American Diplomatic Despatches About the Internal Conditions in the Soviet Union, 1917-1933
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The Purpose of My Talk Today Is to Share the Results of My Research On
The NEP Era: Soviet Russia 1921-1928, 2 (2008), 61-80. ELIZABETH A. HARRY (St. Paul, MN, USA) PETITIONERS AND THEIR DISCONTENTS: THE LOST GENERATION OF THE 1920s The history written on the early years of the Soviet Union has changed fo- cus in the past few decades. Instead of concentrating on high politics and the struggle for succession to the leadership of the Communist Party, scholars in the West have increasingly addressed the everyday life of average citizens, how they viewed and shaped the communist experiment, and how Soviet leaders responded to and attempted to mold popular views.1 Postcommunist studies concentrating on party politics and Soviet society at the grassroots level have shown that in the formative years of the Soviet Union, the division between leaders and led was less pronounced than had previously been as- 1. One line of revisionist historiography on the Soviet Union idealizes the NEP period and is based not merely in the desire to reveal Russia’s lost chances (see Robert Tucker’s summation of a conference of Russian and American scholars held in Moscow in 1989 which focused on “[t]he question of alternativnost’, the possible 1920s alternatives to the course history actually took in the 1930s” [“Soviet History in the 1920s,” Slavic Review 50, no. 2 (summer 1991): 239-40]), but also in a traditional conception of how history happens. Traditional interpretations see the politi- cal, economic, and social transformation of the Soviet Union that began in the late 1920s as a revolution from above (an assertion made by Stalin himself). -
The Lessons of the Last Romanovs: Neither Bolshevism Nor Tsarism
Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 19, Number 43, October 30, 1992 The lessons of the last Romanovs: neither Bolshevism nor tsarism by Denise Henderson Cheka (secret police) of the Urals in 1917 and therefore responsible for the captive Romanovs, a "proletarian Jacob The LastTsar: The Life and Death of in." Lenin himself proclaimed: "At least a hundred Ra Nicholas II ped by Edward Radzinsky, trans. by Marian Schwartz manovs must have their heads chop off in order to unlearn their descendants of crimes." And Trotsky, speakinggeneral Doubleday, New York, 1992 ly, added, "We must put an end once and for all to the Papish 462 pages, hardbound, $25 Quaker babble about the sanctity of human life." The turning point for the 'ancien regime' The downfall of a regime usually leads to an outpouring of There is no doubt that both the secret way in which the memoirs, analysis, romance, and other sorts of history, and Romanovs were executed, without trial, and the fact that for the fall of the 300-year-old Romanov dynasty in 1915, when 70 years the Bolsheviks practiced state terrorism against the Nicholas II abdicated for himself and his son, has been no Soviet population, thereby making open discussion about exception. This year, Edward Radzinsky, a Russian play the ancien regime taboo, have contributed to the fascination wright and historian, who began his researches on Nicholas Russians and others have with the death of Nicholas II and II 20 years ago, has added The Last Tsar: The Lifeand Death his family.But more important than Radzinsky's description of Nicholas II to that literature. -
Zhenotdel, Russian Women and the Communist Party, 1919-1930
RED ‘TEASPOONS OF CHARITY’: ZHENOTDEL, RUSSIAN WOMEN AND THE COMMUNIST PARTY, 1919-1930 by Michelle Jane Patterson A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of History University of Toronto © Copyright by Michelle Jane Patterson 2011 Abstract “Red ‘Teaspoons of Charity’: Zhenotdel, the Communist Party and Russian Women, 1919-1930” Doctorate of Philosophy, 2011 Michelle Jane Patterson Department of History, University of Toronto After the Bolshevik assumption of power in 1917, the arguably much more difficult task of creating a revolutionary society began. In 1919, to ensure Russian women supported the Communist party, the Zhenotdel, or women’s department, was established. Its aim was propagating the Communist party’s message through local branches attached to party committees at every level of the hierarchy. This dissertation is an analysis of the Communist party’s Zhenotdel in Petrograd/ Leningrad during the 1920s. Most Western Zhenotdel histories were written in the pre-archival era, and this is the first study to extensively utilize material in the former Leningrad party archive, TsGAIPD SPb. Both the quality and quantity of Zhenotdel fonds is superior at St.Peterburg’s TsGAIPD SPb than Moscow’s RGASPI. While most scholars have used Moscow-centric journals like Kommunistka, Krest’ianka and Rabotnitsa, this study has thoroughly utilized the Leningrad Zhenotdel journal Rabotnitsa i krest’ianka and a rich and extensive collection of Zhenotdel questionnaires. Women’s speeches from Zhenotdel conferences, as well as factory and field reports, have also been folded into the dissertation’s five chapters on: organizational issues, the unemployed, housewives and prostitutes, peasants, and workers. -
Revolution in Real Time: the Russian Provisional Government, 1917
ODUMUNC 2020 Crisis Brief Revolution in Real Time: The Russian Provisional Government, 1917 ODU Model United Nations Society Introduction seventy-four years later. The legacy of the Russian Revolution continues to be keenly felt The Russian Revolution began on 8 March 1917 to this day. with a series of public protests in Petrograd, then the Winter Capital of Russia. These protests But could it have gone differently? Historians lasted for eight days and eventually resulted in emphasize the contingency of events. Although the collapse of the Russian monarchy, the rule of history often seems inventible afterwards, it Tsar Nicholas II. The number of killed and always was anything but certain. Changes in injured in clashes with the police and policy choices, in the outcome of events, government troops in the initial uprising in different players and different accidents, lead to Petrograd is estimated around 1,300 people. surprising outcomes. Something like the Russian Revolution was extremely likely in 1917—the The collapse of the Romanov dynasty ushered a Romanov Dynasty was unable to cope with the tumultuous and violent series of events, enormous stresses facing the country—but the culminating in the Bolshevik Party’s seizure of revolution itself could have ended very control in November 1917 and creation of the differently. Soviet Union. The revolution saw some of the most dramatic and dangerous political events the Major questions surround the Provisional world has ever known. It would affect much Government that struggled to manage the chaos more than Russia and the ethnic republics Russia after the Tsar’s abdication. -
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Institute of National Remembrance https://ipn.gov.pl/en/digital-resources/articles/4397,Battle-of-Warsaw-1920.html 2021-10-01, 13:56 11.08.2020 Battle of Warsaw, 1920 We invite you to read an article by Mirosław Szumiło, D.Sc. on the Battle of Warsaw, 1920. The text is also available in French and Russian (see attached pdf files). The Battle of Warsaw was one of the most important moments of the Polish-Bolshevik war, one of the most decisive events in the history of Poland, Europe and the entire world. However, excluding Poland, this fact is almost completely unknown to the citizens of European countries. This phenomenon was noticed a decade after the battle had taken place by a British diplomat, Lord Edgar Vincent d’Abernon, a direct witness of the events. In his book of 1931 “The Eighteenth Decisive Battle of the World: Warsaw, 1920”, he claimed that in the contemporary history of civilisation there are, in fact, few events of greater importance than the Battle of Warsaw of 1920. There is also no other which has been more overlooked. To better understand the origin and importance of the battle of Warsaw, one needs to become acquainted with a short summary of the Polish-Bolshevik war and, first and foremost, to get to know the goals of both fighting sides. We ought to start with stating the obvious, namely, that the Bolshevik regime, led by Vladimir Lenin, was, from the very beginning, focused on expansion. Prof. Richard Pipes, a prolific American historian, stated: “the Bolsheviks took power not to change Russia, but to use it as a trampoline for world revolution”. -
The Boats of Swallows and Amazons
The Boats of Swallows and Amazons Amazon on Coniston Contents Introduction The Swallow Rowing the Swallow Rigging the Swallow A letter from Roger Fothergill, an owner of the original Swallow Unknown Details The Amazon Sailing Performance Assesements Design Recommendations for new Swallows The Nancy Blackett and the Goblin The Best Boat? Design Recommendations for new Swallows Introduction What exactly were the Swallow and the Amazon like, those famous sailboats of Arthur Ransome's books Swallows and Amazons and Swallowdale? Many readers would love to recreate the adventures of the Walker and Blackett children for themselves, or for their own children, and they want to learn more about the boats. The boats of these special stories were real boats, just as many of the locations in the stories are real places. This essay describes what we know of the Swallow and the Amazon. In the summer of 1928, Ernest Altounyan, a friend of Arthur Ransome, came to Coniston Water with his family and soon thereafter bought two boats for his children. The children were Taqui (age eleven), Susan (age nine), Titty (age eight), Roger (age six), and Bridgit (nearly three). The children became the models for characters in Arthur Ransome's books, and the boats became the Swallow and Amazon. Susan and Roger crewed the Swallow, while Taqui and Titty crewed the Mavis, which was the model for the Amazon. The Mavis (Amazon), may be seen today, in good order, at the Windermere Steamboat Museum near Lake Windermere. When the Altounyans later moved to Syria, they gave the Swallow to Arthur Ransome, who lived at Low Ludderburn near Lake Windermere. -
The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989
FORUM The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989 ✣ Commentaries by Michael Kraus, Anna M. Cienciala, Margaret K. Gnoinska, Douglas Selvage, Molly Pucci, Erik Kulavig, Constantine Pleshakov, and A. Ross Johnson Reply by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana, eds. Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2014. 563 pp. $133.00 hardcover, $54.99 softcover, $54.99 e-book. EDITOR’S NOTE: In late 2013 the publisher Lexington Books, a division of Rowman & Littlefield, put out the book Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989, edited by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana. The book consists of twenty-four essays by leading scholars who survey the Cold War in East-Central Europe from beginning to end. East-Central Europe was where the Cold War began in the mid-1940s, and it was also where the Cold War ended in 1989–1990. Hence, even though research on the Cold War and its effects in other parts of the world—East Asia, South Asia, Latin America, Africa—has been extremely interesting and valuable, a better understanding of events in Europe is essential to understand why the Cold War began, why it lasted so long, and how it came to an end. A good deal of high-quality scholarship on the Cold War in East-Central Europe has existed for many years, and the literature on this topic has bur- geoned in the post-Cold War period. -
Virtual Rusophonia: Language Policy As 'Soft Power' in the New Media
Virtual Rusophonia: Language Policy as ‘Soft Power’ in the New Media Age MICHAEL GORHAM University of Florida Abstract: Debates on Russian language policy in the internet age have typically focused ei- ther on the formal degradation of language by a variety of internal and external forces of cor- ruption or on the functional democratization of speech afforded by the internet’s decentral- ized and relatively uncensored mode of operation. Yet more recent trends complicate this dichotomy and reflect official efforts to use language and the internet as tools for ‘soft power’ – educational and cultural means of promoting Russian national interests both at home and abroad. In ‘Virtual Rusophonia’ I examine two specific manifestations of this effort – the ‘Russian World Foundation’ (Fond ‘Russkii Mir’) and the ‘.rf’ Cyrillic internet domain pro- ject. While both represent a state-sponsored attempt to use language and new technology as tools for creating new spaces of ‘Russianness’, they present quite different, if not mutually exclusive visions, each fraught with tensions between the de-centered nature of web-based communication and the top-down, paternalistic penchants of the Putin-era political elite. Keywords: language policy, Runet, rusophonia, russkii mir [Russian world], Russian World Foundation, Russian diaspora, virtual communities, sovereign internet quick survey of the discourse on Russian internet language over the past decade or so A reveals two dominant trends, one primarily formal in nature, and the other ‒ func- tional.1 Comments on form tend to be purist or preservationist in tone, bemoaning the ‘spoil- ing’ of the ‘great and mighty’ Russian language by a host of negative influences. -
Soviet Diplomacy and the Spanish Civil War *
SLIGHTLY REVISED 27.VII.2009 CHAPTER NINE CAUGHT IN A CLEFT STICK : SOVIET DIPLOMACY AND THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR * MICHAEL JABARA CARLEY The late British historian John Erickson wrote that the Spanish Civil War put the Soviet government into a cleft stick; caught between helping the Spanish Republic against a military, fascist uprising and alienating a new found, but milquetoast French ally. 1 The mutiny in Spain was directed against the recently elected centre-left coalition, the Popular Front, which included Spanish communists. It should have been normal for the Soviet Union to want to help workers and communists fighting against a right- wing, fascist mutiny. France too had just elected a Popular Front government, but the French coalition was fragile. Its most conservative element, the Radical party, was unwilling to get involved in Spain for fear of inflaming domestic political tensions or risking civil war. The British Conservative government also took a dim view of active involvement in the civil war and of Soviet intervention to support the Spanish Republicans, even if they were the legitimately elected, legal government. Most British Conservatives had a special aversion for the Soviet Union, and saw its involvement in Spain as a threat to spread communism into Western Europe. The Soviet government did not have the leisure to consider the Spanish problem outside the larger issue of its security in Europe. In January 1933 Adolf Hitler had taken power in Germany. The Soviet government immediately saw the danger even if the Soviet Union had maintained good or tolerable relations with the Weimar Republic during the 1920s. -
Background Guide, and to Issac and Stasya for Being Great Friends During Our Weird Chicago Summer
Russian Duma 1917 (DUMA) MUNUC 33 ONLINE 1 Russian Duma 1917 (DUMA) | MUNUC 33 Online TABLE OF CONTENTS ______________________________________________________ CHAIR LETTERS………………………….….………………………….……..….3 ROOM MECHANICS…………………………………………………………… 6 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM………………………….……………..…………......9 HISTORY OF THE PROBLEM………………………………………………………….16 ROSTER……………………………………………………….………………………..23 BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………..…………….. 46 2 Russian Duma 1917 (DUMA) | MUNUC 33 Online CHAIR LETTERS ____________________________________________________ My Fellow Russians, We stand today on the edge of a great crisis. Our nation has never been more divided, more war- stricken, more fearful of the future. Yet, the promise and the greatness of Russia remains undaunted. The Russian Provisional Government can and will overcome these challenges and lead our Motherland into the dawn of a new day. Out of character. To introduce myself, I’m a fourth-year Economics and History double major, currently writing a BA thesis on World War II rationing in the United States. I compete on UChicago’s travel team and I additionally am a CD for our college conference. Besides that, I am the VP of the Delta Kappa Epsilon fraternity, previously a member of an all-men a cappella group and a proud procrastinator. This letter, for example, is about a month late. We decided to run this committee for a multitude of reasons, but I personally think that Russian in 1917 represents such a critical point in history. In an unlikely way, the most autocratic regime on Earth became replaced with a socialist state. The story of this dramatic shift in government and ideology represents, to me, one of the most interesting parts of history: that sometimes facts can be stranger than fiction. -
The Polish "Sickness" and Franco-Soviet Relations, 1934-1939
THE POLISH "SICKNESS" AND FRANCO-SOVIET RELATIONS, 1934-1939 Shawnessy Yevonne Johnson B.A. Honours, Carleton University, 1995 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of History O Shawnessy Yevonne Johnson 1997 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY October 1997 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or by other means, without permission of the author. National Library Biblloth&que nationale 191 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acqutsitiomt Bibliographic Services se~ces+bliographiques The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive pennettant a la National Library of Canada to Bibliotheque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distnbute or sell reproduire, priter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette these sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/filrn, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format electronique. The author retains ownerstup of the L'auteur conserve la propriete du copyright in this thesis, ~eithirthe droit d'auteur qui protege cette thtse. thesis nor substantial extracts from it Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent itre imprimes reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorkation. APPROVAL Name: Shawnessy Yevonne Johnson L Degree: Master of Arts (History) Title of Thesis: The Polish "Sickness" and Franco-Soviet Relations, 1934-1939 Examining Committee: Chair: Dr. Ian Dyck Dr. ~icdard&, Debb Se ior Supervisor &ed& of History ~r=tin Kitchen Professor of History pr. -
Annual Report 2013
ANNUALREPORT 201 INTERNATIONAL UNION OF GEODESY AND GEOPHYSICS UNION GEODESIQUE ET GEOPHYSIQUE INTERNATIONALE IUGG Annual Report 2013 Published by Secretary General Alik Ismail-Zadeh No ISSN: 1038-3846 IUGG Annual Report 2013 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................................... 4 MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT.................................................................................................. 9 MESSAGE FROM THE SECRETARY GENERAL ......................................................................... 10 IUGG ACTIVITIES ............................................................................................................................... 11 ACTIVITIES OF THE UNION ASSOCIATIONS ............................................................................. 43 International Association of Cryospheric Sciences (IACS) ................................................................. 44 International Association of Geodesy (IAG) ........................................................................................ 48 International Association of Geomagnetism and Aeronomy (IAGA) .................................................. 52 International Association of Hydrological Sciences (IAHS) ............................................................... 57 International Association of Meteorology and Atmospheric Sciences (IAMAS) ................................ 60 International Association for the Physical Sciences of