1985-2006)

DIOCESE OF CALBAYOG  Sincero Barcenilla LUCERO (1979-1984)

DIOCESE OF CATARMAN  Angel T. HOBAYAN (1974-2005)

DIOCESE OF BORONGAN  Godofredo Pedernal PISIG (1968-1976)  Sincero Barcenilla LUCERO (1977-1979)  Nestor Celestial CARIÑO (1980-1986)

ARCHDIOCESE OF SAN FERNANDO DE PAMPANGA  Emilio CINENSE y Abera (1957-1978)  Oscar V. CRUZ (1978-1988) o Celso N. GUEVARRA (1972-1975) (Auxiliary)

DIOCESE OF IBA  Henry BYRNE, S.S.C.M.E. (1956-1983)  Paciano Basilio ANICETO (1983-1989) 184

DIOCESE OF TARLAC  Jesus J. SISON (1963-1988)

DIOCESE OF BALANGA  Celso N. GUEVARRA (1975-1998)

ARCHDIOCESE OF TUGUEGARAO  Teodulfo Sabugal DOMINGO (1957-1986) o Salvador Lazo LAZO (1969-1977) (Auxiliary) o Paciano Basilio ANICETO (1979-1983) (Auxiliary) o Diosdado Aenlle TALAMAYAN (1983-1986) (Auxiliary)

DIOCESE OF ILAGAN  Francisco Raval CRUCES (1970-1973)  Miguel Gatan PURUGGANAN (1974-1999)

PRELATURE OF BATANES-BABUYANES  Mario L. BALTAZAR, O.P. (1966-1995)

DIOCESE OF BAYOMBONG  Albert VAN OVERBEKE, C.I.C.M. (1966-1986)  Ramon B. VILLENA (1985-1986) (Coadjutor)

ARCHDIOCESE OF ZAMBOANGA  Lino R. GONZAGA y Rasdesales (1966-1973)  Francisco Raval CRUCES (1973-1994)

VICAR APOSTOLIC OF JOLO  Philip Francis SMITH, O.M.I. (1972-1979)  George Eli DION, O.M.I. (1980-1991)

PRELATURE OF ISABELA  José María Querejeta MENDIZÁBAL, C.M.F. (1963-1989) (Spanish)

DIOCESE OF DIPOLOG  Felix Sanchez ZAFRA (1967-1986)

PRELATURE OF IPIL  Federico O. ESCALER, S.J. (1980-1997)

185

APPENDIX “H”

MILITARY RAIDS ON CATHOLIC CHURCH ESTABLISHMENTS AFTER 197222

Catholic Church, Antique July 1973 Convent, Religious of the Good Shepherd, Davao September 1973 St. Joseph‟s College, E. Rodriguez, Quezon City October 1973 Franciscan Our Lady of Angels Seminary, Novaliches October 1973 Jesuit Sacred Heart Novitiate, Novaliches August 1974 DXBB Radio Station Malaybalay, Bukidnon November 1976 DXCD Radio Station, Tagum, Davao del Norte November 1976 Signs of the Times, AMRSP, Manila December 1976 The Communicator, La Ignaciana, Sta. Ana, Manila December 1976 Ang Bandilyo, Diocese of Malaybalay, Bukidnon December 1976 Loyola House of Studies, Ateneo Campus, Quezon City April 1978 San José Seminary, Ateneo Campus, Quezon City April 1978 Parish of Our Lady of Fatima, Villaverde, Nueva Vizcaya August 1982 Social Action Centre, Catbalogan, September 1982 Task Force Detainees Office, Jaro, Iloilo September 1982 Parish of Oringao, Kabankalan, September 1982 Bishop‟s Residence, Ilagan, Isabela August 1983 FSIC Sisters Convent, Ilagan, Isabela August 1983 Bishop‟s Residence, Tandag, October 1984

22 Adapted from Youngblood, Robert L. (1993). Marcos Against the Church: Economic Development and Political Repression in the Philippines. Quezon City: New Day Publishers.