DigitalResources Electronic Survey Report 2018-003

Waci Speakers in Togo and Benin A Sociolinguistic Survey

Gabriele R. Faton Waci Speakers in Togo and Benin A Sociolinguistic Survey

Gabriele R. Faton

SIL International® 2018

Electronic Survey Report 2018-003, March 2018 © 2018 SIL International® All rights reserved Abstract

SIL personnel conducted a sociolinguistic survey in the Waci language community (Kwa language family) of the Republic of Togo and the Republic of Benin in 2002, and the report was written in October 2006. Waci is part of the Gbe language continuum and is related to both Ewe and Gen. The researchers conducted informal interviews with various subjects and administered questionnaires to village chiefs, elders, and others. By these means they collected data concerning the geographic location of the Waci language area, the comprehension of Ewe and Gen by the Waci population, language use patterns, language vitality, language attitudes toward the use of Ewe and Gen, attitudes toward Waci language development, the religious situation, language use in the religious domain, and the state of nonformal education in the language area. Results of the interviews indicate that the Waci in Togo have a high level of comprehension of both Ewe and Gen. They identify with the Ewe people and display overtly positive attitudes toward the use of Ewe. In contrast, attitudes toward the use of Gen are overtly negative. In Benin the Waci have a high level of comprehension of Gen, whereas comprehension of Ewe appears to be low. Attitudes towards the use of Gen are overtly neutral, whereas attitudes towards the use of Ewe were not investigated.

This survey report written some time ago deserves to be made available even at this late date. Conditions were such that it was not published when originally written. The reader is cautioned that more recent research may be available. Historical data is quite valuable as it provides a basis for a longitudinal analysis and helps us understand both the trajectory and pace of change as compared with more recent studies—Editor.

Contents

1 Introduction 1.1 Language and classification 1.2 Language area 1.3 Presence of other ethnic groups 1.4 Regional language use 1.5 Population 1.6 History of migration 1.7 Religion 1.7.1 Traditional religion 1.7.2 Christian churches 1.7.3 Islam 1.8 Literacy and Waci language development 2 Previous linguistic research 3 Research questions 4 Methodology 4.1 Informal interviews 4.2 Questionnaires 5 Implementation of the interviews 5.1 Informal interviews with linguists and church workers 5.2 Questionnaires for traditional leaders and religious leaders 5.3 Questionnaires for literacy coordinators 6 Results 6.1 Waci language varieties 6.2 Comprehension of Ewe and Gen 6.3 Waci language vitality 6.4 Language attitudes 6.4.1 Attitudes towards the written development of Waci 6.4.2 Attitudes towards the use of Gen and Ewe 6.5 Literacy 6.5.1 Classes offered 6.5.2 Motivation for literacy 6.5.3 Difficulties in literacy programs 6.6 Language use in the religious domain 6.7 Ethnic identity, group cohesion, and social relationships 7 Summary and conclusions 7.1 Comprehension of Ewe and Gen 7.2 Language vitality 7.3 Language attitudes 7.4 Literacy 7.5 Ethnic identity, group cohesion and social relationships 8 Recommendations Appendix A: Maps of the Waci language area Appendix B: Lexical similarity Appendix C: Questionnaires Appendix D: Suggested readings References

iii 1 Introduction

A sociolinguistic survey was conducted among the Waci 1 language community of the Republic of Togo and the Republic of Benin in February and March 2002 by Gabriele Faton and Katharina Wolf, researchers from the Togo-Benin branch of SIL International 2 (SIL Togo-Benin). It was supervised by Dr. Deborah H. Hatfield. The survey is part of a larger study of the Gbe communities of Togo and Benin and is designed to provide the administrators of SIL Togo-Benin with information about the Waci language area in order to determine the need for SIL involvement in Waci language development and the priority and strategy for such involvement. We include in this report survey data derived from individual interviews and interviews with government officials 3 in the sub-prefecture of Comè, 4 the sub-prefecture of Grand-Popo, Benin, the prefecture of Yoto, Togo and the sub-prefecture of Afanyan, Togo. The researchers also interviewed community leaders in the villages of Oumako (sub-prefecture of Comè, Benin), Ahépé (prefecture of Yoto, Togo) and Atitogon (sub-prefecture of Afanyan, Togo). In the Introduction (section 1) we present pertinent background information gathered during preliminary research and during field interviews with members of the Waci language community. Subsequent sections contain information on previous linguistic research, the research questions, and a description of the assessment techniques used in this survey. Next, we discuss the results of the interviews, both formal and informal. The report ends with a summary, conclusions, and recommendations, followed by appendices and references. We are grateful to the local authorities and citizens for the authorization and assistance that made this research possible.

1.1 Language and classification

Williamson and Blench (2000:18) have classified the Kwa language group as follows: Proto-Niger-Congo, Proto-Mande-Atlantic-Congo, Proto-Ijo-Congo, Proto-Dogon-Congo, Proto-Volta-Congo, East Volta-Congo, Proto-Benue-Kwa, Kwa. From pers. comm., they also cite Stewart’s (1989) revised and then current classification of the Gbe language group: Proto-Kwa (New Kwa), Gbe. 5 According to his interpretation of linguistic evidence, Stewart divides the Gbe language cluster into two branches: Fon-Phla-Phera on the one hand and the two subgroups—(a) Ewe and Gen and (b) Aja—on the other hand (Williamson and Blench 2000:29). Dr. Hounkpati B. C. Capo, an expert on the Waci language family (1986:101), (see section 5.1) divides the Gbe languages into five groups: Vhe (Ewe), Gen, Aja, Fon, and Phla-Phera (Xwla-Xwela). He puts Waci in the Vhe (Ewe) group, together with Towun, Awlan, Gbín, Peci, Kpando, Vhlin, Ho, Avɛ́no, Vo, Kpelen, Vɛ́, Dayin, Agu, Fodome, Wancé, and Adángbe.

1 In general, language names are spelled using the English alphabet. 2 SIL is affiliated with the Direction de Recherche Scientifique in Togo and with the Centre National de Linguistique Appliquée in Benin. It has been accorded nongovernmental organization status in both countries. 3 See Appendix C for questionnaires which correspond to the various interviews. 4 Place names are spelled according to maps of Togo and Benin (Institut Géographique National 1977; 1992), where possible. At the time of the survey, Benin was divided into twelve governmental provinces called départements, each of which was composed of a varying number of sub-prefectures, which encompass various communes (rural communities and urban districts). The départements were reorganized in 1999. With decentralization in 2002, sub- prefectures became communes and communes became arrondissements. Togo consists of five provinces (régions). Each province is divided into a varying number of prefectures and sub-prefectures. 5 Stewart formerly classified Gbe as (New) Kwa, Left Bank, Gbe.

1 2

Alternative spellings of the language name are Watyi, Wotsi, or Ouatchi (Capo 1986:13). Interviewees in villages in the language area unanimously referred to their language as Waci [watʃi].

1.2 Language area

Waci villages are located in southeastern Togo and in southwestern Benin. For maps of the area, see Appendix A. Because of the migration pattern of the Waci people (see section 1.6), most Waci live in southeastern Togo. According to the language map of Benin (CENALA 1990) and the Atlas sociolinguistique du Bénin (CNL du Bénin 1983:67f.), Waci villages in Benin are located in the département of Mono. According to the Atlas, Waci is spoken in the following places, listed in order from north to south: • the sub-prefecture of Athiémè: Ahoho and Dedokpo • the sub-prefecture of Comè: Comè (the whole urban community and rural district) and in the rural community of Oumako • the sub-prefecture of Grand-Popo: Dévikanmè, Vodomè and Sazué in the Djanglanmè rural community and Kpovidji, Todjohounkouin, Sého-Condji, Gbéhoué-Ouatchi and Sohon in the Adjaha rural community. This information was confirmed by Capo (pers. comm.) and others. Capo further indicated that these areas are also Waci-speaking: two villages within the rural community of Dedokpo6; the villages of Atitoedomin, Tala7 and Agoutomè (southeast of Comè); and Dimado 8 I and II and Kpablè (west of Gbéhoué-Ouatchi). According to certain sources, the borders of the Waci language area in Togo are roughly the line between Gboto Zévé and Tokpli to the north, the Mono River to the east, the line between Vogan and Aklakougan to the south and within the vicinity of Tsévié to the west. This information was confirmed during interviews with community leaders in the language area and refined as follows. The villages north of the line between Gboto Zévé and Tokpli up to the classified forest of Togodo are Aja villages. It is not quite clear whether Tokpli, a village that was founded by the Germans during their colonial rule, is a Waci village, as there is a significant presence of other ethnic groups such as Aja, Ana (Ifè) and Gen there. The line between Vogan and Aklakougan is only a rough approximation of a border of the language area to the south. Because people move around and mix, there is no clear-cut border between Waci and Gen areas. Vogan is a Waci village with a mixture of ethnic groups. In the area around Aklakougan, Waci speakers seem to be mixed mostly with speakers of Gen, but also with Fon and Kotafon speakers. Waci villages extend west as far as the Haho River. Sources disagreed as to whether the villages between the Haho River and Tsévié are Waci- or Ewe-speaking. The languages do not change abruptly, but blend into each other. 9 This is reflected in the frequent use by people in the language area in Togo of the terms “Waci” and “Ewe” interchangeably to designate their own language. 10 Therefore, in Togo it is impossible to determine clear-cut language borders between Waci, Ewe, and Gen.

6 The names of these villages are unknown to the author. 7 Atitoedomin and Tala are not indicated on the map. 8 Dimado is also considered part of Sohon. 9 As one person in Tabligbo reported, “In Comè they speak like we do, but they mix it with Fon. In Tsévié it is Waci, but it tends towards Ewe. …Afanyan is already a bit mixed (with Gen).” 10 During a village test in Tabligbo, we asked which language was being used. Someone informed us, “We speak Ewe here.” After asking about Waci, we received this answer: “Well, we speak Waci here, and it’s Ewe till Tsévié.” 3

1.3 Presence of other ethnic groups

Waci villages are situated in an area bordered by Aja to the north, Saxwe to the northeast, Xwela to the east and southeast, Xwla to the south, Gen to the south and southwest, and Ewe to the southwest and west (CENALA 1990). Not only are the borders of the Waci language area fuzzy, but also villages of different ethnic origins are mixed together inside the area. For instance, between the Mono and Sazué Rivers in Benin, there exist Kotafon and Aja villages along with the Waci villages of Dedokpo and Ahoho (Hatfield, Henson and McHenry 1998; Capo, pers. comm.). Within the Waci area in Togo, there are Aja-Talla villages along the Mono River, Aklobo villages11 along the Haho River and north of Tabligbo, and an Ana (Ifè) village between the Waci and Aja language areas. Waci villages are generally not isolated from contact with other ethnic groups, because these groups are present in major towns and Waci speakers and members of other ethnic groups intermarry. In addition, there is vibrant commercial traffic in the area. The major towns in the language area—such as Comè, Benin and Tabligbo, Togo—are melting pots of various ethnic groups. In Comè the majority of the population is Waci, but Gen, Fon, and Aja speakers are also present, as are Hausa and Yoruba, who live in the part of town called Zongo 12 (Capo, pers. comm.). Tabligbo, the seat of the prefecture of Yoto, is not a traditional Waci town. It was founded for administrative and logistical purposes, and the population includes people of Ewe, Gen, and Aja origins. There is a “mosaic of languages” according to inhabitants of Tabligbo. The Waci villages we surveyed claim to be monolingual, and indeed the majority of Waci men marry Waci women. However, marriages between Waci speakers and Ewe, Gen, Aja, and also some Kotafon and Kotokoli speakers were reported.

1.4 Regional language use

Waci is the main language spoken by the Waci people. The languages of wider communication are Ewe and Gen. Ewe (and its varieties) is widely used generally in the south of Togo and is also taught at school. Gen, also called Mina, 13 is used throughout the southeast of Togo and the southwest of Benin. It is considered to be the easiest language “for all Ewe peoples” according to the Gen linguist interviewed, and “the best understood in the region” according to the Waci linguist interviewed (see section 6.2). Both Ewe and Gen are used particularly in the bigger markets and for communication between the different ethnic groups present in the area. French is the language of the formal education systems in both Togo and Benin. In the Waci language area in Benin, the government literacy organization Direction Nationale de l’Alphabétisation et de l’Education des Adultes (DNAEA), nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and churches organize literacy classes in Aja, Gen, Kotafon, Saxwe, and Xwela, as well as in a combination of Gen and Waci. 14 In Togo nonformal education in local languages is primarily offered by churches and NGOs in Ewe or French in the south and in Kabiye in the north. Churches in the Waci language area use Waci, Ewe, Gen, and French in their worship services. Bible readings are usually done in either Ewe, Gen, or French. The official language in the Catholic Church in the Waci area is Ewe in Togo and Gen in Benin (département of Mono).

11 These are Ghanaian settlements. 12 Zongo is the name given to the settlements of Muslim traders in or on the outskirts of a town. 13 In everyday speech, Gen is often referred to as Mina. The term originated from Portuguese colonial times, but the linguistically correct name, according to the Waci linguist, is Gen. People use both terms interchangeably. 14 Literacy classes use a Gen primer that is partially adapted to Waci, which we refer to as the “Waci-Gen primer.” 4

1.5 Population

The 1992 Benin census (Ministère du Plan 1994a:11), which cites population statistics both by ethnic group and political community, gives a Waci population of 30,005. The 2002 Benin census (Ministère Chargé du Plan 2003a) gives a Waci population of 36,574, or 0.5 percent of the Beninese population. It should be noted that during both censuses, individuals were asked to which ethnic group they belonged and not which language they spoke as their first language. Thus, interviewees identified themselves as belonging to their father’s ethnic group, even though they may neither have spoken his language nor lived in that language area. When we tally population figures from the census for villages identified by interviewees as Waci-speaking, we get the following figures for 1992 and 2002 (Ministère du Plan 1994b; Ministère Chargé du Plan 2003b):

Table 1. Benin 1992 census: Population of Waci-speaking locales

Locale Population Sub-prefecture of Comè Comè (urban community) 19,054 Oumako (Djakotoé) 3,250 Sub-prefecture of Grand Popo Arrondissement of Sazué 2,495 Dévikanmè 720 Todjohounkouin (Todjonkoun) 902 Kpovidji 1,225 Sohon 587 Sub-prefecture of Athiémè Dedokpo ? Ahoho 926 Total 29,159

Table 2. Benin 2002 census: Population of Waci-speaking locales

Locale Population Commune of Comè Comè 29,069 Oumako 3,576 Commune of Grand Popo Arrondissement of Sazué 3,422 Dévikanmè (Devicanmey) 648 Todjohounkouin (Todjonkoun) 1,043 Kpovidji 1,285 Sohon 668 Commune of Athiémé Arrondissement of Dédékpoé 3,128 (includes Ahoho) Total 42,839

According to census data for Togo (Ministère du Plan et de l’Industrie 1985:301), the Waci population in that country amounted to 280,131 in 1981. 5

Some sources give Waci populations of up to 110,000 in Benin and 365,500 in Togo (Grimes 2000; Joshua Project 2000). These figures, compared to the estimates based on census data in tables 1 and 2, are too high, at least for Benin.

1.6 History of migration

The Ewe king Agokoli reigned in Notsé (Togo) at the end of the sixteenth century. When conflicts arose between him and his counselors as well as with the population, a large percentage of the population fled. Those who left split into three groups and dispersed to the south, the southwest and the northwest. Others from Notsé set out in search of land at a later stage with Agokoli’s consent. The Waci were basically a subgroup of the southern group, which was dominated by the Dogbo and related lineages. Some traditions maintain that they left Notsé after the main diaspora as a result of a famine (Gayibor 1996:86–91; Pazzi 1979:97–102).

1.7 Religion

The next three sections present details on traditional religion, Christianity, and Islam.

1.7.1 Traditional religion

The traditional religion of the Waci is polytheistic. In the département of Mono, Benin, traditional religion is the main religious force—74.2 percent of the population practice traditional religion, compared to a national average of 35 percent (Ministère du Plan 1994a:12, 15). This was confirmed by church leaders in Oumako (sub-prefecture of Comè, Benin) who, when interviewed during this survey, stated that the majority of the inhabitants practice traditional religion. 15 No statistical data were available for Togo. Information gathered during the survey in Togo is ambiguous; according to one church leader, the majority of the population in Ahépé (prefecture of Yoto, Togo) practice traditional religion, whereas the village chief of Ahépé maintains that the majority is Catholic. 16 In Atitogon (sub- prefecture of Afagnan, Togo) the majority of the population is also reported to be Catholic. It is possible, though, that the influence of traditional religion in the language area in Togo is similar in strength to its influence in Benin.

1.7.2 Christian churches

The Waci villages in Benin are all situated in the département of Mono. Table 3 shows the proportions of evangelical Protestant churches and other denominations (ARCEB 2001a:93).

15 The village chief said the majority of the inhabitants were Christian, but the church leaders’ evaluation seems more probable in light of the census data. 16 He also distinguishes between animists and atheists, and states that there are more atheists than animists in the village. 6

Table 3. Christian churches in the département of Mono (Benin)

Denomination Number of Percentage of Number of Percentage of churchgoers total churchgoers churches total churches Evangelical Protestant churches 24,296 53.2 332 70.9 Catholic Church 12,928 28.3 72 15.4 Christianisme Céleste 4,844 10.6 43 9.2 Methodist Church 3,571 7.8 21 4.9 Total 45,639 468

According to ARCEB, in forty-one churches the majority of the members are Waci, and in sixty-seven churches Waci are present as the largest, second largest, or third largest group (ARCEB 2001b). In Oumako (sub-prefecture of Comè) the following churches were reported to be present: Assemblies of God, Christianisme Céleste, Deeper Life, Mission Evangélique de la Foi, New Apostolic Church, Parole du Christ au Monde, Pentecostal Church, Roman Catholic Church, and Union Renaissance d’Hommes en Christ. All of the Christians in Oumako are reportedly Waci. The Catholic Church is the largest church, followed by the Assemblies of God. A comprehensive list of churches in the Waci language area of Togo was drawn up by IMB 17 workers. They noted the presence of the following denominations: Union Baptiste, Assemblies of God, Baptistes du Plein Evangile, Bethesda, Christianisme Céleste, Church of Christ, Jehovah’s Witnesses, the Methodist Church, Gradinski’s Church, Mission Chrétien, the Pentecostal Church of Togo, the Presbyterian Church, the Roman Catholic Church, and the Seventh Day Adventist Church. IMB workers found that the largest denominations in the area are the Baptists (with seventeen parishes), the Adventists (fourteen) and the Catholic Church (eight). In Ahépé these denominations are reportedly present: the Apostolic Church (two different branches), ARS, the Assemblies of God, the Baptist Church, La Bonne Nouvelle, Christianisme Céleste, the Church of Christ, Deeper Life, the New Apostolic Church, the Pentecostal Church, the Methodist Church, and the Roman Catholic Church. The religious groups Baha’i and Eckankar were also mentioned. The majority of Christians in Ahépé are Waci. The Catholic Church is the largest church, followed by the Assemblies of God. In Atitogon the following denominations are said to be present: Aladura, ARS, the Apostolic Church, Assemblies of God, Church of Christ, Jehovah’s Witnesses, Jésus est Vivant, the Methodist Church, the New Apostolic Church, Le Nouveau Testament, the Pentecostal Church, La Porte du Ciel, the Presbyterian Church, the Roman Catholic Church, the Seventh Day Adventist Church, and Eglise en Mission pour le Salut. According to the leaders of the four churches surveyed, the majority of members in the Eglise en Mission pour le Salut and in the Presbyterian Church are Waci. No such data were recorded for the Assemblies of God and Aladura, but as the majority of people in the village are Waci, it seems likely that the majority of church members are also Waci. The Catholic Church is the largest church in Atitogon. 18 Christian mission groups working in the language area are the IMB (Baptist) and the Church of Christ.

1.7.3 Islam

Islam has a growing influence in the Waci area. Financial aid from abroad has enabled mosques to be built even in villages with no Muslim adherents. As for Muslim presence in the villages visited during the

17 International Mission Board of the Southern Baptist Convention. 18 Deduced from the statement made during the community interview that the majority of people in the village were Catholic, compared to adherents of the traditional religion and Islam. 7 field trip, there are reportedly no Muslims in Oumako. Neither is there a mosque. In Ahépé there is a mosque where the majority of those who pray are Waci. Atitogon has a mosque where about sixty believers, most of whom are Waci, pray.

1.8 Literacy and Waci language development

In Benin the overall literacy rate for both genders and all age groups was 28.6 percent in 1992. More men are literate than women, and the literacy rate is also higher in urban areas than in rural areas. In the département of Mono, these rates were lower than the national average—the overall literacy rate was 21.8 percent (Ministère du Plan 1994a:17–24).

Table 4. Literacy rates in Benin

Age <6 years 6–9 10–14 15–19 20–24 25–29 30+ All ages Male 5.5 39.3 57.5 55.8 55.0 43.0 20.1 34.0 Female 3.0 8.4 24.8 18.8 14.1 9.3 3.5 10.8 Total 4.3 29.5 43.1 37.5 30.0 21.7 10.6 21.8

In order to increase literacy rates, the government literacy body DNAEA organizes and coordinates literacy classes in the local languages throughout the country. In the département of Mono, classes are held in Aja, Gen(-Waci), Kotafon, Saxwe, and Xwela. Because of the estimated intelligibility of 95 percent between Waci and Gen in Benin, the Gen primer is used for both language groups (Capo, pers. comm.). Its three volumes are entitled Programme d’Alphabétisation: Lecture et Ecriture en Guin ‘Literacy Program: Reading and Writing in Gen’ (Ministère de la Culture et des Communications, Direction de l’Alphabétisation, n.d.). The primer is written in a mixture of Gen and Waci (Capo, pers. comm.), and people in the language area usually refer to it as the Waci-Gen primer. Efforts are underway to publish a Waci primer. One reason this is necessary is that there is a difference in pronunciation and vocabulary between Waci and Gen. Another reason is that, according to Capo and the Beninese government departmental literacy coordinator, the Waci want a primer in their own language, as most of the surrounding language groups have one. The coordinator noted that the manuscript of the new Waci primer was developed in a workshop financed by the NGO Cellule d’Appui aux Activités d’Alphabétisation (abbreviated C3A) and consists of a primer in three volumes and a math book. Another workshop is planned to check the books and prepare them for publication. There is not an abundance of post-literacy materials in Waci or Gen. The following texts and publications were mentioned by Capo (pers. comm.):  a collection of proverbs  a collection of poems in Waci and Gen  a course in three volumes (on meteorology and other subjects) translated into Waci but unpublished  the newspaper Akokisɛ (“The Parrot”) in Gen, which sometimes contains articles in Waci, edited by J. Semadegbe, the literacy coordinator of the sub-prefecture of Comè Broadcasts from Radio Ahémé in Possotomè cover issues for cattle raisers, obituaries, and cultural events in Waci. Listeners also contribute in Waci (Capo, pers. comm.). In Togo we did not find any literacy statistics. The general impression is that the Waci are highly illiterate, especially in remote areas (east of the road between Aného and Tabligbo).19

19 For instance, according to church workers in the area, two of the twenty-five members of the Church of Christ of Atitogon can read but not write. 8

In summary, a systematic approach to nonformal education is lacking. Stakeholders in the area are the churches and the NGO Børnefonden, which offers classes in Ewe or French. The Church of Christ church workers noted that the following Ewe primers, the authors of which are unknown, were found in the language area: 20 • Gɔmedzegbale (published in Lomé, 1980) • Agbalẽfiafia kple hehenana. Ametsitsiwo fe dɔwɔfe. Hadomegbenɔnɔ dɔdzikpɔfe gã. Gɔmedzegbalẽ. “Dɔwɔhabɔbɔmenɔlawo le nu srɔm.” Akpa gbãtɔ. (published in Lomé, 1989)

2 Previous linguistic research

The Gbe language continuum has been the subject of much research, especially since the 1970s. Capo began an extensive comparative study of the Gbe language continuum in 1971. His phonological and morphophonological comparisons were the basis for his doctoral dissertation. Part of this work was later published in Renaissance du Gbe (Capo 1986). On the basis of phonological and morphophonological characteristics, Capo posits five basic Gbe clusters: Aja, Ewe, Fon, Gen, and Phla-Pherá. He places Waci in the Ewe language cluster together with Towun, Awlan, Gbin, Peci, Kpando, Vhlin, Ho, Aveno, Vo, Kpelen, Ve, Dayin, Agu, Fodome, Wance, and Adangbe (Capo 1986:99ff.). Henceforth, we shall refer to his categorization as “Aja-Capo,” “Ewe-Capo,” etc. As a result of Capo’s (1986) study, SIL Togo-Benin chose fifty language varieties from the Gbe continuum for the purpose of eliciting word and phrase lists. This work was carried out between 1988 and 1992 and constituted the first phase of a larger study of the Gbe language continuum. The wordlists were analyzed according to prescribed methodology (Wimbish 1989) in order to determine the degree of lexical similarity between varieties (see Kluge 1999). 21 Table 5 displays the percentage matrix at the upper confidence limit22 for the Aja, Ewe, and Gen clusters. It shows the number of lexically similar items as a percentage of the basic vocabulary. The matrix takes into account variance in wordlist comparisons, which is calculated by ignoring morphemes that appear to be affixed but always occur in the same position (Wimbish 1989:59). See Appendix B for the percentage matrix of lexical similarity and for the variance matrix, which shows the range of error for each count.

20 The development agency of the Seventh Day Adventists (ADRA) also uses these primers, among others, for its literacy work in the south of Togo (ADRA, pers. comm.). 21 No results from phrase list analysis will be included in our current study. 22 The lexical similarity at the upper confidence limit is obtained by adding the variance to the percentage of lexical similarity (see Appendix B). 9

Table 5. Percentage matrix at the upper confidence limit

Adan 100 Awlan 80 80 Be 80 80 100 Togo 81 81 96 96 Aveno 79 79 87 86 86 Agu 75 75 83 83 85 85 Wance 76 76 84 84 85 85 99 Wundi 75 75 82 82 83 81 88 88 Waci 73 73 81 81 81 80 87 87 99 Vo 79 79 79 79 82 77 80 80 85 83 Anexo 79 79 79 79 81 76 82 82 86 85 100 Gen 78 78 80 80 83 75 81 81 85 84 97 99 Agoi/Gliji 82 82 83 83 84 80 82 81 83 82 88 88 90 Kpesi 76 76 81 81 83 80 84 83 84 81 80 81 82 82 Kpelen 72 72 73 73 76 77 79 79 80 79 78 78 79 78 85 Vlin 71 71 74 74 77 79 78 78 81 79 78 78 79 79 86 98 Gbin 73 73 75 75 78 80 79 79 82 80 79 79 81 80 88 98 98 Ho 65 65 69 70 72 68 68 68 73 71 76 75 82 71 69 66 68 70 Aja-Hwe (Azovè) 69 69 71 71 72 66 65 65 75 74 79 79 79 70 65 66 65 68 86 Aja-Hwe (Aplahoué) 64 64 70 69 71 68 65 65 72 70 79 79 79 71 63 61 60 63 92 88 Aja-Dogbo 65 65 69 68 71 70 66 66 73 71 79 79 80 71 64 62 61 63 91 86 100 Aja-Hwe (Gboto) 62 62 64 64 65 58 63 63 69 67 75 75 73 68 60 59 58 59 76 71 81 80 Aja-Sikpi 80 80 88 88 90 91 98 98 87 86 85 85 85 85 85 83 83 84 72 67 68 69 62 Aja-Hwe (Tohoun) Note: Varieties in italics are included by Capo in the Ewe cluster and those in bold in the Gen cluster (Capo 1986:99ff.).

The results of the wordlist analysis show a degree of lexical similarity of 80 percent or more between Waci and the following languages: Be, Togo, Aveno, Agu, Wance, Wundi, Vo, Anexo, Gen, Agoi/Gliji, Kpesi, Kpelen, Vlin, Gbin, Ho, and Aja-Hwe (Tohoun). Waci and Vo have an outstandingly high degree of lexical similarity at 99 percent. As regards the Aja varieties, lexical similarity to Waci is generally not above 75 percent. However, lexical similarity between Aja-Hwe (Tohoun) and Waci amounts to 87 percent at the upper confidence limit. Lexical similarity between Adan, Awlan, and Waci is found to be relatively low at 75 percent. Most of the varieties that display a degree of lexical similarity of 80 percent or more with Waci are in Capo’s Ewe cluster. These varieties are Be, Togo, Aveno, Agu, Wance, Vo, Kpesi, Kpelen, Vlin, Gbin, and Ho. However, although Adan and Awlan display a lexical similarity of just 75 percent with Waci, their phonological and morphophonological features prompted Capo to group them, too, in the Ewe cluster. In contrast, Anexo, Gen, and Agoi/Gliji (with a comparatively high degree of lexical similarity with Waci of 85 percent or 86 percent) were grouped in Gen-Capo instead of Ewe-Capo because of their linguistic characteristics. Therefore, even though the wordlist analysis seems to indicate that all languages with a degree of lexical similarity of 80 percent or more might be grouped together, the application of other linguistic criteria could lead to different conclusions. As a case in point, Capo determined that Anexo, Gen, and Agoi/Gliji should form the Gen cluster, and Adan and Awlan should be included in the Ewe cluster. 10

The SIL wordlist analysis did not include the languages Towun, Kpando, Ve, Dayin, and Fodome (members of Capo’s Ewe cluster).

3 Research questions

The purpose of the Waci sociolinguistic survey was to provide the administrators of SIL Togo-Benin with information about the Waci language area in order to determine the need for SIL involvement in Waci language development and the priority and strategy for such involvement. The current SIL Togo-Benin strategy is to promote the use of existing language materials for as many people as possible. That is, written materials will be promoted among first language speakers of a given speech variety and among others who have an adequate comprehension of that variety. SIL has developed guidance criteria for establishing the need for its involvement in language development among the language communities in Benin and Togo, and for establishing the priorities and strategies for such involvement. These criteria are divided into two categories. The first includes factors that relate to the need for involvement: dialect comprehension, bilingualism, language vitality, and language attitudes. The second includes factors that influence decisions about language project priority and strategy: group cohesion/identity, existing internal structures or institutions, need/interest expressed by the community, group size, potential community support, religious situation, government programs and policies, relationship to other languages with existing materials, and available or potential resources. With Ewe and Gen materials already developed and in use in the language area, the main research questions were posed with regard to Ewe and Gen. They are listed in table 6.

Table 6. Research questions

Questions related to the need for SIL involvement Language area What are the delineations of the Waci language area? Comprehension of Ewe and Gen • How well do all segments of the population understand Ewe and Gen? • How do levels of Ewe and Gen comprehension in the Waci- speaking area of Benin compare with those in the Waci-speaking area in Togo? • Are these levels adequate for effective transmission of information via Gen and/or Ewe written or audiovisual materials? Language vitality • Is any other language replacing Waci in any speech domain? Language attitudes • What are the Waci communities’ attitudes towards the use of Ewe and Gen? • Are written materials in Ewe and Gen acceptable to Waci speakers? • What are community attitudes towards the development of Waci? Questions related to SIL priority and strategy Literacy • Are there literacy classes in the Waci area? If so, in which language(s)? Who offers them? • What is the Waci community’s response to the literacy classes? • Is there any indication of problems comprehending Ewe or Gen written materials? 11

Questions related to the need for SIL involvement Language development • Which written materials, such as primers, community development booklets, newspapers, and calendars, exist in Waci? • Are there radio broadcasts or audiovisual materials, such as audio tapes of music, in Waci? • Do the stakeholders and leaders of the Waci community consider their linguistic needs to be met by the existing written and audiovisual materials in Gen, Ewe, or Waci that are currently available in the Waci language area? Language use in the religious • Which languages are used in the religious domain? domain Group cohesion and social • What is the ethnic identity of Waci speakers? relationships • To what extent are the Waci integrated into the surrounding groups?

4 Methodology

We followed the Strategy Formulation Model described by Gary Simons (2000) and placed special emphasis on interviewing resource people from the Waci language area and people working in the area—people such as Gbe linguists and linguistic students, community and church leaders, and literacy coordinators.

4.1 Informal interviews

Informal interviews were conducted with the following people in order to investigate background information: • linguists working in the Gbe language continuum • church workers working in the language area • prefects and sub-prefects 23 in the language area • several other individuals encountered during the survey trips

4.2 Questionnaires

Questionnaires, detailed in Appendix C, were used for interviews with village chiefs and elders, church leaders, and literacy coordinators. They cover the following topics: • language name(s) and language area • language use • language vitality • language attitudes • comprehension of Ewe and Gen • ethnic identity

23 Government head of the prefecture and of the sub-prefecture respectively. 12

• religious situation • literacy situation

5 Implementation of the interviews

The next two sections give details about informal interviews with linguists and church workers, and questionnaires for traditional leaders and religious leaders.

5.1 Informal interviews with linguists and church workers

A Gen linguist shared some insights into the relationships between the Waci and Gen people groups and provided useful contact information. Dr. Hounkpati B. C. Capo is Waci and a prominent Gbe language continuum scholar. He is a member of the Gen-Waci language subcommission of the Centre National de Linguistique Appliqué (CENALA) of Benin and is the founder of the Laboratoire International des Parlers Gbe (“Labo Gbe”) in Gadomè, Benin. The Labo Gbe houses a documentation center on Gbe languages and publishes papers on the subject. We interviewed a Waci linguist who wrote his master’s thesis on the syntax of the Waci language and works in the domain of the acquisition of French by adults. He provided information on the extent of the language area, cultural centers, and Waci language development. We interviewed IMB church workers who have a thorough knowledge of the Waci language area in Togo. In addition to clarifying the extent of the language area, they shared their experiences with the use of written and audiovisual materials in Ewe. We interviewed two Church of Christ workers who speak Ewe fluently and have lived in Tabligbo, Togo since 1994. Along with their team, they informed us about language use in their work and in the language area in general, and about their perception of levels of comprehension and proficiency of Ewe and Gen among the Waci. Locations for the village interviews were chosen on the basis of the information they provided.

5.2 Questionnaires for traditional leaders and religious leaders

We attempted to choose representative villages and also to get a geographically balanced sample for interviews with traditional and religious leaders. As the majority of Waci live in Togo, we decided to survey two villages in Togo and one village in Benin. The Church of Christ workers informed us that on their migration south from Notsé, the Waci in Togo originally settled in the villages of Ahépé, Kouve, Atitogon, Vogan, and Afanyan—the villages from which all future Waci settlements spread out. Out of those five, we chose the following two: • Ahépé (prefecture of Yoto) is situated eleven kilometers northwest of Tabligbo. In contrast to Tabligbo, with its mixture of ethnic groups, Ahépé is said to be a pure Waci village. However, as it is located on the main road between Tabligbo and Tsévié, it is easily accessible and its inhabitants are probably more exposed to outside influences and to other languages than those in the more remote villages. • Atitogon (sub-prefecture of Afagnan) is situated eight kilometers south of Afanyan. Being reportedly a pure Waci village, it is sometimes called “the heart of the Waci language area” (Church of Christ workers, pers. comm.). Access is difficult, especially during the rainy season, so that contact with other ethnic groups and languages occurs less often than in villages along the main roads. When the General Secretary of the prefecture of Yoto heard about these considerations, he approved of our choice. In Benin, Waci villages are concentrated in the sub-prefecture of Comè, with only some scattered Waci villages in the neighboring sub-prefectures. As the main town and seat of the sub-prefecture, Comè is a melting pot of numerous ethnic groups and was not considered to be a representative Waci village. 13

In contrast, Oumako is reported to be a pure Waci village and was therefore chosen as a site for the interviews. It is situated approximately five kilometers north of Comè and is easily accessible. During our initial interviews with village chiefs (or délégués), we explained the purpose of our research in their communities. We then asked each of them to set up an appointment for a more detailed interview with themselves and the village elders, and also to invite church leaders present in the village community to participate in the administration of the church questionnaires. In Oumako, Benin the initial interview with the village chief developed into a full-blown interview guided by the questionnaire, in which the son of the village chief interpreted between French and Waci. An appointment with the church leaders was made for the next day. The church interviews were held in French. In Ahépé, Togo there are six village chiefs, the main chief being the chef de canton. The interview was conducted with the chef de canton and about fifteen elders. It was not possible to get all the church leaders to one appointment, so we visited them one by one in their homes or churches. As we could not meet with the main priest of the Catholic Church of Ahépé, we interviewed the priest who was present. Following the interview with the traditional leaders in Atitogon, Togo, the team interviewed the religious leaders of the religious communities present. During the interviews, the order of the questionnaire items was generally followed, but sometimes the order was dictated by the topic of conversation. The responses were recorded either on the questionnaires or in note form. A map of the language area (see Appendix A) was used in conjunction with the questionnaire in order to aid in determining language boundaries and to discover which other languages are spoken in the wider area. A Waci speaker who is a resident of Tabligbo accompanied and assisted the team members in their field research in Togo. He served as a guide and interpreter during the French and Waci interviews.

5.3 Questionnaires for literacy coordinators

In Benin we interviewed two of the three literacy coordinators in the language area—those in Comè and Grand-Popo. As the Waci population in the sub-prefecture of Athiémè is confined to two villages and is rather small, the literacy coordinator in Athiémè was not included in the interviews. The interviews covered information on ongoing nonformal education programs, including languages used for nonformal education classes. In addition, the literacy coordinator of the Mono region gave us useful information on the literacy situation in the Mono region in general and on the effort to publish a Waci primer. In the Waci language area in Togo, we found little activity in the realm of ongoing literacy programs. Since we were unable to locate anyone doing government-sponsored literacy work, the literacy questionnaire could only be administered to a representative of the NGO Børnefonden, a childcare and development program. In the Waci language area, Børnefonden centers are located in Atitogon (sub-prefecture of Afagnan) and Gboto (prefecture of Yoto).

6 Results

The following sections present the results obtained from informal interviews and from interviews with traditional leaders, church leaders, and literacy coordinators. When no specific village is mentioned in the discussion of questionnaire results, the term “all interviewees” refers to all persons interviewed in the communities of Oumako, Ahépé and Atitogon. Data contained in the responses to questionnaires are understood to be reported, not tested, even when this is not explicitly stated.

6.1 Waci language varieties

Although Waci seems to be a relatively homogenous language, there are Waci varieties in both Togo and Benin that differ slightly in vocabulary, pronunciation, tone, and intonation. Nevertheless, all varieties are reported to be mutually intelligible. Capo estimates intelligibility between the Benin and the Togo 14 varieties of Waci at 95 percent. Referring to the Afanyan variety in Togo, he states that the intonation is slightly different. Otherwise differences in vocabulary are minimal (Capo, pers. comm.). A Waci linguist observed, “The Waci language of Togo is a bit dialectal. We understand each other, but there are nuances with regard to tones and intonation. Between the Waci language of Comè and that of Togo, there is only a little difference.” Both the Waci linguist and Capo note minor differences between the varieties of Comè, Gadomè and Oumako in Benin, which are not more than four to eight kilometers apart. “The Waci of Comè differs from the Waci of Gadomè and the two differ from the Waci of Oumako,” stated the Waci linguist. For example, the sound [ts] is used in Oumako where the sound [tʃ] occurs in Gadomè (Capo, pers. comm.). There are said to be four or five geographical varieties of Waci in Togo, as the inhabitants of each of the five original villages developed a distinctive way of speaking (General Secretary of the prefecture of Yoto and Church of Christ workers, pers. comm.). According to the Church of Christ workers, the pronunciation in Vogan is comparatively glottal, whereas in Tabligbo it is more like Ewe. In Kouve the Waci is most articulated and most like Ewe. The variety from Ahépé is considered to be “grandfather’s language” and people from Vogan laugh at the way people from Ahépé speak. No comment about the Afanyan variety was recorded. The Church of Christ workers state that the differences are often found in idiomatic expressions and in pronunciation.

6.2 Comprehension of Ewe and Gen

In the village interviews, chiefs and elders were asked about the comprehension of Ewe and Gen by inhabitants of their villages. Tables 7–9 summarize their answers.

Table 7. Comprehension of Ewe and Gen in Oumako, Benin

Interview question Ewe Gen Comments How many in the village some all Ewe: “Only those who have been understand…? there, those who have come from Togo.” Which language do they understand Gen “Gen, that’s easy.” better? Can a child of six years understand…? no a little Gen has developed from Waci. (“Le gen est sorti du waci.”) At what age will it understand…? No answers recorded. Can you always understand mother- no yes tongue speakers of…? What about jokes in…? yes What about proverbs in…? yes

In Oumako general comprehension of Ewe is reported to be low. Only some people in the village— those who have spent time in Togo—understand Ewe. In contrast, all are said to understand Gen. The interviewee stated that he could always understand everything Gen mother-tongue speakers said, including their jokes and proverbs. However, a six-year-old child in the village is only able to understand a little Gen.

Table 8. Comprehension of Ewe and Gen in Ahépé, Togo

Interview question Ewe Gen Comments How many in the village all all Ewe comprehension includes written understand…? Ewe. Which language do they Ewe understand better? 15

Can a child of six years yes yes Ewe even at the age of two. However, understand…? children between six and eight years would not understand a text in standard Ewe read to them. Can you always understand yes, yes, mother-tongue speakers of…? perfectly perfectly What about jokes in…? yes, No answer recorded for Gen. everything What about proverbs in…? yes, No answer recorded for Gen. everything

In Ahépé Ewe is understood by the whole population. Even a child of six can understand it, and some said that in fact, “even a child of two could.” The community leaders stated that they could always understand mother-tongue speakers of Ewe, even when they told jokes and proverbs (“Everything”). Similarly, they also understand Gen mother-tongue speakers. However they report understanding Ewe better than Gen. Furthermore, they even know how to write Ewe. 24 Children, though, would not be able to understand readings in standard Ewe, such as from the Ewe Bible. It was usually not quite clear what language variety was being referred to by the term “Ewe.” It might be a mixture of Waci, Ewe, and Gen. As shown in table 9, in Atitogon the majority of the population understands Ewe, including children of six. The people reportedly understand all that Ewe mother-tongue speakers say, including jokes. Proverbs are said to be a bit difficult, but understandable. The majority also understand Gen, although not as well as Ewe. A child of six also understands some Gen but is not able to speak it. It is reported that people understand most of what a mother-tongue Gen speaker says, including jokes and proverbs. However, Ewe is said to be better understood than Gen.

Table 9. Comprehension of Ewe and Gen in Atitogon, Togo

Interview question Ewe Gen Comments How many in the village the majority, the understand…? 90 percent majority Which language do they Ewe understand better? Can a child of six years yes, correctly yes, but … Gen: a hesitant yes. Someone says understand…? “70 percent” but no speaking ability, just comprehension. Can you always understand yes yes, most Ewe: “The pastor preaches in Ewe; mother-tongue speakers of…? 90 percent we understand him well.” (“On le comprend bien.”) What about jokes in…? yes yes What about proverbs in…? yes, but … yes Ewe: “The proverbs are a bit difficult, but we understand them.”

To summarize, in Oumako, reported comprehension of Ewe by the population is low, whereas in the two villages in Togo, Ewe comprehension is reported to be generally high. Only proverbs are rather difficult to understand. It should be kept in mind, though, that the term “Ewe” probably refers to a language variety other than written Ewe. In Togo, Gen comprehension is reported to be fairly high,

24 This statement probably only refers to some individuals in the village. 16 though lower than Ewe comprehension. In Benin, Gen comprehension is generally high. However, a child of six in Oumako can reportedly only understand a little Gen. Compared with the respective responses in Ahépé and Atitogon indicating a certain degree of Gen comprehension, this is surprising. The Church of Christ team in Tabligbo reports that, with the exception of some terms or expressions, Ewe is generally understood well by all Waci speakers. For example, when they showed the “Jesus” film in Ewe, audience reactions did not seem to indicate any comprehension problems. In another context, however, it was mentioned that older men and women might have some difficulty understanding standard Ewe. Sometimes technical and Biblical terms are the source of comprehension problems. High intercomprehension between speakers of different varieties of Ewe was observed during a training workshop offered by the Church of Christ in Tabligbo. Participants included people from Ewe- speaking areas in Togo, such as Kpalimé. The Church of Christ workers did not observe any hindrances to communication among the participants. On the contrary, the participants interacted with each other in a lively manner and laughed together, indicating that they even understood each other’s jokes. In contrast, according to the Waci linguist we interviewed, the Waci of Benin do not completely understand “the Togo Ewe,” for they do not study it at school as the Togolese do. Most Beninese interviewees agreed that Waci is very close to Gen. The Gen linguist said that all Waci understand Gen well. According to Capo (pers. comm.), intelligibility of Gen reaches 95 percent. “The Waci all understand Mina (Gen) 100 percent, even in the remotest villages. In contrast, the Gen do not understand all that the Waci say,” the Waci linguist stated. Here are some comments made: • “The Waci have accepted literacy classes in Gen-Waci well, because they are closely related languages (« langues soeurs »), even though the vocabulary is sometimes different. Regardless of age, gender or profession, all Waci understand Gen well.” (Literacy coordinator in Comè) • “Gen and Waci, that’s the same thing. There are only little differences between them.” (Village chief in Oumako) • “The Waci have accepted the classes in Gen well, because the Waci and the Mina (Gen) understand each other. Only some expressions, as well as the pronunciation, are different.” (Literacy coordinator in Grand-Popo) However, the literacy coordinator of Grand-Popo also reported that some Waci young men and women have comprehension difficulties because of different ways of expression. As to speaking proficiency, most Waci do not learn Gen systematically. Therefore, the Waci linguist said that when a Waci speaks Gen, he will often be recognized by the typical Waci phonemes he employs. Others change the phonemes but do not take vocabulary and idiomatic expressions into account (Capo, pers. comm.). Yet the Waci linguist said that it is possible for a Waci to speak Gen without an accent—“pure Mina.”

6.3 Waci language vitality

To evaluate Waci language vitality, we examined domains of language use, the transmission of the language from parents to children, and whether the younger generation is considered to speak Waci correctly. Concerning domains of language use in Benin, all Waci in the village of Oumako speak Waci. Only those who have traveled might resort to other languages. Waci is used in all the domains of everyday life in the village, in particular for announcements; traditional ceremonies (rites de coutumes); mediation on the family and the village levels; and local and regional meetings of councils of elders (all of which are domains investigated on the community leaders’ questionnaire). In addition, community announcements are translated into Fon, Gen, and French. Regional meetings are held in Waci, Kotafon, Xwela, and French, but not in Gen. In Ahépé, Togo all Waci in the village speak Waci. Waci is used in all the domains of everyday life, in particular for announcements; traditional ceremonies; mediation on the family and the village levels; and local and regional meetings of councils of elders. During the interview in Ahépé, the chief interrupted and asked that Waci not be mentioned anymore, because Ewe was their language. However, the elders present continued to designate their language as Waci. 17

Atitogon is a pure Waci village and there are no Waci there who do not speak the language. Waci is used in all the domains of everyday life, in particular for announcements; traditional ceremonies; mediation on the family and the village levels; and local and regional meetings of councils of elders. When we went to see the chef de canton of Tabligbo, we witnessed a trial. We were told that these sessions are usually conducted in Waci. Tabligbo residents informed us that trials are held in Gen only if foreigners (non-Waci) are concerned. Thus, it appears that Waci is widely spoken in the Waci villages throughout the Waci language area and also in all the domains of the Waci person’s everyday life. This impression is shared by the Church of Christ workers. In addition, they observed that the Waci always speak Waci with each other and especially with old men. Even the Waci in Lomé (Togo’s capital city) adhere to Waci. But they develop a mixture of Waci and the Gbe variety spoken in Lomé. In professional settings Waci speak French. In the market they speak Waci where possible. Sometimes they switch to Gen if they speak it well. Otherwise, everyone adheres to the language with which he is most comfortable and is generally understood by the person to whom he is speaking. Waci is transmitted from parents to children in Oumako, Benin as children learn Waci as their first language. In mixed marriages children learn the languages of both parents. It was not stated explicitly which language they learn first. In Ahépé, Togo, parents speak Waci with their children. In mixed marriages the children learn Waci first, but they understand the languages of both parents. In Atitogon children whose mother or father is Ewe learn Waci first. The children of the pastor of the Presbyterian Church of Atitogon were mentioned as an example. They are Ewe, but they reportedly speak Waci better than Ewe. No answer was recorded for the case of a Gen-Waci family. Concerning language proficiency among the younger generation, Waci between the ages of ten and twenty in Oumako, Ahépé, and Atitogon were said to speak Waci correctly. Only in Ahépé was it reported that they sometimes make little changes. To summarize, Waci is spoken in all the domains of everyday life, it is transmitted from parents to children including in mixed marriages, and the younger generation is considered to speak Waci correctly. Therefore, there is no indication that Waci is being replaced by any other language or endangered in any way.

6.4 Language attitudes

Language attitudes towards the written development of Waci and towards the use of Gen and Ewe are discussed in the next two sections.

6.4.1 Attitudes towards the written development of Waci

Interest in Waci literacy was expressed by the village chief of Oumako, Benin and also by the literacy coordinators who were interviewed. The village chief said people would sign up for a literacy program in Waci if it were offered. He also thinks that the best language in which to publish books would be Waci, but the reason he gave was “because if they are in Gen, the book will be in Togo [and not make it to my village].” The literacy coordinators in the area confirmed the general interest in Waci literacy. They stated that the Waci have a desire for their own primer in Waci, even though the so-called Waci-Gen primer presents no major comprehension problems. The departmental literacy coordinator said, “The Waci want a primer in their own language, as most of the surrounding language groups have one.” According to the literacy coordinator of Comè, however, “Gen serves the Waci best because it is the commercial language and everyone understands it—the Saxwe, the Xwela and the people at church. But the Waci want to introduce literacy in their language, even though they are a minority.” The reason for this might lie in the sense of ethnic identity of the Waci people of Benin and their perception of the Gen: “The Waci prefer the Waci language because they feel dominated by the Gen,” stated the Waci linguist. For more information on ethnic identity, see section 6.7. In summary, interest in Waci literacy in Benin seems to depend on the context. In the society in general, people would sign up for literacy classes in Waci if they were offered. This was stated by the 18 village chief of Oumako and confirmed by the fact that efforts to publish a Waci primer are underway. In contrast, church leaders reported that interest was not expressed either in Waci literacy or in religious material in Waci. As to the village communities surveyed in Togo, interest in Ewe literacy generally dominates in both villages, and there is only some interest in Waci literacy in Atitogon. The group of elders and the village chief interviewed in Ahépé expressed rather strongly that they prefer Ewe to Waci literacy: “We would like to learn how to read and write in Ewe rather than in Waci. We banish Waci. We want Ewe.” If a literacy program were started, people would only sign up for Ewe, not for Waci or Gen. People in Atitogon said the best language to publish books in would be Ewe. When asked whether they would sign up if a literacy class were started in Waci, Ewe, or Gen, they said “yes” to Ewe and “no” to Gen. No answer was recorded for Waci. However, when asked about Gen they commented, “It’s Waci we are interested in.” Therefore, it seems possible that they would sign up for literacy classes in Waci if they were offered. In brief, no clear-cut statement concerning interest in Waci language development was made. In interviews with the representatives of the village communities, interest in Ewe literacy dominates, although there is a certain openness to Waci literacy in Atitogon. In the church context, attitudes towards Waci language development appear to be comparatively more positive.

6.4.2 Attitudes towards the use of Gen and Ewe

Waci people in Benin seem to display overtly positive attitudes towards Gen and the use of Gen. As previously mentioned, both the literacy coordinators of Comè and Grand-Popo stated that the Waci have accepted literacy classes in Gen-Waci well and use a Gen primer with Waci as the language of instruction. The literacy coordinator of Grand-Popo stated, “We would like to have more Waci classes (based on the Waci-Gen primer) in the sub-prefecture, because Waci is the community’s original language. The Waci want to learn their own language, and not French, Xwela or Xwla, for instance.” This statement reflects the perception that Waci and Gen are the same language. The village chief of Oumako confirmed this impression when he explicitly said, “Gen and Waci, that’s the same thing. There are only small differences between them.” Waci and Gen sometimes are used interchangeably. For example, when we first arrived in Oumako, a young man and an old man showed us the way to the village chief. When we asked them what language they speak in the village, they answered “Gen.” “And Waci?” we asked. “Yes, this is also Waci.” One reason for this might be that the Waci of Oumako do not distinguish rigorously between the terms Waci and Gen in referring to the language they speak. Furthermore, they see themselves as part of the Gen-speaking community. During the interview, the village chief expressed an overtly neutral attitude towards the use of Gen: “If the young people speak Gen at home, the older persons will let them talk and understand them.” In contrast, attitudes towards Gen and the use of Gen are overtly negative among Waci in Togo. People in Ahépé said, “If the young people speak Gen at home, the older people are sometimes against it because it is Ewe gibberish. It also shows pride.” Similarly in Atitogon, if the young people speak Gen at home, they will be laughed at. Speaking Gen there is also seen as a sign of boasting and pride. Sometimes people try to speak Gen with a Gen speaker, but according to General Secretary of the prefecture of Yoto, “That’s not good. They have colonized us. The real language is Waci.” No answers or observations were recorded in Oumako, Benin regarding attitudes towards Ewe and the use of Ewe. Among Waci in Togo, attitudes towards Ewe and the use of Ewe are overtly positive. Ewe does not seem to be perceived as a separate language from Waci. Instead, the Waci identify strongly with the Ewe people and their language. For example, when interviewees in both Ahépé and Atitogon were asked which other languages people in the village understood, they did not mention Ewe at first. They had to be prompted, because they think that Waci is also Ewe—that the two are the same language. Likewise, the people—and especially the village chief—of Ahépé identify strongly with Ewe. When asked which languages were used in which domains in the village community, the elders of Ahépé answered “Waci” every time. The chief interrupted and asked that Waci not be mentioned anymore, because Ewe was their language. (See also section 6.3 on language vitality.) Attitudes towards the use of Ewe are overtly 19

positive, as identification with Ewe appears to be strong. It was stated in Ahépé that “If the young people speak Ewe at home, that’s normal. No one has anything against it.” In Atitogon some said, “The parents will be pleased because the child remembers his origins.” Thus, among Waci in Benin, attitudes towards the use of Gen appear to be overtly positive. In Togo attitudes towards the use of Gen are overtly negative, whereas attitudes towards the use of Ewe appear to be positive. This pattern is also reflected in the answers to the question of whether people would sign up for a literacy program if it were started in Waci, Ewe, or Gen (see section 6.5.2.).

6.5 Literacy

The next three sections discuss literacy classes offered, the motivation for literacy, and the difficulties encountered in the literacy programs.

6.5.1 Classes offered

According to the literacy coordinator of the sub-prefecture of Comè, Benin, literacy classes in his sub- prefecture are given by the DNAEA for the Waci in Waci-Gen, for the Saxwe in Saxwe, for the Gen in Gen, and for the Xwela in Saxwe or Gen. Some NGOs also offer literacy classes in Saxwe and Xwela. All classes currently organized in the area by the DNAEA are in the town (commune urbaine) of Comè. No classes were reported for the rural areas (commune rurale) around Comè. All classes use the Waci-Gen primer, and Waci is the language of instruction.

Table 10. Literacy classes offered by DNAEA in Comè, Benin

Class Location Number of students Language 1 Hongodé-Fifonsi 23 Waci, Gen 2 Hongodé-Gbenodu 16 Waci, Gen 3 Hongodé-Ganato 12 Waci, Gen 4 Kandé-GF 13 Waci, Gen 5 Azannou-Mawunyo 15 Waci, Gen 6 Azannou-Lonlonnyo 14 Waci, Gen 7 Azannou-Kojak 16 Waci, Gen 8 Azannou-? 18 Waci, Gen

According to the literacy coordinator in Comè, the Waci have readily accepted classes in Gen-Waci because the languages are closely related, though some of the vocabulary is different. There are also four post-literacy classes, in existence since 2002, which have a total of about fifty students. As there is nothing written in Waci, the post-literacy classes use Gen materials. These classes present further reading exercises and math. In Oumako the government-run literacy classes were cancelled because the literacy workers left. (See section 6.5.3 for the reason.) However, there are literacy classes and development initiatives in churches: • Deeper Life church has a literacy class in Ewe. • The Catholic Church has a literacy class in Gen with approximately twenty students. • The Assemblies of God church has literacy classes in French and uses primers in French for this purpose. • Mission Evangélique de la Foi plans to offer literacy classes in French, but these are not in place yet. In the sub-prefecture of Grand-Popo, most literacy classes are in Gen. There is one class in Dévikanmè, begun in 2002, for the Waci. The teaching is in Waci and Gen and is based on the Waci-Gen primer. According to the literacy coordinator of Grand-Popo, the Waci have accepted the classes in Gen 20

well, because “the Waci and the Mina (Gen) understand each other.” They would like to have more Waci classes in the sub-prefecture. Because the Waci class started in 2002, there is not yet any post-literacy program in existence. In the Waci language area in Togo, we found literacy programs initiated by NGOs and by churches. In Atitogon the NGO Børnefonden offers six classes for literacy in French. The language of instruction is Ewe. Four classes were started in March 2002. There is no post-literacy program.

Table 11. Literacy classes offered by Børnefonden in Atitogon, Togo

Class Location Number of students Language 1 Daklome-Atitogon 46 Ewe, French 2 Adjigo-Atitogon 42 Ewe, French 3 Awave unknown* Ewe, French 4 Blama-Condji unknown Ewe, French 5 Avoutokpa unknown Ewe, French 6 Masséda unknown Ewe, French *The class was started on March 8, 2002. At the time of the interview (one week later), the sign-up process had not been completed yet.

The church leaders in three out of the four churches surveyed in Atitogon see the need for literacy. In the Aladura church there are efforts to teach reading in Ewe, although apparently not on a regular basis. The representative of the Église en Mission pour le Salut (EMS) sees the need for literacy classes, but the church does not have the means to offer any. There was a literacy class in the Presbyterian Church, but when the literacy center in the village opened, the students went there instead. In Ahépé there are reportedly no literacy classes. The IMB church workers informed us that in Momé Wdjepe (between Momé Hounkpati and Momé Gbave) the NGO Colombe has a classroom or literacy center. They offer literacy classes exclusively for women. The Seventh Day Adventist church works in community development and literacy in the region. Their development agency, Adventist Development and Relief Agency (ADRA) is based in Lomé. ADRA tried to establish a literacy program in the Préfecture des Lacs, which contains the Waci villages between Aného and Atitogon, but did not succeed. The reasons given were that the target population did not have time and that the ADRA literacy agent stayed only six months in the target village (ADRA, pers. comm.).

6.5.2 Motivation for literacy

Generally it can be said that the Waci community’s motivation for signing up for literacy classes and the success of literacy programs depend on the context and on the target language in which the classes are offered. In Comè occupational distinctives provided the context for literacy classes that were held in the workshops of seamstresses, hairdressers, and those who process food, and that used primers dealing with professional issues. However, the classes based on this functional method did not catch on (Capo, pers. comm.). In contrast, some of the literacy classes in churches did succeed (Capo, pers. comm.). This might indicate a higher motivation to learn to read in the church context. This impression was also expressed in Togo. The Church of Christ workers stated that the motivation to learn to read Ewe seems to be rather low unless people want to learn for church purposes. The fact that the churches offer literacy classes or try to do so (see section 6.5.1) also indicates motivation for literacy within the church context. A counterexample of this concerns a literacy class in the Apostolic Church of Ahépé that had to be discontinued because of a lack of motivation (« à cause de la paresse »). Strong motivation for literacy was expressed during, as well as after, the interview with the village chief of Ahépé and his elders—people took the interpreter aside, urging him to tell us that we should start literacy classes in their village. 21

Capo tried to launch a literacy program in Gen-Waci in the fourth level at the collège (high school) in Comè. It was voluntary, and when the students realized that the results did not count towards their overall grades, they quit. He points out, “The people don’t come to literacy classes just to deepen their knowledge. They lack motivation” (pers. comm.). In this particular case, it should be noted that the students are already literate in French. Becoming literate in Gen might not be as attractive to them as it would be to someone who is completely pre-literate. The language in which a literacy class is offered is an important factor in the acceptance and the success of a given literacy program. When interviewees in the villages surveyed were asked whether Waci people would sign up if literacy classes were offered in Waci, Ewe, or Gen, they gave the answers listed in table 12.

Table 12. Acceptable languages for literacy classes

Village Waci Ewe Gen Comments Oumako, Benin yes yes Ewe: no answer recorded. Ahépé, Togo no yes no Atitogon, Togo yes no Waci: no answer recorded.* Ewe: “Three classes are insufficient.” Gen: “It’s Waci we are interested in.” a When asked if they would sign up for a program in Gen, interviewees said that they prefer Waci to Gen.

Thus, interviewees in the village in Benin expressed motivation for literacy in Gen. In contrast, interviewees in Togo unanimously rejected literacy in Gen but said they would sign up for classes in Ewe. This pattern is in line with overtly expressed language attitudes described in section 6.4.2.

6.5.3 Difficulties in literacy programs

In literacy programs in Gen or Ewe for Waci speakers, comprehension does not seem to be an issue. However, problems arise from various factors: pronunciation differences, orthography, differing vocabulary and idiomatic expressions, the lack of literacy workers, and the lack of written materials for post-literacy. In Benin the literacy coordinators of both Comè and Grand-Popo agreed that the Waci have accepted the classes in Gen-Waci well, because the two languages are so closely related. There do not seem to be major problems. However, sounds and phonemes that are different in Gen and Waci create some reading difficulties. The sound [ə] exists in Waci, but not in Gen. In Waci the word for “man” is ntʃu, whereas in Gen it is nɸu. Similarly, the sound [f] in one language is replaced by [ʋ] in the other. These differences must be taken into account when literacy teachers explain the orthography. Some words and expressions are completely different and must also be explained. Thus, “some young men and women have comprehension difficulties,” according to the literacy coordinator of Grand-Popo. In Togo we did not meet any literacy workers who had first-hand information on comprehension and other difficulties experienced by Waci members of Ewe literacy classes. Another problem is the lack of literacy workers. Lack of financial resources means that literacy teachers usually have to work on a voluntary basis. As soon as they find paying jobs, they leave literacy teaching and new teachers must be found and trained (Capo; Church of Christ workers, pers. comm.). For example, in Oumako, literacy classes were cancelled because the literacy workers left after not having been paid. Furthermore, only limited written materials for post-literacy courses exist in Waci and Gen (see section 1.8). This dampens learner motivation and also makes it difficult for people to keep up their reading and writing skills once they are literate. 22

6.6 Language use in the religious domain

The languages used for the mass and worship services in the churches in Benin are mainly Gen and French. Waci does not seem to play a major role in regular church services in Oumako. The sermon or homily is usually given in French and translated into Waci or Gen. In Togo, Waci and Ewe are the major languages used in worship services, the mass and other meetings in the churches surveyed. There are some indications that a mixture of Waci and Ewe is also used (or that the language names “Waci” and “Ewe” are used interchangeably). Gen is only rarely used in one of the villages surveyed. In all the churches surveyed, the Ewe Bible (1960 edition) is the Bible that is used most often. The Ewe New Testament (1990) was mentioned by three of the church leaders interviewed. In addition, the French Bible (Louis Segond version) is sometimes used. In the mosques of Ahépé and Atitogon, where mostly Waci believers gather, readings from the Koran and prayers are in Arabic, and the teaching is in Waci. In traditional religious contexts, Waci is the language that is commonly used by Waci speakers (see section 6.3).

6.7 Ethnic identity, group cohesion, and social relationships

Waci people in Benin and Togo differ markedly with regard to their sense of ethnic identity and their relationship with the Ewe. In Benin, the Waci have a sense of ethnic identity and a sense of being different from the surrounding groups. They display ethnic pride. This is evidenced by their desire to have their own primer in Waci, even though their comprehension of Gen seems to be high enough to continue literacy classes using the Waci-Gen primer (see section 6.4.1.). As the departmental literacy coordinator points out, “The Waci want a primer in their own language, as most of the surrounding language groups have one.” However, Beninese Waci see themselves as part of the Gen-speaking community. No indications of a particular relationship with the Ewe were noted. In contrast, Togolese Waci identify strongly with the Ewe. For instance, the representatives of Ahépé, when interviewed, seemed to think of themselves primarily as Ewe who have Waci customs. “We are Ewe-Waci. We will accept being called Waci, as we have Waci customs. But we are all from Notsé (which is Ewe).” This is confirmed by Capo’s statement (pers. comm.) that “the others (the Waci in Togo) say they are Ewe. As for us (in Benin), we are Waci first, and secondly we are Ewe.” The relationship between the Waci and the Gen is strained on both sides of the language area. The Waci in Benin do not identify with the Gen even though they understand their language well (section 6.2). Capo asserts (pers. comm.) that “the customs of the Gen and the Waci are very different. The Waci names consist of a name that denotes the weekday of the child’s birth and a traditional name. Also the music is very different, although the instruments are almost identical.” The Waci linguist says there are no conflicts between the Gen and the Waci, and the Gen linguist says that they do not have a history of wars as some other ethnic groups do. However, he says the Waci feel dominated by the Gen. In Togo the Waci people’s attitudes towards the use of Gen are overtly negative. Speaking Gen is seen as a sign of pride or boastfulness (section 6.4.2). The IMB church workers interviewed mentioned that the Waci are known to be very good farmers and look down on the Gen, who buy food from them and “can’t even grow corn.” Whatever their attitudes, the Waci in Togo and Benin have some social relationships with both Ewe and Gen, as well as with Aja, Fon, Kotafon and Kotokoli, as can be seen by the fact that there are intermarriages with other groups. Intermarriages were reported between Waci and Aja, Fon, Gen, and Kotafon in Oumako, with Aja and Ewe in Ahépé, and with Ewe, Gen, and Kotokoli in Atitogon. In Atitogon the majority of the intermarriages are with Ewe people. Even though the Waci from Togo and Benin all have their origins in Notsé, the Waci linguist says that there are neither common ceremonies nor a common cultural center for all the Waci people that would indicate group cohesion between the two groups of Waci. In addition, there seems to be limited awareness among the Waci in both countries that there are Waci on the other side of the Mono River 23

which marks the border between Togo and Benin. In Oumako, Benin a Waci speaker told us that “there are no Waci villages elsewhere or in other countries. In Togo they speak Gen.” When asked whether there are Waci in other countries, such as Benin, interviewees in Ahépé, Togo said there were none. According to them, the people in Benin are Aja or Mina (Gen). People in Atitogon, however, have family ties with Waci in Benin—more precisely those in Comè, Oumako, Gadomé, and Amoussoukopé. Likewise, the literacy coordinator reported that the Waci in the sub-prefecture of Grand-Popo, Benin visit relatives in the Waci area in Togo every now and then. Within the Waci community of Benin, according to the Waci linguist, Comè is the cultural center and the seat of the Union for the Economic Development of Comè (UDECC), which seeks to promote Waci culture. Capo (pers. comm.) informed us that all Waci in Benin gather there for the feast of Agbessignale at Easter. We did not find evidence of a cultural center for all the Waci in Togo. Historically, villages spread out from the five “mother” villages of Afanyan, Ahépé, Atitogon, Kouve, and Vogan, resulting in five clans and five Waci language varieties (section 6.1). Each village has its own venues for ceremonies. In Ahépé, for instance, traditional ceremonies are celebrated in Ahépé Ahoumpé and Ahépé Kpoula. The ceremony in Ahépé Ahoumpé was said to be attended by the Waci from the whole sub-prefecture of Yoto. Perhaps this indicates that Ahépé Ahoumpé is a center for all the Waci from the Ahépé clan. The Waci of Atitogon hold their ceremonies at Awatse, the sacred forest of Atitogon. The five clans thus provide a substructure for the Waci community in Togo.

7 Summary and conclusions

As stated at the beginning of this report, the purpose of this survey was to gather data that would help SIL administrators determine whether SIL should pursue a language development program in Waci and, if so, the priority and strategy for such involvement. The next sections summarize what we found.

7.1 Comprehension of Ewe and Gen

Comprehension of Ewe in the village population of Oumako, Benin was reported to be low, whereas in the two villages surveyed in Togo, Ewe comprehension was reported to be generally high. The only things these villages do not easily understand are some Ewe proverbs. Statements about comprehension seem to include oral proficiency to a certain extent. It should be noted, though, that the term “Ewe” probably often refers to a language variety other than written standard Ewe—such as a mixture of Ewe, Waci, and Gen. Gen comprehension in Benin was said to be generally high. Children, however, can reportedly only understand a little Gen. In Togo, a high level of Gen comprehension was reported, and even children understand it. Yet the level of Gen comprehension was said to be clearly lower than that of Ewe comprehension. The information given by the village chief of Oumako that Waci children in Benin appear to understand less Gen than their Togolese counterparts is not sufficiently supported to overrule the general impression that the level of Gen comprehension is higher in Benin than in Togo.

7.2 Language vitality

Waci is spoken in all the domains of everyday life, it is transmitted from parents to children (including in mixed marriages) and the younger generation is perceived to speak Waci correctly. Therefore, there is no indication that Waci is being replaced by any other language or endangered in any way.

7.3 Language attitudes

Attitudes towards Waci language development in the Waci area of Benin seem to depend on the context. The village chief of Oumako stated that in the society in general, people would sign up for literacy classes in Waci if they were offered. Similarly, the literacy coordinators stated that the Waci desire a 24 primer in Waci, and efforts are underway to publish one. This desire appears to be more of an indication of ethnic identity than of the ease of comprehension. In contrast to the above data, church leaders reported that interest was not expressed in either Waci literacy or in religious materials in Waci. The main reasons given for this were a generally low interest in literacy, the absence of written materials in Waci, and a preference for French or English. Church members are naturally more interested in learning to read a language that would give them access to the Bible—such as Ewe, Gen, or French. For the Waci area of Togo, no clear-cut statement can be made concerning attitudes towards Waci literacy and Waci religious materials. According to interviews with representatives of the village communities, interest in Ewe literacy dominates, but people also displayed openness to Waci literacy in Atitogon. In the church context, attitudes towards Waci language development appear to be comparatively more positive. However, two of the statements were ambiguous and seemed to indicate an interest in literacy in general, rather than interest in Waci language development. Note, too, that the answers may be biased; the interviewees may have wanted to attract assistance by displaying a positive motivation for Waci language development. Regarding attitudes towards Gen and the use of Gen, in Benin, Gen is perceived to be almost the same as Waci. There is no evidence of a negative attitude towards Gen being used in homes. In contrast, the interviewees in Togo all expressed a strongly negative attitude when it came to Waci people speaking Gen in the home context. Language attitudes towards Ewe and the use of Ewe are overtly positive among Waci in their home area in Togo. There are also indications of a strong identification with Ewe. The distinction between Waci and Ewe is not always made. No answers were recorded in Benin regarding this issue. It can be concluded that the acceptance of written materials in Waci, Gen, or Ewe is variable in the Waci language area of Benin. In Waci society in general, Waci materials might be preferred to material in Gen. The use of Ewe seems to be of minor importance. In the church context, however, literacy in Ewe, Gen, or French (depending on the language in which the Bible is read) would be preferred to literacy in Waci. In the Waci area of Togo, attitudes towards Waci language development are overtly positive. However, in the village communities as well as in the church context, Ewe written materials will possibly be preferred to Waci written materials. In contrast, attitudes towards the use of Gen are overtly negative, so written materials in Gen would not be accepted.

7.4 Literacy

In Benin the literacy coordinators of the DNAEA organize literacy classes for the Waci in the town of Comè and in the village of Dévikanmè. The classes are based on the Waci-Gen primer, and the language of instruction is Waci. In addition to this, some churches offer literacy classes in Ewe, Gen, or French, depending on the language of the Bible used in that particular church, the perceived need for literacy, and the church’s resources. In the Waci area of Togo the Church of Christ workers noted that a systematic approach to literacy does not seem to be applied, and we found only scattered evidence of literacy initiatives. The NGO Børnefonden offers six classes in Atitogon and some more in Gboto. Classes are in Ewe and aim to teach participants to read French. Although the need for literacy classes in the church context is acknowledged, such teaching is offered in only one church, where the clergy or members “sometimes teach reading in Ewe.” Community interviewees directly expressed much higher motivation to sign up for literacy classes than what we observed in other interviewees. In Ahépé especially, a strong desire for literacy classes was expressed, whereas the Church of Christ workers stated that general interest in literacy seemed to be rather low, except for church purposes. Motivation for literacy in the local languages depends on the language chosen for the literacy program. In the Waci area of Benin it would be best to choose Waci or Gen for the population in general. In the church context, Ewe or French might be preferred. In Togo, Ewe would be best. Obstacles encountered in literacy classes include difficulties with the orthography due to pronunciation differences, lack of financial support for literacy workers, and a lack of written materials 25 for post-literacy. Students do not seem to have trouble understanding Ewe or Gen in literacy classes, in spite of differing vocabulary and idiomatic expressions. With the literacy rate at a low 21.8 percent in the département of Mono, Benin (Ministère du Plan 1994a:17–24), the few existing literacy classes are not sufficient to raise the rate significantly. Literacy programs are lacking in the rural areas of the sub-prefecture of Comè and in the Waci villages in the sub- prefectures of Athiémè and Grand-Popo. One great advantage is that structures for literacy coordination already exist in the sub-prefectures. Those wishing to set up literacy programs should pay attention to the choice of language and the context in which the classes are offered. Future language development projects will need to take into account not only the need for financial support of these projects, including remuneration for literacy workers and funding for their transportation, but also the creation of post- literacy materials. No information was available on the literacy rate in the Waci region of Togo, and there are only a few literacy classes offered there. Any future language development projects for the Waci in Togo will need to coordinate the existing literacy efforts with the establishment and financing of a more widespread literacy program. Ewe should be chosen for local language literacy. As written materials in Ewe are more abundant than in other local languages, they could be made available for post-literacy.

7.5 Ethnic identity, group cohesion and social relationships

The Waci of Togo and Benin have their origins in the same locale, namely Notsé, which is an Ewe area. The Togolese Waci identify strongly with the Ewe, whereas the Beninese Waci see themselves primarily as Waci. The latter do not identify strongly with any of the surrounding ethnic groups. Group cohesion between the Waci of Benin and those of Togo does not appear to be very strong, as there are no common cultural centers or ceremonies. Even though there are Waci families with members in both countries, a large number of both Beninese and Togolese Waci have little awareness of the presence of Waci on the other side of the Mono River. The Waci have social relationships with other ethnic groups such as Aja, Ewe, and Gen, as can be seen by the fact that they intermarry with them.

8 Recommendations

As stated in section 3 (3 Research questions), SIL’s strategy is to encourage the use by as wide a population as possible of language materials that have already been developed. This means that recommendations for the Waci language communities in Benin and Togo will be different. In the Waci language community of Benin, there is adequate comprehension of and an overtly neutral attitude towards Gen, as well as a literacy program in place in Gen-Waci. This means that the Waci language community there can benefit from existing written materials in Gen. The Waci language community of Togo adequately comprehends Ewe, strongly identifies with the Ewe people and displays overtly positive attitudes towards the use of Ewe. The Waci language community in Togo can thus use existing written materials in Ewe. It appears that there is currently no need for SIL-related development of the Waci language. However, continuing assessment should be carried out in order to evaluate further the comprehension of Gen written materials among the Waci population of Benin. Given that literacy rates are low and that the number of existing literacy programs is insufficient, especially in Togo, a coordinated literacy program needs to be established there. In Benin assessment is needed to determine whether literacy classes exist in the rural communities with a Waci population. Appendix A: Maps of the Waci language area

A.1 Map of the Waci language area in Togo

All maps were created by the authors. They referred to the outlines and position of villages and cities on CENALA (1990) maps.

Map 1. Waci population centers in southeastern Togo

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A.2 Maps of the Waci language area in Benin

Map 2. Subprefecture of Comè, Benin

Note: Dédékpoè, Ahoho, and Madéboui are Waci-speaking villages located in the commune of Athiémè, not shown on the map.

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Map 3. Subprefecture of Grand-Popo, Benin

Appendix B: Lexical similarity

The percentage and variance matrices for lexical similarity were computed by the computer program WORDSURV version 2.4 (Wimbish 1989). The program performs a count of shared vocabulary between lists based on similarity groupings, as determined by the researcher. Thus, it does not apply a linguistic comparative method to the data and therefore does not determine cognates based on historical analysis. The Gbe wordlists were analyzed following the principles described by Blair (1989:30–33), allowing for a few modifications as outlined by Kluge (1999). A morpheme that is apparently affixed to the form used in another variety is ignored if it always occurs in the same position.

Table 13. Percentage matrix

Adan 99 Awlan 73 73 Be 73 73 98 Togo 74 74 92 92 Aveno 72 72 81 80 80 Aguna 67 67 76 76 79 78 Wance 68 68 77 77 78 79 96 Wundi 67 67 75 75 76 74 82 82 Waci 65 65 74 74 74 73 81 81 97 Vo 71 71 71 71 75 69 73 73 78 76 Anexo 72 72 71 71 74 68 75 75 80 78 99 Gen 70 70 73 73 76 67 74 74 79 77 94 96 Agoi/Gliji 75 75 76 76 77 73 75 74 76 75 82 82 84 Kpesi 68 68 74 74 76 73 77 76 77 74 73 74 75 75 Kpelen 64 64 65 65 68 69 71 71 73 71 70 70 71 70 78 Vlin 63 63 66 66 69 72 70 70 74 72 70 70 72 72 80 95 Gbin 65 65 67 67 70 73 71 71 75 73 71 72 74 73 82 95 95 Ho 56 56 60 61 63 59 59 59 65 62 68 67 75 62 60 57 59 61 Aja-Hwe (Azovè) 60 60 62 62 64 57 56 56 67 66 71 72 71 61 56 57 56 59 80 Aja-Hwe (Aplahoué) 55 55 61 60 62 59 56 56 64 61 71 71 72 63 54 51 50 53 87 82 Aja-Dogbo 56 56 60 59 62 61 57 57 65 62 71 71 73 63 55 52 51 54 86 80 99 Aja-Hwe (Gboto) 52 52 55 55 56 48 53 53 60 58 67 67 65 59 50 49 48 49 68 63 74 73 Aja-Sikpi 72 72 82 82 84 85 94 95 80 79 78 78 78 78 78 76 76 77 63 57 58 59 52 Aja-Hwe (Tohoun)

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Table 14. Variance Matrix Adan 1.4 Awlan 7.3 7.3 Be 7.3 7.3 2.0 Togo 7.1 7.1 4.0 4.0 Aveno 7.4 7.4 6.1 6.3 6.3 Agu 8.0 8.0 6.8 6.8 6.4 6.5 Wance 7.8 7.8 6.7 6.7 6.5 6.4 2.8 Wundi 8.0 8.0 7.0 7.0 6.8 7.1 5.9 5.9 Waci 8.2 8.2 7.1 7.1 7.1 7.3 6.0 6.0 2.4 Vo 7.5 7.5 7.5 7.5 7.0 7.8 7.2 7.2 6.5 6.8 Anexo 7.4 7.4 7.5 7.5 7.1 7.9 7.0 7.0 6.2 6.5 1.4 Gen 7.6 7.6 7.3 7.3 6.8 8.0 7.1 7.1 6.4 6.6 3.4 2.8 Agoi/Gliji 6.9 6.9 6.8 6.8 6.7 7.3 6.9 7.1 6.8 6.9 5.9 5.9 5.5 Kpesi 7.8 7.8 7.1 7.1 6.8 7.3 6.6 6.8 6.6 7.1 7.2 7.1 6.9 6.9 Kpelen 8.3 8.3 8.3 8.3 7.9 7.8 7.5 7.5 7.2 7.5 7.6 7.6 7.5 7.6 6.5 Vlin 8.4 8.4 8.1 8.1 7.8 7.4 7.6 7.6 7.1 7.3 7.6 7.6 7.3 7.3 6.2 3.1 Gbin 8.2 8.2 8.0 8.0 7.6 7.3 7.5 7.5 6.9 7.2 7.5 7.4 7.1 7.2 5.9 3.1 3.1 Ho 9.3 9.3 8.8 8.7 8.5 9.0 9.0 9.0 8.3 8.6 7.9 8.0 7.0 8.6 8.8 9.2 9.0 8.7 Aja-Hwe (Azovè) 8.8 8.8 8.6 8.6 8.4 9.2 9.2 9.2 8.0 8.1 7.5 7.4 7.5 8.7 9.2 9.1 9.2 8.9 6.2 Aja-Hwe (Aplahoué) 9.3 9.3 8.7 8.8 8.6 9.0 9.2 9.2 8.3 8.7 7.5 7.5 7.3 8.4 9.4 9.7 9.8 9.5 5.0 5.9 Aja-Dogbo 9.2 9.2 8.8 9.0 8.6 8.7 9.1 9.1 8.2 8.5 7.5 7.5 7.2 8.4 9.3 9.6 9.7 9.4 5.2 6.2 1.4 Aja-Hwe (Gboto) 9.6 9.6 9.4 9.4 9.3 10.0 9.5 9.5 8.8 9.0 8.0 8.0 8.2 8.9 9.8 9.9 10.0 9.9 7.9 8.4 7.1 7.2 Aja-Sikpi 7.9 7.9 6.4 6.4 6.0 5.8 3.7 3.3 6.7 6.8 7.0 7.0 7.0 7.0 7.0 7.3 7.3 7.2 9.1 9.8 9.7 9.5 10.3 Aja-Hwe (Tohoun)

Appendix C: Questionnaires

C.1 Community questionnaire

QUESTIONNAIRE CHEFS DE VILLAGE/NOTABLES - ENQUETE SUR WACI SIL Togo-Benin G. Schoch, K. Wolf Effectué le ______à ______par ______Langue d’enquête : ______Traducteur(s) : ______domicile : ______Identité ethnique du chef : ______; des vieux : ______Langues parlées pendant l’interview : ______Estimation du nombre de : vieux hommes : ___ jeunes hommes : ___vieilles femme : ___ jeunes femmes : ___ Abréviations : Aj=Aja, A=Arabe, F=Fon, Fr=Français, Ge=Gen, Ko=Kotafon, Sx=Saxwɛ, Wa=Waci, Xe=Xwela, Xw=Xwla O = oui, N = non

LA LANGUE ET LE PEUPLE DE L’ENQUETE ET LES LANGUES VOISINES 1. Comment appelez-vous votre propre langue ? 2. La majorité de la population ici sont des locuteurs de quelle langue ? 3. Et les minorités sont des locuteurs de quelles langues ? 4. Est-ce qu’il y a des Waci au village qui ne parlent pas le waci ? O N 5. Est-ce qu’il y a des lieux (villages) traditionnels où les Waci fêtent leur cérémonies traditionnelles ? O N 6. Si oui, lesquels ? Pour trouver l’étendue de la région où la langue est parlée, montrez une photocopie d’une carte de la région, et posez les questions suivantes. 1. Dans quels villages votre langue waci est-elle parlée exclusivement ? (demandez pour chaque village) • (Encerclez les villages où la langue enquêtée est parlée ; mettez en parenthèses les villages où il n’est pas certain que la langue est parlée.) 2. Est-ce qu’il y a des villages où plusieurs langues sont parlées ? • (Encadrez les villages où plusieurs langues sont parlées à côté de la langue enquêtée, notez les noms de ces autres langues à côté.) 3. Dans quels villages parle-t-on une langue différente que la vôtre ? Quel est le nom de cette langue / ces langues ? • (Soulignez les villages où il est certain qu’on parle une langue différente que celle en question, et écrivez le nom de celle-ci à côté du village - ceci pour déterminer les frontières de la langue étudiée.) 4. Est-ce qu’il y a d’autres villages waci ailleurs ? (s’il n’y a aucune réponse, demandez : dans d’autres pays ?)

LES RAPPORTS AVEC D’AUTRES LANGUES 5. Quelle(s) autre(s) langue(s) est-ce que les locuters waci de ce village comprennent à part le waci ? ______6. Laquelle comprennent-ils le mieux ? (ewe/mina) ______

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LES ATTITUDES PAR RAPPORT AU WACI ET AUX AUTRES LANGUES Quelle langue d’après vous est la meilleure pour publier des livrets ? (le waci/le gen/l’éwé) Pourquoi ? Et après ? (deuxième…)

COMPREHENSION ET USAGE DE LANGUES 1. a. Parmi les locuteurs waci ici au village combien comprennent le gen ? (la majorité/ la moitié/ une petite partie ?) b. Parmi les locuteurs waci ici au village combien comprennent l’éwé ? (la majorité/ la moitié/ une petite partie ?) 2. Est-ce qu’il y a des mariages mixtes ? O N Si oui, avec quelle(s) ethnie(s) ? ______La plupart des mariages mixtes sont avec quelle ethnie ? 3. Est-ce qu’un enfant de six ans de ce village (nommez le nom du village) peut comprendre : L’éwé ? O N Le gen ? O N Sinon, quand il grandit, à quel âge comprendra-t-il L’éwé ? ____ Le gen ? ____ 4. Pouvez-vous toujours comprendre les locuteurs éwé ? O N gen O N 5. Comprenez-vous même les blagues ? O N -les proverbes ? O N 6. Quelle langue les parents Waci parlent-ils avec leurs petits enfants (< 6 ans) ? 7. Dans les mariages mixtes au village, quelle langue est-ce que les enfants apprennent premièrement, si le père est waci et la mère est éwé _____ ? gen_____ ? si la mère est waci et le père est éwé______? gen_____ ? 8. Quelle langue est-ce que vous utilisez ici au village pour : Les annonces dans le village Wa Ge Ew Xe Xw Ko ___ Les rites de coutumes Wa Ge Ew Xe Xw Ko ___ Les jugements dans la famille Wa Ge Ew Xe Xw Ko ___ Les jugements au village Wa Ge Ew Xe Xw Ko ___ Les conseils des anciens (au village) Wa Ge Ew Xe Xw Ko ___ Les réunions du conseil traditionnel (régionales) Wa Ge Ew Xe Xw Ko ___ 9. Les jeunes gens (10 à 20 ans), est-ce qu’ils parlent votre langue (waci) comme il faut ? O N Expliquez ! 10. Si les jeunes gens parl(ai)ent le gen/éwé à la maison, qu’est-ce qu’un vieux en pense(rait) ?

ALPHABETISATION 1. Est-ce qu’il y a des classes d’alphabétisation ici au village ? O N Si oui, dans quelle(s) langue(s) ? ______Cela se passe combien de fois par an/mois/semaine ? Depuis quand est-ce qu’il y a ces classes ? 2. Est-ce que vous avez jamais vu quelque chose écrit en waci ? O N (Si oui, quo ?) 3. Est-ce que vous connaissez quelqu’un qui écrit en waci ? O N (Si oui, qui ?) 4. Aimeriez-vous apprendre à lire et à écrire le waci ? O N 5. Si on commençait un programme d’alphabétisation les gens d’ici s’intéresserait-ils à s’inscrire pour la classe : si c’était en éwé ? O N et si c’était en gen ? O N

INFORMATION GENERALE SUR LA COMMUNAUTE 1. La majorité ici au village est de quelle réligio : musulmane, chrétienne, réligion traditionnelle ? 2. Est-ce qu’il y a des églises ici ? O N 3. Si oui, lesquelles ? 4. Les gens qui se rendent au culte, ils sont de quelle(s) ethnie(s) ? 5. Est-ce qu’il y a des mosquées ici ? O N 6. Les gens qui y prient sont de quelle(s) ethnie(s) ? 33

C.2 Church questionnaire

QUESTIONNAIRE ECCLESIASTIQUE - ENQUETE SUR LE WACI Effectué le ______à ______par ______Dénomination/ nom de l’église : ______Autres enquêteurs présents : ______Langue(s) parlée(s) lors de l’interview : ______Si traduite, en quelle langue ? ______Abréviations : A = Aja, E = Ewe, F= Fon, Fr = Français, Ko = Kotafon, Ma= Maxi, Mi = Mina (Gen), Sx = Saxwɛ, W = Waci, Xe = Xwela, Xw = Xwla O = oui, N = non PRESENTATION DE L’INFORMATEUR • Nom et fonction dans l’église______• ethnie : ______langue maternelle : ______• parle la langue locale ? Non un peu bien couramment • parle le mina ? Non un peu bien couramment • parle l’ewe ? Non un peu bien couramment INFORMATION GENERALE 1. La majorité au village est de quelle religion ? musulmane chrétienne religion traditionnelle Parmi les chrétiens, combien sont des locuteurs waci, la plupart/ la moitié/ une petite partie ? Parmi les musulmans, la plupart/ la moitié/ une petite partie ? Parmi les animistes, la plupart/ la moitié/ une petite partie ? 2. Il y a quelles églises ici au village ? ______3. Quelles églises sont les plus grandes (en nombre de membres) ? ______4. Les Waci sont membres de quelles églises ? ______5. Est-ce que les Waci sont majoritaire dans votre église ? O N Et dans les autres églises ? O N Si non, quelle ethnie est la plus importante ? 6. Est-ce qu’il y a des responsables dans votre église qui sont des locuteurs waci (catéchistes/pasteurs etc.) ? Si oui, qui ? (Quelle position ?)______7. Ils utilisent quelle(s) langue(s) pour exercer leur ministère (prédication/enseignement/lecture des Ecriture…) ? ______(Utilisent-t-ils aussi le waci ?) L’USAGE DE LA LANGUE A L’EGLISE 1. Quelles langues sont utilisées pendant le culte/la messe pour : Quelle Bible est utilisée le plus souvent à l’église ?______(Ewe : quelle version ?) Quelles autres Bibles ou Nouveaux Testaments sont utilisée ? ______2. Quel matériel religieux à part la Bible utilisez-vous à l’église, et en quelle langue ? (écrit/audiovisuel) Est-ce qu’il existe du matériel religieux écrit en waci ? O N Si oui, lequel ? Rédigé par qui ? Est-ce que c’est utilisé dans votre église ? O N Dans d’autres églises ? O N 3. Est-ce que les membres de votre église ont exprimé leur intérêt de lire et d’écrire en waci ? O N d’avoir du matériel religieux en waci ? O N MISSIONS ET USAGE DE LANGUES Est-ce qu’il y a des missions chrétiennes au village/ dans la région ? O N Si oui, lesquelles/où ? Ils travaillent dans quel(s) domaine(s) ? Ils utilisent quelle(s) langue(s) pour leur travail ? 34

C.3 Nonformal education questionnaire

QUESTIONNAIRE POUR LES RESPONSABLES D’EDUCATION NON-FORMELLE –ENQUETE SUR LE WACI Effectué le ______à ______par ______Autres enquêteurs présents : ______Presentation de l’Enquete 1. Nom et fonction : 2. Langue maternelle :______ethnie :______3. Parlez-vous le mina ? Non un peu bien couramment 4. Parlez-vous l’ewe ? Non un peu bien couramment 5. Parlez-vous le waci ? Non un peu bien couramment

INFORMATIONS DEMOGRAPHIQUES Alphabétisation 1. Les classes d’alphabétisation dans la région Waci sont organisées en quelles langues ? (Distribution de langues par région/ par sub-prefecture) 2. Nombre de classes et total des étudiants

Classe Endroit Organisateur Total/étudiants Langue (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10)

1. Est-ce que d’après vous, les Waci ont bien accepté les classes d’alphabétisation en (mina, ewe, waci) ? Si non, pourquoi pas ? 2. Est-ce que vous avez des (d’autres) projets en ce qui concerne l’utilisation du waci pour l’alphabétisation ? O N Si oui, lesquels ?

Post-Alphabétisation 1. Existe-t-il des classes de post-alphabétisation dans la région Waci ? O N Depuis quand ? Elles existent en quelle(s) langue(s) ?

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2. Nombre de classes et total des étudiants

Classe Endroit Organisateur Total/étudiants Langue (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10)

1. Quel est le contenue du programme de post-alphabétisation ? 2. Il y a quels (autres) matériels écrits en waci ?

LA LANGUE UTILISEE POUR L’ALPHABETISATION 1. Quels syllabaires sont utilisés pour les classes ? Dans quelle langue : Mina Ewe Waci _____ Développés par qui ? 2. Quel est le véhicule d’instruction pour les classes d’alphabétisation ? 3. Est-ce que indépendamment de l’âge, du sexe, de la profession, tous les Waci comprennent bien cette langue ? O N 4. Si non, quel group social a des problèmes de compréhension ? ______5. Selon vous, est-ce que le choix de cette langue est capable de servir les locuteurs waci le mieux ? O N Si non, quelle langue devrait être choisie pour l’alphabétisation ? 6. Existe-t-il des problèmes de lecture par rapport à l’orthographe ? O N Si oui, lesquels ? ______Appendix D: Suggested readings

Bendor-Samuel, John, and Rhonda L. Hartell, eds. 1989. The Niger-Congo languages: A classification and description of Africa’s largest language family. New York: University Press of America. Capo, Hounkpati B. C., and K. Codjo. 1974. Kpla egbeo hlenhlen [Guide de lecture et d’écriture du wacigbe et du gengbe]. Comè, Benin : Commission Nationale de Linguistique. Capo, Hounkpati B. C., and K. Codjo. 1977. Etude phonologique comparée du wacigbe et du gengbe. Abomey-Calavi, Benin : Université Nationale du Bénin. Capo, Hounkpati B. C., and K. Codjo. 1980. Un regroupement des parlers gbe. Africana Marburgensia 13(1):3–23. Capo, Hounkpati B. C., and K. Codjo. 1981. The Rise of Gbe in West Africa. In I. Fudor and C. Hagège (eds.), Language reform: History and future. Hamburg: Buske. Capo, Hounkpati B. C., and K. Codjo. n.d. An exploration of some tonal morphemes in Wacigbe and Gengbe. Unpublished manuscript. Commission Nationale de Linguistique du Bénin. n.d. Listes lexicales du Bénin. Cotonou, Benin : CNL, ACCT-ILA. Elwert, G., and Y. T. Tchitchi. 1979. Alphabétisation par la méthode directe. Cotonou, Benin : Commission Nationale de Linguistique. Kluge, Angela. 2000. The Gbe language varieties of West Africa: A quantitative analysis of lexical and grammatical features. Master’s thesis. University of Wales. Lokossa, A. A., and Hounkpati B. C. 1978. Wlɔn gbea adodoi [Précis grammatical du gengbe et du wacigbe]. Cotonou, Benin : Centre National de Linguistique Appliquée. Stalder, J. 1996a. Rapid appraisal. Notes on Literature in Use and Language Programs 48:5–23. Stalder, J. 1996b. Update on rapid appraisal. Notes on Literature in Use and Language Programs 48:24–33. Tchitchi, Y. T. 1975. Communication du Dahomey au séminaire régional de normalisation et d’harmonisation des langues dahoméennes et avoisinantes. Cotonou, Benin : Commission Nationale de Linguistique. Tompkins, Barbara, and Angela Kluge. 1997. Sociolinguistic survey of the Aja language area. SIL Togo- Benin. https://www.sil.org/resources/publications/entry/9210/ Accessed 30 January 2018. Yehounmey, Valentin. 2001. Étude du peuple waci. Unpublished manuscript. International Mission Board (Southern Baptist Mission). Zéphirin, Tossa. 1990. Langues, alphabétisation, cultures : Bibliographie sélective sur les langues béninoises. Tome 1. Cotonou, Benin : Centre National de Linguistique Appliquée. Zinzindohoue, N., and H. B. C. Capo. 1975. Akɔnta wɔwɔ glomi yea [Vocabulaire théorique de mathématique en wacigbe et en gengbe]. Gadomè, Benin : Commission Nationale de Linguistique.

36 References

Action pour la Recherche et la Croissance de l’Eglise au Bénin (ARCEB). 2001a. Lève-toi et va ! Croissance de l’église au Bénin : Défis et perspectives. Cotonou : Imprimerie Industrielle Nouvelle Presse. Action pour la Recherche et la Croissance de l’Eglise au Bénin (ARCEB). 2001b. Survey data on CD-ROM. Blair, Frank. 1990. Survey on a shoestring. Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics. Capo, Hounkpati B. C. 1986. Renaissance du gbe, une langue de l’Afrique occidentale. Etude critique sur les langues ajatado : l’ewe, le fon, le gen, l’aja, le gun, etc. Lomé : Université du Bénin. Centre National de Linguistique Appliquée (CENALA). 1990. République du Bénin : Carte linguistique. Cotonou : CENALA. Commission Nationale de Linguistique du Bénin (CNL du Bénin). 1983. Atlas sociolinguistique du Bénin. Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire : Agence de Coopération Culturelle et Technique and Institut de Linguistique Appliquée. Gayibor, N. L. 1996. Le peuplement du Togo. Lomé : Les Presses de l’Université du Bénin. Grimes, B.F., ed. 2000. Ethnologue: Languages of the world. Thirteenth edition. Dallas: SIL International. Hatfield, D. H., B. Henson, and M. M. McHenry. 1998. A sociolinguistic survey of the Kotafon language area. http://www.sil.org/resources/publications/entry/43923. Accessed 2006. Institut Géographique National (IGN) France in collaboration with the Institut Géographique National– Bénin. 1992. Carte générale. Paris and Cotonou : IGN. Institut Géographique National (IGN) France in collaboration with the Ministère de l’Environnement et du Tourisme, Lomé, Togo. 1977. Togo : Carte routière et touristique. Paris and Lomé : IGN. Joshua Project. 2000. Peoples list. http://www.joshuaproject.net/peoples.php?peo3=15813. Accessed 2002. Kluge, A. 1999. Gbe word and phrase lists: Initial clustering of varieties and their geographical distribution. Unpublished manuscript. Cotonou: SIL Benin. Ministère Chargé du Plan, de la Prospective et du Développement, Institut National de la Statistique et de l’Analyse Economique. 2003a. Troisième recensement général de la population et de l’habitation (RGPH 3) : Analyses des résultats. Tome 3 : Caractéristiques socioculturelles et économiques. Cotonou : Direction des Études Démographiques. Ministère Chargé du Plan, de la Prospective et du Développement, Institut National de la Statistique et de l’Analyse Economique. 2003b. Troisième Recensement Général de la Population et de l’Habitation (RGPH 3) : Cahier des villages et quartiers de ville, Département du Mono. Cotonou : Direction des Études Démographiques. Ministère de la Culture et des Communications, Direction de l’Alphabétisation en collaboration avec la Commission Nationale de Langue Guin du CENALA. n.d. Programme d’alphabétisation, Cours C : Lecture et écriture en guin. 1e livret : Mi va mia klpla woma. Woma cucugbɔn a. Cotonou : CENALA. Ministère de la Culture et des Communications, Direction de l’Alphabétisation en collaboration avec la Commission Nationale de Langue Guin du CENALA. n.d. Programme d’alphabétisation, Cours C : Lecture et écriture en guin. 2e livret. Cotonou : CENALA. Ministère de la Culture et des Communications, Direction de l’Alphabétisation en collaboration avec la Commission Nationale de Langue Guin du CENALA. n.d. Programme d’alphabétisation, Cours C : Lecture et écriture en guin. 3e livret : Mu nya gɛngbe hlɛhlɛn. Mu nya gɛngbe ŋɔŋlɔ. Woma etɔngɔn a. Cotonou : CENALA.

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Ministère du Plan et de la Restructuration Economique du Bénin, Institut National de la Statistique et de l’Analyse Économique, Bureau Central du Recensement. 1994a. Deuxième recensement général de la population et de l’habitati on (févri er 1992). Tome 3 : Caractéristiques socio-culturelles et économiques. Cotonou : Direction des Études Démographiques. Ministère du Plan et de la Restructuration Economique du Bénin, Institut National de la Statistique et de l’Analyse Économique, Bureau Central du Recensement. 1994b. Deuxième recensement général de la population et de l’habitation (février 1992). La population du Mono. Cotonou : Direction des Études Démographiques. Ministère du Plan et de l’Industrie, Direction de la Statistique, Bureau Central du Recensement. 1985. Recensement général de la population et de l’habitat (9–22 novembre 1981). Lomé : Bureau Central du Recensement. Pazzi, Roberto. 1979. Introduction à l’histoire de l’aire culturelle ajatado : Peuples ewe, aja, xwla, ayizo, gen, sahwe, xweda, fon, gun. Lomé : Université du Bénin. Simons, Gary. 2000. Rethinking language survey. Notes on Sociolinguistics. Dallas: SIL International. Stewart, John M. 1989. Kwa. In John Bendor-Samuel and Rhonda L. Hartell (eds.), The Niger-Congo languages: A classification and description of Africa’s largest language family, 217–245. New York: University Press of America. Williamson, Kay, and Roger Blench. 2000. Niger-Congo. In Bernd Heine and Derek Nurse (eds.), African languages: An introduction, 61–78. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Wimbish, John. 1989. WORDSURV: A program for analyzing language survey wordlists. Occasional Publications in Academic Computing 13. Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics.