Greek Journeys and Philosophical Reflections Reflections

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Greek Greek JourneysJourneys andand PhilosophicalPhilosophical ReflectionsReflections

SPECIALSPECIAL ISSUEISSUE OFOF MODERNMODERN GREEKGREEK STUDIESSTUDIES (AUSTR(AUSTRAALIALIA ANDAND NEWNEW ZEALAND)ZEALAND)

EDITORS:EDITORS: MICHAELMICHAEL TSIANIKASTSIANIKAS ∙∙ GEORGEGEORGE COUVALISCOUVALIS ∙∙ MARIAMARIA PALAKTSOGLOUPALAKTSOGLOU printed using 100% solar power. created2print.com AdelaideAdelaide 20192019 Greek Journeys and Philosophical Reflections Greek Journeys and Philosophical Reflections

SPECIAL ISSUE OF MODERN GREEK STUDIES (AUSTRALIA AND NEW ZEALAND)

Edited by: Michael Tsianikas George Couvalis Maria Palaktsoglou Modern Greek Studies Association of Australia and New Zealand Adelaide 2019 Series: Journal of Modern Greek Studies (Australia and New Zealand) — Special Issue

Title: Greek Journeys and Philosophical Reflections Edited by: Michael Tsianikas, George Couvalis, Maria Palaktsoglou The contributions in this special issue on Greek Journeys and Philosophical Reflections, are all refereed through the standard process of blind peer reviewing. The journal is a DEST recognised publication.

ISSN: 1039-2831

Published: Adelaide, 2019 All correspondence to: Department of Language Studies – Modern Greek Flinders University GPO Box 2100 ADELAIDE SA 5001 AUSTRALIA

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Copyright in each contribution to this journal belongs to its author. © 2019, Modern Greek Studies Association of Australia and New Zealand All rights reserved. No part of this publication may reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic, mechanical or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher.

Modern Greek Studies Association of Australia and New Zealand President: Vrasidas Karalis, University of Sydney Vice-President: Elizabeth Kefallinos, Macquarie University Secretary: Panagiotis Diamantis, University of Technology, Sydney Treasurer: Panayiota Nazou, University of Sydney MGSAANZ was founded in 1990 as a professional association by scholars and researchers in Australia and New Zealand engaged in Greek Studies. Membership is open to all interested in any area of Greek studies (history, literature, culture, transition, economy, gender studies, sexualities, linguistics, cinema, Diaspora, etc). Dedicated to Layla Plummer.

Hard Working. A Well Organised Mind. A Charismatic Soul.

A Leader. Contents

Grief and Consolation in Greece and Rome: Ancient and Modern Perspectives……………………………………………………………………...1 Han Baltussen, University of Adelaide

The Puzzle of the Pseudo-Platonic Axiochus………………………………16 Rick Benitez, University of Sydney

Philoponus, Kant, and Russell on the Beginning of Time………………36 George Couvalis, Flinders University, Adelaide

Aristotle and Democracy……………………………………………………..53 Scott Mann, Western Sydney University

Euclid’s Geometry: the Case of Contradiction…………………………….71 Chris Mortensen, University of Adelaide

Plato and Hurka and the Place of Reason in the Good Life……………..84 Matthew Usher, Flinders University, Adelaide

From Ancient Greek Myth to Contemporary Science in Australia: Cronus as an Environmental Hypothesis…………………………………………..101 Helena González-Vaquerizo, Autonomous University of Madrid

Evangelising Zeus: the Illiad According to Loukanes…………………..123 Calliope Dourou, Harvard University

Australians in Crete in World War II…………...…………………………143 Peter Monteath, Flinders University, Adelaide

vii Gorootamos and After: Tom Barnes’ Greek Archive, 1942–……….163 Katherine Barnes, Australian National University, Canberra

Greasy Spoon Dagoes: Sydney’s Greek FoodCaterin henomenon s– …………………………………………………………………...…186 Leonard Janiszewski, Macquarie University, Sydney Effy Alexakis, Macquarie University, Sydney

dentity and ocial Connection of Gree ancin in iasora ………..217 Maria-Irini Avgoulas, LaTrobe University, Melbourne Rebecca Fanany, Central Queensland University

ost in ranslation nestiatin the inuistic and Concetual nderstandin of ranslated et for lder dults of Gree acround …………………………………………………………………….232

Michael Tsianikas, Flinders University, Adelaide Irene Belperio, Flinders University, Adelaide

ersonal arratie fter troe: tories from ilinual GreeEnlish mmirants iin in outh ustralia…….……………………...………..260 Maria Kambanaros, Cyprus University of Technology, Limassol

GreeAustralian Women’s Love Poetry: of Terrain and ransnationalism …..…………………………………………………………280

Konstandina Dounis, LaTrobe University, Melbourne

eliious acraments and ance in the Gree rthodo Church………………………………………………………………………….301 Patricia Riak, Montclair State University, New Jersey

he mae of uins in Gree estheticism: Eoin the istant ast and eflectin the uman Emotion………………………………….319 Panagiota Douti, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens

viii Grief and onsolation in Greece and ome: Ancient and odern Perspectives

Han Baltussen1

In this talk I surveyed various ancient and modern approaches to grief in order to study the enduring problem of how we humans cope with grief and how these can be productively studied from a comparative angle. The recent upsurge in the study of grief and consoling strategies is especially interested in the healing arts, which is making use of various mechanisms from the humanistic tradition to cope with grief and loss. The paper hopes to spark new debates on how a diachronic analysis can allow for discovering new approaches. It will become clear that we need a great variety of solutions to allow for the processing of grief across a broad spectrum of personalities.

Preface: reflecting on death, grief and consolation

Grief and death are slowly emerging from the shadows of a long-standing taboo and it is important that we acknowledge the experience as a deeply human one, known to humankind since the beginning of time. My interest in this project on grief in antiquity began some ten years ago, not from a morbid interest in death and dying, but because I saw the significance of ancient writings for this crucial aspect of our human lives, that is, how we cope with grief. The topic has made quite a come-back in recent years as for instance in Time magazine, where a cover article revealed the grief of a highly placed executive of Google,2 or when in the New York Times recent

1 I want to thank the organisers for their kind invitation and for this opportunity to share some of my work with a wider audience. This talk is a revised version of my talk for the Australian National University in 2012, building on Baltussen, 2009a, 2013. 2 Sheryl Sandberg, who published a book about her experience Option B. Facing Adversity, Building Resilience, and Finding Joy in 2017.

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books on grief were reviewed. This recent public focus has been noted by many and some believe that the death of Diana, Princess of Wales, played a role in this development. Parallels abound between us and earlier historical periods and it is worth our while exploring the lasting value of coping mechanisms and grief strategies.3 In this paper I will argue that antiquity also experienced a new important development in grief management and that their insights may well inform our own approaches to grief. I will start from the fifth century BC Greek orator Antiphon who claimed to have a method to heal grief. In making rhetorical techniques his tool, he started something quite new in that he now applied consciously and purposefully what others before him had explored intuitively. I am calling this new approach the therapeutic turn, a phrase which I will for the moment clarify as: the significant change in how one human consciously attempts to assist other humans with their grief in a way that relies on language. Many of you will be familiar with the claim that Greek philosophers believed that philosophy could have a therapeutic role: it was for the mind what medicine was for the body. And while all my examples today will exhibit some philosophical influence, what needs emphasising is that the earliest therapeutic use of language came about in the context of rhetorical practice. Admittedly, Thucydides’ marvellous report on the funeral speech of Pericles is quite famous as a rhetorical case of public consolation (Pelop. War 2.34–46). But I would hold that this case represents a different type in which the act of consolation is addressed to the community, in this case, to clarify the sacrifice made and lift the spirits of the citizens — which Pericles of course did by turning the speech into a eulogy of Athens itself and the Athenian way of life. Antiphon’s claim was different: according to our sources, he set up shop in the marketplace and promised that he could cure individuals by way of analysing the causes of their grief and by using words (διὰ λόγων):

Antiphon is said to have composed tragedies both by himself and with the tyrant Dionysius. While he was still involved in poetry he designed a method for the cure of grief (τέχνη ἀλυπίας), on the analogy of the treatment of the sick by doctors and, getting himself a dwelling in Corinth near the market-place, he advertised that he was able to cure those suffering from grief through [the power of] words (διὰ λόγων); and discovering the causes of their sickness by

3 I cannot in this paper deal with all relevant texts, such as literary, philosophical and “fringe- consolation” such as Plato’s Phaedo, Hyperides’ Epitaphios or pseudo-Plutarch’s Consolation to Apollonius. See Baltussen, 2013.

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inuiry he ave consolation to sufferers. trans. illon, , slihtly modified

The power of the word is here invoed in a very special way. t is also striin that poetic sensiility is implied earlier in the tet, and the fact that his approach is called a technē, a method ased on sills. am readin this as referrin to rhetorical sills customised for rief counsellin. This, then, is my main theme for this paper: the oriin and development of a new method of dealin with rief, a therapeutic turn, which started in ancient reece and developed further in ome e.. icero, eneca, Plutarch, alen and how it may hold some lessons for us today. To me the relevance for today is uite clear. e are all aware of our mortality and anticipate it. The need for rief epression in words is apparent across history and different cultures. ut it is striin that, in the past years or so, the modern study of rief has intensified consideraly, as it has more recently for the ancient world. ne important trend has een to diversify the types of rief and allow for reater variety in dealin with it. There is ood reason to as why this is the case, even if some important studies were done in the last century. ifferent views have een put forward to eplain this trend: the rise of the social sciences, secularisation and the need for uidance in ritual, the Second World War and its subsequent “age of anxiety” accompanied with the rise of Proac. t is uite possile that all these factors played a role, ut my proect has taen its cue primarily from the more recent chanes in pulic rief epression, and — in the contet of resolvin mental disorders — the increasin critiue of medicinal approaches leadin to a movement of usin the Arts in resolvin rief. Perhaps lie retirement, death is a topic most of us prefer to deal with later — and with increased lonevity this is perhaps a luury we can afford. ut unlie retirement, death has a way of imposin itself more freuently, disruptin our daily routines when family or friends are taen. n modern testimonies one may uote the wellknown example from C.S. Lewis’ remarale memoir A Grief Observed which opens with the statement: “No one ever told me that grief felt so much like fear” (1961:5) or Joan Didion’s memoir The Year of Magical Thinking: “Grief, when it comes, is nothing

ee ownie, and ertmann, .

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we expect it to be” (26), or Meryl Streep in her comments on her husband’s death. eing at a loss for words has clear ancient parallels.5 Consider the ancient testimonies like Cicero, Seneca, or Jerome, and we need no longer be surprised to find that the ancients knew about loss in as many forms as we do: loss of child, parents, pets, property, dignity, and country. t is said that lexander the Great was inconsolable oer the death of his horse, that Cicero (about whom we will hear more later) bemoaned his exile, as did the poet id, and the famous physician Galen needed all his composure to cope with the loss of his carefully collected store of medication, recipes as well as quite a few of his writings after a fire in ome. he struggle to contain emotions by rational means is as old as human documents allow us to trace. hanks to a range of suriing written sources we know that humans hae long found a need to express their grief, or as Shakespeare put it, “to give sorrow words”. But once rhetoric and soon philosophy became more mature, they hae pursued ways to use language as the cure. n my talk examine Greek and oman sources which offer a rich untapped reseroir to show how reading and writing can assist in coping with grief.

Ancient emotions: the enefits of a comparative approach

efore dele into some Greek and oman texts, a brief word on modern grief studies will be helpful. t is worth pointing out that, notwithstanding Freud’s Mourning and Melancholia (191), modern grief studies based on systematic empirical research are only 6 years old and that recently considerable debate on the best methods has made it into something of a “hot” topic. he first empirical research into acute grief in the famous Lindemann study as recent as 19 showed the great ariety of symptoms and responses to grief, thereby breaking with the ictorian attitude of the “stiff upperlip” or the advice to “just get on with it”.6 urther work in the

5 .g. Cicero Fam. 12.30 “I am writing to you, but I have nothing to say”; Seneca Agamemnon “There is no limit to weeping, Cassandra, because / what we are suffering has vanquished limit itself”; Jerome Consoling Heliodorus 1 “the greater a subject is, the more completely a person is overwhelmed and cannot find words to unfold its grandeur”. 6 he past few decades hae seen renewed and liely debate about grief and how to deal with it, many building on Bowlby’s studies of attachment and loss (1969–19), but also offering

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190s by John Bowlby focused on the motherchild attachment and its impact on later experiences of attachment, separation and loss. nd later still, we find the rise of the socalled “healing arts”. That said, the benefits of a comparative approach for a study of grief are considerable. ew methodological perspectives and hindsight are always a useful part of historical analysis, if used correctly, but modern methods and conceptual tools also assist in gaining greater clarity on meaning, context and development of the topic. ere I am not merely following the influence of social sciences upon historical studies since the 1960s, but also specifically the growing debate outside academe on the nature of emotions. In the public sphere I am here thinking, for instance, of the appearance of a range of so called selfdisclosure documents, memoirs which reflect on the loss of an intimate (e.g. C.S. ewis, A Grief Observed; J. idion, The Year of Magical Thinking; bigail Carter, The Alchemy of Loss; Megan O’Rourke, The Long Goodbye). s you can see, the authors have come up with very imaginative titles. These are not diaries with sentimental outpourings of emotions, but well-crafted accounts of their grief.

omer

I will come to my two case studies in a moment, and will return to modern parallels where relevant, but first I would like to use one short example from omer to make clear how different the approach to grief was before the therapeutic turn. For a long time, the ancient reeks had little to assist them in times of distress except for rituals, music and lament. In omer we find chilles in

new theoretical approaches, especially regarding cultural differences and types of grief. In other words, we have become more sensitive to the usefulness of mourning (orwit akefield, 200), to the psychological mechanisms underlying grief responses (Bowlby, 1969–190; arkes), to the different causes of loss, and to the culturally distinctive factors involved (arkesaungani) in processing and resolving difficult emotions. Both quotes are taken from orwit and akefield, 20030. They have already become studied in their own right by Jeffrey Bermann Companionship in rief. ove and oss in the Memoirs of CS ewis, John Bayley, onald all, Joan idion and Calvin Trillin (2010). I omit for the moment a curious incident of a medicinal cure for grief, when elen uses a special concoction which is said to be nêpenthês “griefassuaging”, in Book 4 of the Odyssey (ll.22–22) to cure her husband Menelaus and their guest Telemachus, who are both struck by a bout of grief when reminiscing about dysseus.

B a sorroful state hen his friend atroclus has died he situation is colicated chilles has not onl een ocotting the ar effort, ut as a result of this atroclus rooses to go to attle in his lace wearing his armour, and chilles lets hi his engenders a sense of guilt hich colicates his grief Iliad –

lack cloud of grief cae shrouding oer chilles Both hands claing the ground for soot and filth e oured it oer his head, fouled his handsoe face nd lack ashes settled into his fresh clean arshirt Oeroered in all this oer, sraled in the dust, chilles la there, fallen earing his hair out, defiling it ith his on hands ntilochus ent oer hi the hile, eeing and holding oth his hands as he la groaning for he feared that he ight lunge a knife into his on throat hen chilles gae a loud cr

Remarkably Achilles’ behaviour is that of oen ourners, ut ore etree, so uch so, that it frightens his coanion ho interrets his ehaiour as otentiall suicidal n this case we can see ho he is rought don the oerful i of seeral eotions ride, guilt and grief n his great coentar on the Iliad of the earl tentieth centur — adittedl ritten hen scholarshi centred on tetual criticis — alter eaf focused ostl on conentional literar and linguistic analsis graar and orholog focusing on the ord ‘clean’: “‘clean’ translates the peculiar nektareôi hich roal eans euôdes niceselling, since hers ere used to resere garents … the cloak may be a present from Thetis” (ol eaf as of course not riaril interested in ancient faric softeners, ut in deterining the correct tet and elaining the eaning of ords, not eotions ould hold that a schologising reading leads to a richer and ore rearding insight into the eotie effect of such a assage, roided it is ieed ithin a ider deeloent of attitudes and resonses to grief ntihon is iortant as a ridging factor of that transition into a ne orld of grief anageent in fifth centur B thens, hen his grief strateg is to eloit rhetorical techniues nstead of ritual, oaning and selfit, e no find ore rational aroaches to grief, a search for the right ord, turn of hrase, to change the outlook or at least ood of the addressee. I already quoted one passage for Antiphon’s innovation at the

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start of this paper and ho his interest in poetry as brought into connection ith rhetorical skills and knoledge of causes. A second passage also mentions his poer to drive out grief ith the use of language (Philostr. I.:

Antiphon developed great poers of persuasion … and he announced a course on ‘griefassuaging’ lectures [nêpentheis akroaseis asserting that no one could tell him of a grief so terrible that he could not root it out of the mind.

ote ho the term nêpentheis links this tet to the unique occurrence in omer hen elen offers a special drink to enelaus and Telemachus (Od. . to relieve their grief when they reflect on Odysseus’ fate and the Troan ar. rudely stated hereafter it is not just ritual, but reason that deals ith the emotions especially hen it comes to consolatory ritings. hilosophical vies ould begin to dominate the ays of thinking but hile their influence has been studied in great detail their efficacy has not. y net eample from Rome shos the continuity of reek strategies but also the further internalisation of the consolation process hen icero almost singlehandedly invents the selfconsolation. In this case both reading and riting prove crucial to the process of mourning and healing. ut he does this because he discovers philosophy is inadequate. Cicero’s case is truly a sad one, because we can confidently say that he as illprepared for hat ate had in store for him. A successful politician and orator he lived in the tumultuous last days of the Republic. e kno about his grief responses from three types of documents: letters a consolation (only fragments and a philosophical discussion of grief and other emotions. nly one had been studied seriously (the Tusculans hen I came to the material. o here I have attempted to make a ne contribution to the debate. Traditionally icero as berated for riting about his grief. The Renaissance scholar etrarch declared it a disappointment historians in the s ere equally unimpressed calling his Consolatio a sentimental schoolboy essay.

s. lut. Lives of Ten Orators – T(a endrick trans. illon modified. hilostratus I. learius T(d endrick. The doubts about these testimonies as unreliable retroections (endrick ad loc. are not conclusive (see altussen .

he weaness of these readings is that they udged Cicero by odern standards. I think we can improve our understanding of Cicero’s grief by including all three tyes of his writings as art of his grief wor, and with one new eleent that we ae use of the odern conention of iewing grief as a process this will allow us to identify grief stages and tae the self consolation ore seriously in the rocess of healing et us first consider what actually haened to Cicero e lost his daughter after she had ust gien birth in ebruary C e was lunged into a eriod of grief, which lasted seeral onths, as is clear fro his letters to tticus e had lost his ublic status due to olitical turoil, his wife to diorce, and on to of that now his beloed only child n other words, he had lost his ride in his wor as olitician and the safe haen of his faily hoe he loss of his daughter tied hi oer the edge and landed hi in a deression his sytos fit the tye of grief nowadays called athological or abnoral grief n one letter he writes: “For after trying eerything, hae nothing, in which can find eace or while dealt with that, about which hae written to you before, — as it were — fostered y ain ow reect eerything and find nothing to be ore bearable than solitude” (Letters to Atticus n breach of the social code of his tie and class, Cicero adits that he is inconsolable, and een that he is fostering his grief. He withdrew from Rome’s political scene and stayed in the countryside. Cicero’s special situation and resulting isolation elain his resonses to the agony of grief he has to figure it out hiself, and does so first by reading eerything he could find on coing with grief and loss, and net, by writing ut these are not rando scribblings after a telling silence of soe wees, he gets going, does research and inoles tticus in finding aterials hen he reeals his urose he has written a self-consolation — which he clais is an unrecedented thing earably, the orator has addressed himself somehow and made an effort to cope with his loss. Cicero’s use of ersuasion or encourageent, based on a strong belief in the theraeutic alue of the word, is to be eected Only later does he reflect

Compare Didion: “I was taught from childhood to go to the literature in time of trouble, [so read eerything could get y hands on about grief eoirs, noels, howto boos, insirational toes, The Merck Manual. othing read about grief seeed to eactly eress the craziness of it …” [interview].

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philosophically himself in the Tusculans. In modern terms: the addressee is in fact asked to re-conceptualise their situation, that is, they are invited to re evaluate their views on the circumstances which have led to their emotional state. In essence, it is not far removed from recent modern approaches to aniety, distress and bereavement in Cognitive ehavioural herapy (C an approach influenced by toicism. In this method patients are also encouraged to reconsider their interpretation of circumstances or events and to change their perspective by imagining different outcomes, in particular the preferred outcome. Again, in modern terms, Cicero is “relearning the world”. This tripartite way of explaining Cicero’s response to loss has the advantage that we do not just approach Cicero’s emotional state of mind in theoretical ideals (as reflected in his Tusculans, but in pragmatic terms (as I detailed in altussen, . His proud statement that he has done something uniue shows that he has moved on from his terrible personal tragedy, something his stylised philosophical account in Tusculans cannot reveal. his interpretation relies on the renewed attention for the value of the emotions not only in our own psychic lives, but also in ancient belief systems as well. he remarkable neglect of his letters may have been caused by the fact that most readers found his laments and cries of woe rather painful and embarrassing and prefer to leave them aside. hese udgments are clearly based on rather anachronistic notions of the appropriateness of grief epression. he crucial point to take away here is that Cicero ignored philosophical advice and went his own way in creating a document intended for both himself and for other Romans as a source of consolation. Cicero’s case shows remarkable parallels to those of C.. ewis and oan Didion, since all sought solace in their reading and writing. For them writing was not only their professional skill but a comfort zone, and they have managed to “write the wrongs” in a way that suits them. s eamples of

I borrow the phrase from Thomas Attig’s book title: How We Grieve. Relearning the World ( who, according to the blurb, “rejects the grief stages and phases offered by KublerRoss, ngels, indemann, owlby, and the medical profession as static and too automatic. Instead he considers grief to be an individualized process”. lthough rskine ( has recently offered a fair account of Cicero’s grief experience, his analysis does not go far enough. A phrase used in a recent newspaper article (“Spectrum”, The Sydney Morning Herald, ctober –, :. I owe this reference to my colleague Dr acueline Clarke.

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selfconsolation such activities would in modern terms be accepted as valid therapeutic tools. ut in both cases, this was an intuitive act of selfprotection and turning inward. C.S. ewis had great difficulty to get his brutally honest selfdisclosure published in the early s, while Cicero had very little choice when he had no public or private context to communicate his grief along conventional lines. e did receive letters from other senators, but these contain the more standard types of common exhortations, basically saying “count your blessings in these difficult times and get on with it”. What he did instead is read everything there was in his friend’s library, and when he considered this unhelpful or ineffective, write his own consolation, this time to himself. ut this was not all, for we can now see that Cicero underestimated the effect his reading and writing had:

ou exhort me and say others want me to hide the depth of my grief. Can I do so better than by spending all days in writing Though I do it, not to hide, but rather to soften and to heal my feelings, still, if I do myself little good, I certainly keep up appearances. (Letters to Atticus .

erhaps it was not acceptable or perhaps he was not allowed to admit it — a oman senator in such difficult times should not place his own problems above those of the state — yet there is at least the admission that it distracted him somewhat. And on top of that, after his consolation he launched into a phase of furious writing activity, concentrating on philosophy. ere he was much influenced by the first philosophical consolation by the reek latonist Crantor. e know only that Crantor wrote to a friend who had lost a son, because the work does not survive. ut Cicero admits that this reek work was of immense importance to him. To this phase belong his Tusculan Discussions and I would argue that this therapy included some further skillbased activity, namely translating reek philosophy — a demanding and technical skill which had a lasting influence on the philosophical tradition in atin. Thus Cicero, author by nature and therapist by necessity, was able to “bootstrap” himself out of his grief, and in his own eyes, regained social and intellectual respectability from his reading and writing activities.

ilcox, . I defend this interpretation in . altussen, :–.

Plutarch

y final and favourite eample is a brief but striing reminder how the use of the right words can be a powerful tool to assist someone in their grief. he ree philosopher, writer and priest lutarch around , was forced to write a letter of consolation to his wife, when he heard about the death of their two year old daughter. e happened to be travelling, and the letter offers a fascinating glimpse of a private letter, which uses philosophical ideas, yet also reveals something of the author’s emotional state. he document is an elegant and wellstructured piece of writing, but for our purposes and in view of the time available will concentrate on one short passage, which sums up much of his strategy in offering solace to his wife. lutarch leads into the advice by using some standard elements nown from rhetoric they offer encouragement and praise to cheer up the addressee. ut a more important component of the strategy is to mae elaborate use of good memories. hat is, instead of avoiding taling about the deceased child, he focuses on her. his may loo a somewhat sentimental passage to us, but it is more than that let me read it out first see altussen,

she was the daughter you wanted after four sons and she gave me the opportunity to give her your name. here is special savor in our affection for children at that age it lies in the purity of the pleasure they give, the freedom of any crossness or complaint. he herself too had great natural goodness and gentleness of temper her response to affection and her generosity both gave pleasure and enabled us to perceive the human indness in her nature. he would as her nurse to feed not only other babies but the obects and toys that she lied playing with, and would generously invite them, as it were to her table, offering the good things she had and sharing her greatest pleasures with those who delighted her. trans. ussell

espite his use of some standard elements lutarch clearly succeeds in adding a personal touch to the response, appealing to a shared eperience of special significance for both parents as well as shared grief. he lively portrayal of the child is both moving and generous as a tribute to the child

wor attributed to him, Consolatio ad Apollonium, is not a genuine lutarchan wor. t does have some significance for the consolation tradition, but it is less relevant for my purpose here. ee onstan, . am concentrating on the emotive part of the strategy for the rational component see altussen, a –.

and the mother. ather than assume that this shared eeriene ould e readily availale for reall, he gives a striing haraterisation of the hild, “picturing” her ith ords as a last triute and as a lasting image for the mother to treasure. n other ords, this striing assage ontriutes to the value of the letter as a memento of the hild, to e read and reread long after her demise. uh a vivid evoation ith otential emotional imat is tyial of a literary tehniue alled ekphrasis. here are other sutle tehniues used in this letter, ut leave those aside to mae one more, small oint aout suh refined riting in relation to deely usetting nes. ome modern ommentators have aused lutarh of insinerity in his literary omosition of the letter instead of ra emotion e get a finely omosed letter. oes this mae his emotion less genuine thin not inherent style and revisions of the tet an elain this.

onclusion

or my final omments return to the modern day and offer a fe very ui arallels efore sum u my main oints. ne ay to loo at the reneed imortane of the study into grief is to identify the turning oint in the tentieth entury ith regard to uli mourning. n this oint find it diffiult to go ast the ase of riness iana someho in , her death triggered a hange in ho grief as dislayed in uli that as different from efore. Earl Spencer’s speech in praise of the people’s princess was not only a elllanned emotional eulogy, ut also a uite sutle and suversive ritiue of the ress and the royal family arl ener, etemer ,

iana was the very essence of compassion, of duty, of style, of beauty. … she as a symol of selfless humanity, a standardearer for the rights of the truly dontrodden, a very ritish girl ho transended nationality. omeone ith a natural noility ho was classless …

In his emotive praise of the “people’s princess” Spencer combines the eulogy for her harater ith implicit criticism on the Royal family’s aground erman, la of omassion, and inherited noility. here is good reason to elieve that the death of riness iana reared the ay for uli emotional outouring. ith her death something unreedented ourred and things had hanged ermanently.

RIE SI I REEE RE IE ER ERSEIES

ut this modern case is not unprecedented in the year the hugely popular grandson of ugustus and designated heir of iberius, ermanicus, died unepectedly under suspicious circumstances his death caused huge public display of mourning in Rome and the empire. he account in acitus shows how important eulogy was in honouring his memory

His funeral, … was honoured by panegyrics and a commemoration of his virtues. Some, thinking of his beauty, his age, … likened his end to that of Alexander the reat. oth had a graceful person and were of noble birth, and died in a foreign place, … ut ermanicus was gracious to his friends, temperate in his pleasures, the husband of one wife, with only legitimate children. Annals .

ut what is implied here, with the same subtlety as Earl Spencer’s, is that he had the eact opposites ualities to iberius. o conclude, I have, in very brief terms, argued how a significant change in attitude to grief occurred in fifthcentury reece, and tried to show that grief is a special case which allows for comparative analysis with modern eperiences. ore importantly, the recent trends over the past three decades also show a change in our attitudes, one of greater openness, and improved therapeutic practices. ultural differences aside, the study of grief management across time shows at least three things that we do well to regard grief as a process that may not have a definite ending but can benefit from an activity of some sort, and the choice of which activity has to be a personal one that reading and writing can play a maor role in the healing process and that there still is not one method to apply to every individual case. his point stries at the heart of the parado of grief and the notion of empathy we all consider our grief uniue, while at the same we there is a sense that we now what the other is going through. he similarities between grief management across time creates an opportunity to explore its “literary capital” for the benefit of the bereaved within the contet of the ealing rts. It is in this spirit that I will continue to pursue the lessons of the ancient world in an attempt to connect with the latest trends of the healing arts, which encourage an active attitude whether it is reading, writing, waling, poetry or music as various forms of therapy. nd if our world needs famous personalities lie Sheryl Sandberg to show the way, then so be it.

HA ASSE

Select Biliography

Attig, Attig, How We Grieve. Relearning the World xford xford niersity ress altussen, a H Baltussen, “Private grief and public mourning in Plutarch’s Consolation to His Wife”, American Journal of Philology , – altussen, b H. Baltussen, “A grief observed: Cicero on remembering Tullia”, Mortality. A Journal for the Interdisciplinary Study of Death and Dying , – altussen, H. Baltussen, “Marcus Aurelius and the therapeutic use of soliloquy”. In Emotion, Power and Status in Antiquity. Papers in Honour of R.F. Newbold, ed Sidwell and ino – iscataway, ew ersey orgias ress altussen, H altussen, “Cicero’s translation of Greek philosophy: personal mission or public service?” In A Sea of Languages: Rethinking the History of Western Translation, ed S cElduff and E Sciarrino – anchester St erome ublishing altussen, H altussen, “Cicero’s Consolatio ad se: character, purpose and impact of a curious treatise”. In Greek and Roman Consolations. Eight Studies of a Tradition and its Afterlife, ed. H. Baltussen. Swansea: Classical Press of Wales. Bertman, 1999 S ertman ed, Grief and the Healing Arts: Creativity as Therapy ew ork aywood ublishing ompany owlby, – owlby, Attachment and Loss: Attachment, ol Separation: Anxiety and Anger, ol Loss: Sadness and Depression, ol ondon Hogarth ress idion, idion, The Year of Magical Thinking. ew ork nopf ownie, ownie, The Healing Arts. An Oxford Illustrated Anthology xford xford niersity ress Erskine, A Erskine, “Cicero and the expression of grief’. In The Passions in Roman Thought and Literature, ed S raund and ilson – ambridge ambridge niersity ress

GI A CATI I GC A M: ACIT A M PPCTI

reud, Sigmund Freud, “Mourning and melancholia (1917)”. In : –. ondon: Penguin. Gill, C. Gill, “Ancient psychotherapy”, , :–. Graver, M. Graver, . . Chicago: Chicago niversity Press. Horit and akefield, A.. Horit and .C. akefield, . . e ork xford: xford niversity Press. assel, . assel, . Mnchen: Beck. eis, C.. eis, . an rancisco: Harper and o. Parkes and Markus, C.M. Parkes and A. Markus eds., . ondon: BM Books. andberg, . andberg, . . ondon: bury Press. hite, . hite, “Cicero and the therapists”. In , ed. .G.. Poell: –. xford: xford niversity Press. ilcox, A, Wilcox, “Paternal grief and the public eye: Cicero .”, , –:–.

The Pule of the PseudoPlatonic Axiochus

Rick Benitez

Although the as already recognised as spurious in antiuity, it enoyed a signiicant status along ith other in the . oeer, its arguments seem carelessly coled together. hey are mutually inconsistent and internally laed. Scholars hae addressed this issue in dierent ays. Some argue that the is irredeemaly conused. thers argue that the dialogue elongs to the genre o consolation literature, in hich consistency as not expected. More recently, im O’Keefe has argued that the dialogue demonstrates the Socratic practice o “therapeutic inconsistency”, showing readers how to use invalid arguments to induce comorting elies. he inconsistencies are est explained, hoeer, as a parody o ellenistic therapeutic arguments. At the same time, the underscores a longstanding latonic emphasis on thining critically een in the ace o death. his emphasis as demonstrated in the y Socrates’ commitment to argument hen his interlocutors ere araid or him and themseles. It is demonstrated in the y the ay Socrates repeatedly encourages Axiochus to consider the arguments he presents. he consoling therapy o the , I shall argue, is simply that the practice o reasoning calms ears y setting them to one side.1

. ntroduction

he is a Socratic dialogue written in the style of Plato’s early works. We no nothing or certain aout its origin except that the third century

1 arts o this paper ere presented at the 1th International Conerence on ree esearch, Flinders niersity 17, and at a urham niersity epartment o Classics Seminar that same year. A uller ersion as presented at a niersity o Sydney hilosophy epartment Seminar in Septemer 1. I ould lie to than aid ronstein, an altussen, Matilda oard, Anthony ooper, eorge oysStones and hilip ory or helpul adice.

iographer iogenes aertius lists it among the dialogues that were already in antiquity acknowledged to be spurious “by common consent” homologoumenōs ... t is eceedingly short aout half the length of Platos shortest dialogue, . n dramatic structure it resemles most closely Platos comic dialogues and . ccording to arold eathery the was attributed to Aeschines “from an early date”, while Renaissance Neoplatonists “thought it was by Xenophon”. hese attriutions are undoutedly erroneous, ut they suggest that despite its confessed inauthenticity the enoyed a significant reputation as a Socratic work, for a long time within cademic circles. he author, whoever he is, clearly knows his Plato, and is respectful towards cademic positions. hese few facts aout the , along with its preservation in the are sufficient to discount the view that the work originated outside of the cademy, or that its intent is hostile to Plato.

imothy OKeefe wrongly asserts that the was “grouped by Thrasyllus among the spurious dialogues at the end of his canon of Platos works”. In fact, it is not included in the canon of hrasyllus as reported y iogenes, who is our only source. hether this was ecause hrasyllus already knew the work to e spurious hroust, or for some other reason, we may only speculate. he fact that iogenes mentions several while discussing the canon of ristophanes of yantium which predates hrasyllus suggests that the may have een in eistence from around the end of the third century , ut that is hardly conclusive. he attriution of the psPlatonic to eschines is ased upon a confusion. eschines wrote a dialogue called iogenes aertius ., ut fragments preserved in thenaeus ., Priscians . and ulius Pollus . show that this was a different work. he attriution of the ps Platonic to enophon is proaly ased upon conecture aout the identity of the Persian magus, oryas mentioned in the dialogue as the source of an eschatological myth, since enophon descries a certain oryas in his ..–. t is unlikely that these are the same person, however, since enophons oryas was a general, not a magus. he contains echoes of the and a direct reference to the and mention of persons familiar from other Socratic dialogues. or the echoes, compare c– with cd see urley, , a–e with a–c see OKeefe, n and c–d with – and –. he reference to the appears at c, where the setting of the is descried in some detail. a mentions linias, harmides, and amon, familiar respectively from the and .

T T ATNI

About its date we are uncertain. It has been suggested, though without sufficient eidence, that its style and ocabulary are ellenistic Taran, n eefe, . ore significant is the fact that it contains two passages presenting arguments about death and notbeing that were standard in picurean philosophy d–e, b–a. It would be remarkable if the or its source material predated picurus, so a date much before the beginning of the third century is implausible. It is probably a product of the Academy, sometime between – . eyond that we can only guess.

. Summary of the Axiochus

The plot and structure of the are straightforward. ocrates is asked to isit Aiochus on his deathbed to calm his fears about dying, and he presents arguments for why Aiochus should not be afraid. i arguments

utchinson places the composition of the between and . eefe says that it could hae been composed anywhere between and (2006:389), but then, following Hershbell (1981:1), says that it “was probably composed in the second century E or later” (2006:390). Taylor (1911:550) says simply that it is “full of nonAttic words and phrases”. That much is certainly true. And there are some words, such as e and c that hae a distinctly toic ring to them cf. utchinson, . ut een these words are used in a way that is not found in toicism see eefe, n Taran, n. Both passages present versions of the standard, general “Death is Nothing to Us” argument, according to which there is no reason to fear death because while we lie, death has not occurred, and when death has occurred, we are no longer. The first passage d–e contains in addition what has come be known as the “Symmetry Argument” according to which one has as little to fear from a future after death as one had to fear from a past before one was born. This supplement to the general argument is known to us only from ucretius III.–. The second passage b–a resembles the argument that appears in picurus –, though it includes an additional reference to cylla and entaur noneistent creatures that is reminiscent of ucretius I.–743), along with a response to what is known as the “Deprivation of Goods” counterargument, which is also reminiscent of ucretius III.–. The ucretian elements make a later date tempting, but as ucretius is admittedly a pureyor rather than an inentor of arguments, this would be a hasty conecture. The itself attributes these arguments to rodicus see b, and it is possible, gien picurus propensity to take material from earlier sources without acknowledgment, that he owes some debt to rodicus see iller, , but the simplest eplanation for this curious attribution is that the author of the needs to aoid anachronism see urley, n.

BENTE

are presented in seuence two of which reprise earlier arguments. eefe (2006:388, 390, 392, 396), Socrates does not advance these arguments , but in fact attributes every one of them to another source.9 The first five arguments are attributed to rodicus (366c, 369b) and the final argument to Gobryas, an obscure ersian magus (371a, 372a). The arguments have been classified by scholars according to the similarity of their content to arguments from other sources. will follow that classification (mostly) here, but without presuming that the label implies a full commitment to their provenance or implications. The first argument (365d–e) is the “Epicurean” argument. t asserts that, as death involves the onset of “insensibility” ( 365d2), there is no reason to fear dreadful eperiences or loss of pleasant eperiences. There follows a symmetry argument:

ust as in the regime of Draco or leisthenes there was nothing bad for you (for there was no you for whom there could be anything bad), so nothing bad will happen after your death, for there will not be a you for whom there will be bad things. (365d7–e2)10

The salient point here is that there is no reason to fear death because there will be no subect of harm . The second argument (365e–366b) is the “Platonic” argument (socalled because of its resemblance to the ). According to this argument death is simply the “dissolution” () of the bodysoul compound. The body is not the human being, but rather the soul, which is immortal. During earthly life, the soul is imprisoned in the body, forced to eperience sensation, desire, pain and pleasure — all bad things on this account. hen separated from the body the soul is free to depart to its proper home, in the

9 ne could suggest that Socrates presents the first two arguments (365d–e, 365e–366b) , but even that suggestion is mitigated by Aiochus reference, prior to Socrates' presentation, to the “masterful and extraordinary arguments” ( , 365c3) he has previously heard. t would be natural for Socrates to suppose that Aiochus phrase refers to the arguments of a sophist, and for him (ironically or not) to represent such arguments. At any rate, immediately following the presentation of the first two arguments, Socrates dispels any confusion. He says, “These things I say are echoes of the wise Prodicus” (366c1, where “these things” appears to include arguments). 10 All translations in this article, unless otherwise acknowledged, are my own.

19 THE PE THE PSEPTI

heavenly aether, to live there forever. So, one should not fear death because it involves going to a better place. The third argument (366d–36b) enoins xiochus to tae comfort in death by way of contrast with the misery of life. ecause its specific content resembles material associated with rates and ion (Hershbell, 1116–1), it has been called the “Cynic” argument, even though its general tone is Tragic. It is the longest and most rhetorical of the arguments presented, and resembles, more than any other arguments in the the sort of thing found in Hellenistic consolations. The fourth and fifth arguments reprise the Epicurean and Platonic arguments, respectively. They are slightly different from the first versions, but neither one contains anything that adds significantly to the logical force of its first version. The reprise of the Epicurean argument has a curious interlude in which xiochus complains that it is distracting and ineffective, but Socrates merely responds with a more careful restatement. The reprise of the Platonic argument presents a whiff of support for the immortality of the soul (the accomplishments of the mind are not possible unless there were something divine about it, 3b–c). It follows up by reiterating that the body is a prison for the soul, and by emphasising rationality, comprehension, insight, philosophy and Truth. The final argument is made by way of an eschatological myth not entirely dissimilar to those found in Plato's and . It urges the good not to fear death, for they will be rewarded in the afterlife, while evildoers will be punished. The Platonic myths figure elsewhere in Hellenistic consolation literature and so it has been suspected that the author of the is drawing on them.11 t the same time, however, the taes care to establish the nonPlatonic credentials of the story (31a). Its immediate source is the Persian magus obryas, who heard the myth from his grandfather obryas, who learned it from brone tablets brought from Hyperborea by pis and Hecaerge. ccording to the myth, the rewards for the good include fruit, fountains, meadows, flowers, philosophy, poetry, theatre, dance, music, symposia, and feasts, that is to say, “a life of pleasures” (hēdeia diaita, 31d3). The highest honours are reserved for initiates (tois memuēmenois, 31d–6), who are associated with the Eleusinian

11 See especially psPlutarch 1e–11e. n this see oysStones (11, 13–3).

goddess hese details, especially the inclusion of so many sensual pleasures in the afterlife, suggest caution about calling the myth latonic in anything but its idest sense ccordingly, ill refer to it as the “mystery religion” argument

. The pule of the Axiochus

hat pules scholars about the is that its arguments are not consistent ith one another he picurean argument (at least as traditionally understood denies any sort of immortality fter death, both the soul and the body are dispersed and the person is no more he latonic argument contradicts that by maintaining that there is an immortal soul o does the mystery religion argument n addition, the character of the afterlife described by the mystery religion argument is inconsistent ith that described by the latonic argument or one thing, the latonic argument maes no mention of, nor does it imply, any udgment for the good or iced or another, the latonic afterlife is intellectual it involves “philosophising, not among the crowd or in the theatre, but in the midst of allsurrounding truth” (d– nd hile the first version of the latonic argument does mention feasting and dancing in the heavenly aether (a, it otherise repudiates anything sensual (a– o, either this feasting and dancing are metaphorical, or the latonic argument is selfinconsistent e may add further that the Cynic argument is inconsistent ith the general picurean vie about life f course, a life may be miserable if it pursues the rong things, but if one is prudent, good things are easy to obtain and pains are easy to endure (picurus, , , he several arguments of the , though not presented by ocrates are nevertheless not presented as disunctions o could the author of the not see ho disparate and contradictory they are cholars have responded to this pule in different ays o one has attempted to defend an interpretation of the arguments according to hich they are all consistent ith one another avid urley ( bites the

O'Keefe (2006:393n11) sketches an outline of an interpretation that “with some tweaking and twisting” could be made “to tell an almost consistent story”. For example, the inconsistency beteen the latonic argument and the mystery religion argument is no orse than similar inconsistencies found in lato (eg cf d–c ith d–d note hoever that the latter passage adds the ualification against taing it literally, d–, and the disparagement of life found in the Cynic argument is at least consistent ith some of the

OF OO bullet and declares that the author has descended into “irredeemable confusion”. Douglas utchinson (199:13) suggests that the belongs to the genre of the ellenistic consolation, wherein arguments were borrowed “from all possible sources, whether or not the ideas were mutually consistent.” More recently, imothy O'Keefe (2006:00–06) has suggested that the is intended as a primer for therapeutic practice, and that the expression of inconsistent arguments is to be explained as a techniue within that practice. ccording to O'Keefe (2006:396), “as a therapist, may be unsure which beliefs my patient holds, and so will try out arguments that derie from arious premises, whether or not they're consistent, in order to try to find one that will be effective”. one of these current proposals about the is satisfactory. n the next three sections will explain why they are unsatisfactory. Following that will present a better solution. First, will argue that the best explanation of the inconsistencies is that the is a parody of ellenistic therapeutic arguments. will show that there are other elements of parody in the that support this iew. ut the is not merely parody. t demonstrates a kind of philosophical consolation, in which preoccupation with thinking through the arguments reliees us of the fear of death.

harsher things said about life in the (e.g. 66b–6b). ut suaring the picurean argument with the latonic argument is difficult, and O'Keefe balks at that point. trictly, the two ersions of the picurean argument presented to xiochus do not assert the mortality of the soul. hey only claim that the compound of soul and body are dissoled. Nor do they claim that a person will cease to exist altogether after death, but only that “there won't be a ” (365e2). his might be taken to suggest that only the compound will cease to exist. One could argue, then, that a consistent position is sustained that asserts the existence of an impersonal, immortal soul across both the picurean and the latonic arguments. (n this connection see: “for we are soul” [hēmeis men gar esme psuchē, 36e6, where psuchē is general, not indiiduated.) his interpretation faces significant difficulties, howeer. First, we would hae to regard the picurean arguments as picurean in form, but as being deployed with a distinctiely different meaning. f some cademics had appropriated the picurean arguments in this way, one would think they would take great care to distinguish their ersion from the picurean one. o such care seems to be employed in the . n fact, the comparison of a dead person with the cylla and entaur (clearly nonexistent beings) shows a distinct lack of care in this regard. econd, there remains a uestion about who or what suries death. On the proposed interpretation, the indiidual ceases, while the impersonal soul exists foreer. ut at 36e–6 ocrates says that when the bodysoul compound is dissolved, “the body that remains, being earthly and irrational, is not the person”. This strongly implies that the soul the person, een if the immediately following “for we are soul” suggests otherwise.

22 NT

. s the Axiochus “irredeemably confused”?

harity demands that we should try to show that the is not irredeemably confused. ven though it was recognised as spurious, the was preserved in the . e must at least account for the status it held among cademics and latonists. Diogenes aertius does not cite inconsistency as a reason for inauthenticity. f course, if it was a product of the cademy, that fact alone might account for its preservation, whether its content was confused or not. ater, some of its status must have stemmed from veneration of any ocratic dialogue. f the author was supposed to have been eschines or enophon, that would have added automatically to its lustre. till, the was revered by enaissance latonists (eatherby, :), and in the sixteenth century a handsome ree edition was published in ologne (Monocerotis, 565), which was later translated by Edmund Spenser, who called it “a Most Excellent Dialogue” (52: Title page). ccording to utchinson (2:32) pensers translation provided Shakespeare with the “immediate and specific inspiration for the speech of acues in l.vii. 3–66 — ‘ll the worlds a stage’”. Naturally, none of this shows that the is not confused, but perhaps it gives some hope that it is redeemable. s for confusion, we ought to note how blatant the worst of it is. ssuming that the picurean argument implies nonexistence, the space in which ocrates asserts contradictory statements is a mere four lines: at 365e2 we have “for you will not be” (su gar ouk esēi), at 365e6 we have “for we are soul, immortal being” (hēmeis men gar esmen psuchē, zōion ). To mae matters worse, ocrates has only ust a few lines before this accused xiochus of selfcontradiction (“you contradict yourself both in what you do and what you say”, seautōi hupenantia kai poieis kai legeis, 365d– 2). The contradiction that appears when ocrates reprises the picurean and latonic arguments is similarly blatant. t 3a2 we have “the one who is not” (ho d' ouk ōn) followed directly by an argument “for the immortality of the soul” (tēs athanasias tēs psuchēs, 3b2). maingly, this passage also contains within it a rebue of xiochus for selfrefutation (“but now you contradict yourself” , 3a6–). ocrates accusation that xiochus contradicts himself is worth our attention. The selfcontradiction is subtle, to say the least. Detecting it shows

E E E SED that the author of the is not some philosophical neophyte, but is in fact sensitive to fine distinctions. et us examine what Socrates says

ut now you contradict yourself. eing afraid to be deprived of the soul, you invest the deprivation with soul, and you dread the absence of perception, but you think that you will grasp perceptually the perception that is not going to be. (a–b)

his rather sophisticated statement takes some unpacking. t appears to Socrates that xiochus is proecting himself (mistakenly) into his future dead body (“the deprivation”) in such a way that he imagines (again mistakenly) that he will feel and experience what is going on with a body that has no capacity to feel or experience anything. he contradiction is believing simultaneously that the dead body can and cannot have experiences. t is not credible that an author capable of this sophistication should fail to notice the much more blatant contradiction between notbeing and immortality. e should seek a different explanation. So, perhaps the is neither irredeemable nor confused. he reason urley assumes the author is confused is that he takes each statement made by Socrates and xiochus at face value, without regard for context. f we suppose that the author is deploying inconsistent arguments intentionally, there is no reason to suppose he is confused. he remaining interpretations of the that we shall consider all explain the apparent “confusion” as an intentional tactic.

s e Axiochus a ellenisic consolaion?

Douglas utchinson argues that the inconsistencies of the are a reflection of its genre. e regards the as a consolation piece, a type of writing that was widespread in ellenistic and oman times. ellenistic consolation literature derives from display pieces dating back at least as far as ericles and including yperides , a fourth century E work. ther sources for ellenistic consolations were therapeutic practices and writings such as Antiphon's “art of painrelief” (technē alupias pslutarch, ) or rantors . ellenistic consolation literature varied widely in style (including epistles, essays and treatises), length (from as short as lines to as long as lines), and focus (sometimes grief, sometimes fear). hat unites the genre is

its social function, “to provide consolation to specific recipients in specific situations of personal loss” (courfield ) utchinson acnowledges that if the is a consolation it is an unconventional one e may be more specific the fails to meet the expectations for a consolation in two respects irst because it is fictional it is not intended to console recipients for situations t is not a stretch however to imagine an individual consolation providing relief to a general audience in general circumstances presumably that is one reason why we still read ancient consolations today econd the does not address a situation of personal loss at least not in the usual way ocrates tries to assuage Axiochus' fear of imminent death not his grief over the loss of someone else here are however other ancient instances of encouragement in the face of death most notably in lato's and . hese texts have sometimes also been described as consolatory erhaps then we may regard the as a species of consolation one with a latonic pedigree ow might that help us with the problem of inconsistency As utchinson (1734) points out, “many letters of consolation freely borrowed arguments from all possible sources whether or not the ideas were mutually consistent”, the reason being that their authors were “less concerned with whether the arguments were true than with whether they were reassuring” utchinson further points to the explicit admission of icero ( ) that when he was in turmoil over the death of his daughter, he “threw together” () consolations from toic eripatetic picurean and yrenaic sources n this interpretation the explanation for the inconsistencies in the is that it was less concerned with whether the arguments were true than with whether they were reassuring (utchinson ) ome of the general elements of this interpretation are attractive here is certainly a resemblance between the and some nown consolations and the period in which the was written overlaps at least with some of the consolation literature he specific claim that this explains the inconsistencies in the will not wor however he longer consolations we possess are admittedly highly eclectic ors lie the pseudolutarch and icero's borrow from Academic eripatetic picurean ynic toic poetic and historical sources ften there is latent tension between the perspectives of

or the see courfield (n) or the see oystones () who describes it as an “ of philosophical ”.

the source material. ut a wor designed to alleviate suffering need not be too concerned about the tension, say, between toic and eripatetic positions on grief. nything that will alleviate acute grief will do. t the same time, these wors are, in general, a long way out from conoining argumnts that are directly contradictory, and even further away from epressing a contradiction in the space of four lines. icero may have thrown the itchen sin at his grief, but can find no point in his writings on grief where he accepts a contradiction. ndeed, there is not a single parallel, among any of the wellnown consolations, to the contradictions in the .14 t is worth noting, too, that the consolations of similar length to the (e.g. enecas and iceros letters) are rigorously consistent, while the tensions in the longer, eclectic wors are mitigated by lengthy transitions. e may return here to the function of a consolation. f the purpose is to alleviate grief or fear, then surely the consoler should avoid blatant contradiction. consolee who detects contradiction is liely to suspect the motives or the rationality of the consoler. his is even more liely in circumstances where the wor is offered to a general audience for general reflection. s we saw, the , at most, meets this condition. here is no point in considering whether or not iochus is liely to be relieved by what ocrates says. he uestion is whether the was promoted to general readers who might, on reflection, find the effective at removing fear of death. ere we find another nail for utchinsons coffin. here is no evidence of wide circulation of the . ur only evidence is that it was preserved within cademic circles. his contet of readership maes it less liely that functional eclecticism is the eplanation of its inconsistencies.

s e Axiochus a model of eraeuic arumenaion?

f the iochus does not console anyone and is not intended to console anyone, we should find an eplanation for its puling content elsewhere.

14 his includes enecas consolatory essays ( ), his consolatory letters (. 3, 3, ), lutarchs , iceros and and the pseudolutarch . he only thing that even comes close is a passage in enecas . ection of that wor begins by epressing the disunction either nothing survives death or there is an afterlife. here follows an interlude on the meanness and uncertainty of life, after which it is asserted that the soul is immortal. his is surprising, but not contradictory.

imothy eefe proposes that the models therapeutic practice for therapists (or at least potential therapists) without actually offering to console. n this view, readers of the dialogue are epected to observe how ocrates attempts to console iochus, and what sort of patient iochus is. any latonic dialogues do have, as at least one of their functions, the display of a specific ind of philosophical argumentative practice.1 o, eefes proposal might be able to eplain the function of the within cademic circles in a way that utchinsons proposal cannot. f course, modelling consolatory practice could be a function of wors in the consolation genre. hat eefe needs, then, is something to differentiate therapeutic wors that simply teach how to console, from consolatory wors that also happen to model consolatory practice. e achieves this by construing the as a model for therapy in a particular contet one in which the patient is feebleminded, irrational or so distracted by emotion as to be unable to thin straight. eefe argues that this is iochus condition. He says that Axiochus is “simply confused” by the picurean arguments (392), that he is “rather stupid” (3) and “fairly dim” (3). he difference this maes is that, on eefes view, readers of the dialogue are not epected to be lie iochus, nor are they epected to identify with him, as a secondary or vicarious reader of the might be epected to identify with icero, and feel sympathetic towards needing or wanting any and every ind of argument that can be found. ather, the idea is that a therapist might see from the how a decidedly nonphilosophical patient may respond favourably even to invalid and inconsistent arguments

he dramaties a therapeutic argumentative practice in which, in order to calm his patient, ocrates is willing to advance invalid and inconsistent arguments in his own person, to tailor these arguments to the psychological foibles of his audience, to appeal to his audiences emotions, and to engage in evasive manoeuvres when needed in order to eep on the therapeutic course. (eefe, 14)

1 or eample, the displays ocrates efforts to engage in cooperative inuiry in contrast to the ophists competitive practice. or a full discussion of the portrayal and the importance of its being observed by readers, see enite (1).

7 H H A

n eefes ie, the end of reliein an intellectually deficient patients fear or rief), ustifies the means of usin inconsistent aruments his practice, he says, is “intellectually defensible”, like the “parent who lies to his children about Santa Claus” or the “doctor who deceives a terminally ill patient about his true condition” (2012) nfortunately for eefe, this proposal about the fares no better than the preious ones or one thin, there is no real case for the claim that Axiochus is the dim, stupid, confused interlocutor eefe taes him to be. On the contrary, Axiochus is represented as a man who regularly “listens to reason” (katēkoos logōn, 3b3) He admits that in his current condition “a certain fear holds out, that maes the mind unstable on all sides” 3c–), but that is not to say he doesnt understand f all the latonic characters, Axiochus most closely resembles rito, not the sharpest interlocutor, but a sincere and committed friend of ocratic method, hose resole is prone to lapse under extreme conditions, yet ho can be brouht round throuh persistent reminders he sole eidence for callin Axiochus dimitted comes from a passae at 39d–e, hich acson Hershbell hose translation eefe uses) renders as follos

oue taen those cleer ideas from the nonsense, that eerybodys talin noadays, lie all this tomfoolery dreamed up for younsters ut it distresses me to be depried of the oods of life, een if you marshal aruments more persuasie than those, ocrates y mind doesnt understand them and is distracted by the fancy tal they o in one ear and out the other they mae for a splendid parade of ords, but they miss the mar y sufferin is not relieed by inenuity its satisfied only by hat can come don to my leel

his is elouent nlish, but it is ery misleadin t suests that Axiochus is incapable of understanding complex arguments (“ mind doesn't understand”) and that he requires simplification (“down to level”) he ree text, hoeer, does not say this at all or the sae of transparency, here is the ree text, alon ith a rather literal translation

Σὺ μὲν ἐκ τῆς ἐπιπολαζούσης τὰ νῦν λεσχηνείας τὰ σοϕὰ ταῦτα προῄρηκας· ἐκεῖθεν γάρ ἐστιν ἥδε ἡ ϕλυαρολογία πρὸς τὰ μειράκια διακεκοσμημένη· ἐμὲ δὲ ἡ στέρησις τῶν ἀγαθῶν τοῦ ζῆν λυπεῖ, κἂν πιθανωτέρους τούτων λόγους

ἀρτικροτήσῃς, ὦ Σώκρατες. οὐκ ἐπαΐει γὰρ ὁ νοῦς ἀπο πλανώμενος εἰς εὐεπείας λόγων, οὐδὲ ἅπτεται ταῦτα τῆς ὁμοχροίας, ἀλλ' εἰς μὲν πομπὴν καὶ ῥημάτων ἀγλαϊσμὸν ἀνύτει, τῆς δὲ ἀληθείας ἀποδεῖ. τὰ δὲ παθήματα σοϕισ μάτων οὐκ ἀνέχεται, μόνοις δὲ ἀρκεῖται τοῖς δυναμένοις καθικέσθαι τῆς ψυχῆς. (d1–e2)

ou have produced the clever arguments from popular gossip, for from there comes the nonsense that has been crafted for the youth. ut the deprivation of life's goods hurts, even if you marshal more persuasive arguments than these, Socrates. or the mind does not comprehend them — it is led astray by eloquence — nor do they touch the surface of the skin. hey effect pomp and ornament, but are bereft of truth. Sufferings are not alleviated by sophisms, they are only slaked by what can penetrate the mind (psuchē).

ote that there is no possessive pronoun anywhere in the speech. Axiochus does not say “ mind”, “ suffering”, or “ level”. or does he say that the arguments “go in one ear and out the other” — in this case Hershbell, reaching for a modern idiom, has failed to appreciate the careful distinction that Axiochus is making. hat Axiochus says, referring to rodicus' arguments, is that they are the product of sophistry. loquent they may be, but they lack reason, and therefore they are incomprehensible. When Axiochus says “they do not touch the surface of the skin” he does not mean that they “go in one ear and out the other” but rather that they are not they are not the sort of thing that admit of comprehension. Hence he says they are “bereft of truth” (a judgment that is inexplicable on the hypothesis that Axiochus is saying cannot understand them). And Axiochus says nothing that even resembles “come down to my level”; his final statement is actually a plea for sound reasoning as the only thing that can genuinely alleviate suffering. his is no less than what we would expect from a companion of Socrates. f Axiochus is not stupid or dim or confused, then O'eefe's explanation of Socrates' use of inconsistent arguments evaporates, since it was only on the condition that a therapist was working with an interlocutor of that sort that use of inconsistent arguments was indicated. oreover, even if we accept that Axiochus is intellectually challenged, O'eefe's proposal is not an attractive one. or Socrates, as we noted earlier, twice points out to Axiochus that the fear he has is based on a contradictory impression, and he encourages Axiochus to dispel the contradiction. f the were

of “beneficial lying” in the .

arody in e Axiochus

as “ideal bedside reading” the corner, he says “there is no more fear of death in me; but already even a . for death]” (370e1) and “I have let go of the fear of death so much that I already passionately desire it” (– In its most basic form, ancient parody “

See Baltussen (2012:xvii) “We can recognize the pain, the sorrow and the joy in historical n experiences”.

I BI passage, large or small, from an author, but changes it in part, so that it is made to apply to a humbler subject or is used in less serious circumstances than the original author intended” (elivre, 1:). ore often, a parody imitates general style or content and is not based on a particular passage (elivre, 1:7–). he does not reproduce specific passages from any nown text. Its picurean arguments contain language that is similar to texts of picurus, but they also parallel arguments in ucretius. Its presentation of arguments from disparate philosophical sources is reminiscent of the pslutarch , lutarchs and iceros , but eclectic wors lie these existed throughout the ellenistic period. ncertainty about the author and date of the reuire us to resist specifying a particular object of parody. evertheless, we can see how the can parody specific types of argument without identifying a specific historical target. ncient parody reuires its audience to recognise the general conventions of the target genre (ose, 12:1). In this way it is essentially metanarrative (uece, 177:– ). While looing superficially lie the genre it imitates, it informs its audience that it has a function distinct from that of the target genre. If the were a parody, that would explain both its resemblance to consolation literature (which utchinson noticed) and its having a secondary purpose (which eefe noticed) without its being either a consolation or a model of therapeutic practice. We might say that it is not a model but a sit. here are many elements of parody in the , in both form and content. s we noted earlier, in brevity and simplicity it resembles latos comic dialogues and more than it resembles the serious consolation literature. here is no gravity or solemnity in the , as there is in most consolations. In fact, the seriousness of the situation is dramatically weaened by linias disclosure that xiochus has been in his neardeath state before and that “many times he has rallied from these symptoms” (364c7–8). Thus, when we meet Axiochus he is “already strong in body” (365a3), and his “sobbing and groaning and handwringing” (3a–) seem more lie affectations than indications that he is about to die. hen, too, in the introduction to the ynic argument, Socrates explicitly cites the comic poet Epicharmus for saying “one hand washes the other”, and then rather delightfully parodies the meaning. e does not tae the

TE E TE EAT apothegm in its standard sense of “you scratch my back and I'll scratch yours” but satirically, to suggest that Prodicus takes money with the right hand the left. This sets the tone for the parody of life that follows, which was, as we noted earlier, the inspiration for haespeares parody of life in the comedy . The whole ynic argument is in fact more of a lighthearted whinge than a dirge, from its complaint that crying is the only way an infant can express itself (366d) to its oldsaw summation of the agricultural life as “one big blister” ( , 368c, trans. ershbell). Throughout its course, ocrates alleiates not fear, but seriousness, with mocing asides. or example, he says “it would take too long to go through the works of the poets” (367d1), but he goes through seeral anyway. Then he says “but I'll stop”, yet he does not stop (368a5), and in the midst of going on and on he finds time for an autoparodic parenthesis: “for I'm omitting many things” (368c6). This is a wonderful parody, not only of sophistic speeches (within frame) but also of the longer ellenistic consolation pieces, which are replete with rhetorical flourishes, citations of poets, appeals to common experience and exemplary anecdotes. All of the other arguments, as scholars freely admit, are close paraphrases of consolatory adice commonly adduced in ellenistic literature. The description of the Epicurean argument as “nonsense” (, 36d), and Axiochus oerealous passion for the mystery religion argument (3a) suggest that the purpose of the paraphrase is parody. resenting a set of inconsistent arguments would further heighten the sense of parody, if our author expects his audience to be familiar with the eclectic tendencies of some consolations. That is, the employment of arguments that directly contradict one another, which is not seen elsewhere in the consolation genre, can be explained as a parodic flourish.

ocraic eray arody i a oin

f the is a parody, howeer, it is not mere parody. art of its purpose is to send up ellenistic therapeutic practice. At the same time, howeer, it suggests a different approach to grief and fear, one which is consistent with the practice of ocrates in the latonic dialogues. This approach is not so much a cure for grief or fear, but an intellectual diersion from it, ironically

I EITE by directing thought to the consideration of arguments loss or death This practice is finely illustrated in Plato's , in which the interlocutors, who are “frightened like children” (77d7) are led away from their fears for a few hours by the careful and persistent consideration of arguments for the immortality of the soul ocrates, in fact, is insistent that his interlocutors do not gie up the consideration of arguments (8b–c) In the , if we bother to look, we see this same practice, and the same insistence on thinking and reasoning In the opening scene, linias tells Socrates “now is the chance to display that wisdom of yours” (36b3–) e then asks ocrates to reassure xiochus in his customary way (hōs eiōthas, 36c) linias may not understand ocratic wisdom or ocrates' customary way, but readers of Plato would, and they would expect to see it nyone paying attention will not be disappointed mong the first things ocrates asks xiochus to do is “consider” (epilogiēi, 365b1) e reminds xiochus that he is a man who “listens to reason” (katēkoos logōn, 365b3) and tells him that he is “old enough for thinking” (365b7–8) oon afterwards he professes his usual ignorance about things great and small (366b), and at the conclusion of the dialogue he reminds xiochus again that he must decide for himself (37a) has an effect on xiochus, but not the unbelieable effect of curing his fear He says to Socrates, “but now, quietly and on my own, I will reconsider the things that have been said” (37a13–1), and he bids ocrates to return again later (presumably to discuss these matters again) The parody of the xiochus has, as its target, therapeutic practices precisely of the kind that 'eefe describes — practices whose aim is to induce an effect by any means, particularly through the dogmatic presentation of inadeuate reasons This kind of therapy barely scratches the surface of the skin The offers a different kind of therapy: the practice of philosophical consideration, a practice whose aim is to touch the soul

onclusion

This interpretation of the explains more of its puling features than other interpretations It allows for it to express contradictory arguments without confusion It explains how the dialogue is different from literature

H H S that is squarely within the consolation genre t acknowledges that the is not attempting to console but to show something significant about consolations and therapeutic practice t does not condescend to dim witted interlocutors or patients but respects their intellectual autonomy ost importantly, it displays what it takes to be a more genuine therapeutic practice that is consistent with latos Socrates ndeed, the supposition that the implores its readers to consider arguments and therapeutic practice, without dogmatism, is consistent with the attitudes within the cademy at the time the is likely to have been produced o we have, in the a work of the Sceptical cademy hat is something for another time ut we can say, think, that we have a work deserving of more serious attention than it has previously been given

iblioray

altussen, Han altussen, ed, . Swansea lassical ress of ales enite, ugenio enite, “rgument, rhetoric and philosophic method latos ”, – oysStones, eorge oysStones, “The therapy for the dead” n , ed Han altussen –7 Swansea lassical ress of ales hroust, ntonHerman hroust, “he organisation of the in Antiquity”, – urley, avid urley, “Nothing to us?” n , ed Schofield and Striker 7– ambridge ambridge niversity ress Hershbell, ackson Hershbell, , vol , Society of iblical iterature, ets and ranslations Series Saarbrcken Scholars ress Hadas, oses Hadas, ew ork orton

uthinson, ougs uthinson, “The yniis o ques ne soue in enses ?”, – uthinson, ougs uthinson, “ intoutoy notes” n , e ooe – ninois ett uishing ony eie, eie, “The sis o nient arody”, – onoeotis, A intesigniu onoeotis, . oogne Agiine uee, nes uee, “ying ith the y theti seonsiousness in Aristophanes”, – eee, Tiothy eee, “otes theeuti use o inonsisteny in the ”, – ose, get A ose, . ige ige niesity ess ouie, ouie, “Tos gene o onsotions” n , e n tussen – nse ssi ess o es ense, un ense, . onon uthet uie Tn, eono Tn, –. eien i Tyo, A Tyo, . onon ethuen n o t ethey, o ethey, “” n , e Aet hes iton Toonto niesity o Toonto ess

iloonus an and ussell on e einnin of ime

George Couvalis

Bertrand Russell presented an influential critique of Philoponus’s traversal arent or a einnin o tie in its antian or onsider his ritiiss and point ot that they rey on etaphysia ais aot the natre o tie, asation, and the sope o nonontradition hey are not erey oia ritiiss sse reies on a atoni atoist etaphysis to deend those ais et, as aso point ot, that etaphysis is not oiosy tre and Russell’s arguments for it are weak. Russell often tas as i his etaphysis arises ot o erey oia onsiderations oeer, his etaphysis annot e stiied y oi aone onde that the traersa arent sries sseian ritiis

nroducion

n ohn hiopons oannis hioponos presented an inentia arent or the ai that tie st hae had a einnin n the eihteenth entry, ane ant reied and odiied that arent Today, Philoponus’s argument is widely thought to be invalid. odern criticisms usually state or build on criticisms put by Russell against Kant’s

od ie to than hris ortensen and a ppenheier or hep oents on an earier drat o this paper or ant, the traersa arent is part o one side o an antinoy o pre reason a pair o apparenty sond arents or opposite onsions that rey on the ndaenta etaphysia prinipes e eitiatey se to interpret parts o or ord, t e se iiity hen e dea ith or ord as a hoe ood, e ants to are that reason reahes its iits o oherene hen it attepts to tae estions sh as the ininity or initde o tie e is aso ossed on the einnin o the ord, not on tie alone. I will not here be considering Kant’s discussion o the iits o reason

R I

restatement of the argument. In his later work, Russell sometimes talks as if the argument fails for logical reasons and accuses Kant of making some elementary logical blunders. These remarks by Russell seem to have been the ones that influenced recent discussions. or instance, in a recent book on infinity, raham ppy restates and epands on Russell’s points (Oppy, –. I have pointed out in an earlier paper that Philoponus’s version of the argument is not merely logical. It relies on metaphysical premises. hen these premises are spelt out, the argument is valid, though it may be unsound (Couvalis, 2013). Kant’s version of the argument also relies on metaphysical premises, in particular, views about the nature of time and causation that are spelt out earlier in the . ome of those premises are similar to premises in Philoponus. As we shall see, Russell’s initial critique of Kant’s argument was based on a metaphysical account that was radically different to that of Kant and Philoponus. Russell seems later to have forgotten that his critique is dependent on a metaphysical account. That metaphysical account involves an assumption that, following Peter ylton, I will call laonic aomism. Platonic atomism assumes the eternal, mind independent, and separate, eistence of items, whether they are abstract obects, noneistent obects, or obects in the empirical world. Russell initially adopted Platonic atomism under the influence of .. oore. e thought it could save philosophy from the absurdities of British idealism for instance, the doctrines that all relations are internal and that mathematics is riddled with inconsistencies.

Oppy treats Kant’s argument as being merely about any successive merely mathematical series. e fails to note that Kant is talking about a series in , and that Kant is relying on a theory of the nature of time. ike many modern analytic philosophers who break arguments away from their contet, he fails to understand what Kant means by “successive” and the like. In any case, it is now well known that Kant in the antinomies is not talking about logical necessities, but about what he thinks is necessary synthetic a priori. By contrast to recent analytic philosophers, the early Russell often shows that he knows he is arguing against comple metaphysical theories. The key paper is the now neglected Moore, 1899. Moore’s paper presents an eternalist view of time six years before Einstein’s Special Theory of Relativity appeared in print. For a full account of Platonic atomism, see ylton, –.

PIOPOS, KAT, A RSSE O TE EII OF TIME

Philoponus’s argument and Kant’s restatement

Philoponus’s traversal argument in is aimed at the eo Platonist and Aristotelian view that that the universe is necessarily everlasting. It does not ust target the specific views of the fifth century eo Platonist Athenian philosophermathematician Proclus. Philoponus starts by stating some arguments for the claim that there cannot be actual infinities. owever, he then indicates that despite these arguments, it might be thought that there could be a spatial infinity. e goes on to argue that even so, there cannot be an infinite past time

For it would seem much more impossible to claim that the infinite is brought to actual birth bit by bit and, as it were, to be counted out one unit (monas) after another than that it exists all at once and at the same time. For if it exists all at once, perhaps there will be no need to go through it unit by unit, and actually, as it were, count it off but if it comes to be a bit at a time and one unit always exists after another, so that eventually an actually infinite number of units has come to exist, even if it does not exist all at once at the same time because parts of it have ceased to exist while parts still exist, it has nevertheless become traversable, which is impossible. ut this — I mean the traversing of the infinite by, as it were, counting it off unit by unit — is impossible, even if the counter were everlasting. For the infinite is by its nature untraversable otherwise it would not be infinite. (Philoponus, 189910 2002)

hat is the extra impossibility to which Philoponus alludes To understand him, consider that he has a dynamic theory of time in which equal nonero sied units of time come into existence successively. e tells us elsewhere that time has its being in becoming and flowing. As a consequence, he is saying this If a unit of time is to exist at all, it must first be present before it is past (or ceases to exist). A later unit of dynamic time

See Couvalis, 2017 for a detailed explanation of Philoponus’ view of becoming and the flowing now. Philoponus does not conceive of time as an eternally given series laid out from earlier to later members of the series, a view of time which seems to have been invented in the nineteenth century.

can onl come into existence if an earlier unit has come into existence been present before it his means that ever unit of a dnamic series time must have once been present he units of time come into existence and recede into the past, if the continue to exist at a regular rate his implies that no unit of time can recede infinitel into the past or have ceased to exist infinitel long ago Philoponus states his argument as if we were traversing a unit at a time forwards at a uniform rate, or counting forwards at a uniform rate his is because he thins the now can be described as if it is moving forwards at a uniform rate ndeed, he elsewhere tells us that time is constituted b the flow of the now reconstruction of the traversal argument is spelt out in an appendix at the end of this paper defend the reconstruction in Couvalis, 201 Here is Kant’s version of the argument:

or if one assumes that the world has no beginning in time, then up to ever given point in time an eternit has elapsed, and hence an infinite series of states of things in the world, each following another, has passed awa ut now the infinit of a series consists precisel in the fact that it can never be completed b successive snthesis herefore an infinitel elapsed world series is impossible, so a beginning of the world is a necessar condition of its existence ant, 170

t is important to grasp that Kant’s version of the argument is stated as part of an overall argument that includes a argument against the possibilit of an infinite space an argument which relies on different premises to those he uses to argue against an infinite past time ie Philoponus’s argument, Kant’s argument for a beginning of the world does not rel on his arguments about infinities in general We can quickly see from the reference to “successive synthesis” successive adding on that ant is thining of time as dnamic and that the underling argument is much the same as the argument in Philoponus arlier remars b ant mae clear that the argument relies on the view that the coming into being of what are now past states of things in the world is a

explain what this means, and how Philoponus can evade problems raised b caggart, in Couvalis, 2017

PHP, K, H precondition of the coming into being of later states of things in the world Kant, :, – Wood, :– he reference to having passed away makes clear that Kant also thinks of the states as first having to be present before they pass away. This also echoes features of Philoponus’s argument. Kant’s view of other aspects of time is different to that of Philoponus, but that is not relevant to the merits of the argument Kant is vaguer than Philoponus, but it is clear that the argument is much the same

Russell’s philosophical outlook

s we will see, in his early work, , ussell shows that he understands that Kant’s argument is based on underlying metaphysical premises about the nature of time ndeed, as Peter Hylton has shown, much of is intended to replace with a new account the Kantian and Hegelian account of the metaphysics of the world to which we apply mathematics his is why includes chapters on the philosophy of the continuum, the infinite, causation, matter and motion Russell’s preference for what might seem to be a merely logical approach to problems is actually a preference for a Platonic atomist version of Platonist metaphysics ussell relies eplicitly on a Platonic atomist critique of ristotelian accounts of change in giving a radical account of change when he says that:

he notion of change has been much obscured by the doctrine of substance, by the distinction between a thing’s nature and its external relations, and by the preeminence of subectpredicate propositions t has been supposed that a thing could, in some way, be different and yet the same: that though predicates define a thing, yet it may have different predicates at different times Hence the distinction of the essential and the accidental, and a number of other useless distinctions, which were hope employed precisely and consciously by the scholastics, but are used vaguely and unconsciously by the moderns hange, in this metaphysical sense, do not at all admit he so called predicates of a term are mostly derived from relations to other terms change is due, ultimately, to the fact that many terms have relations to some parts of time which they do not have to others ut every term is eternal, timeless, and immutable the relations it may have to parts of time are equally

immutable Russell, sec. . (‘hatever may be an obect of thought, or may occur in any true or false proposition, or can be counted as , call a ’. (Russell, 1903:sec.

To see the impact of Russell’s view on his solution to ancient metaphysical pules, consider his discussion of the use of Weierstrass’s nineteenth century mathematics to solve Zeno’s paradox of the arrow. Russell states the paradox as “[I]f everything is at rest or in motion in a space eual to itself, and if what moves is always in the instant, the arrow in its flight is immovable” (Russell, 1903:sec. . e comments that

eierstrass, by banishing all infinitesimals, has at last shown that we live in an unchanging world, and that the arrow, at every moment of its flight, is truly at rest. The only point where eno probably erred was in inferring if he did infer that, because there is no change, therefore the world must be in the same state at one time as at another. Russell, sec.

s ylton says

hat is striing here is Russell’s immediate leap from mathematics to the metaphysics of change ... Platonic atomism implies an atemporal, and therefore static, way of thining of the world. Russell, however, claims this way of thining is forced on us by modern mathematics, at least if we want to employ this subect to give us a consistent theory of motion. ylton,

ompared to old style Platonism, what is odd about this Platonic metaphysics is that Russell not only thins there is a world of abstract obects he also collapses the world of everyday reality into the world of mathematics understood in the light of modern logic. e is aware of the distinction and will sometimes admit that the underlying assumptions of mathematics might not match the real world e.g. Russell, ff.. ore commonly Russell taes the very fact that a mathematics gives us the only available consistent picture of the world that avoids paradoxes as evidence that it is true of the world. e have leapt from the mathematical to the metaphysical. y contrast to Russell, Plato and the ancient eoPlatonists distinguished our world of becoming and flow from the world of the eternal paradigm,

I, T, R T II TI

which is truly real. n their view, the empirical world only imperfectly realised the paradigm, particularly in things that are flowing. lato tells us that time is a moving image ( of eternity (, created because it was impossible ( for the demiurge to create an exact lieness of the eternal unity (, 3d. The eolatonist amascius distinguishes between the static form of a river, and the river, which has its being in flowing and becoming (implicius, 1:9, 1–0 199:11. hiloponus was trained in this eolatonist tradition and too over some features of it into his hristianity. is version of the hristian god is a timeless being (hiloponus, 199: hiloponus, 00:.

Russell’s central criticism of the Traversal Argument

Russell produces an argument against Kant’s argument in which is:

‘ompletion by successive synthesis’ seems roughly euivalent to enumeration, and it is true that the enumeration of an infinite series is practically impossible. ut the series may none the less be perfectly definable, as the class of terms having a specified relation to a specified term. It then remains a uestion, as with all classes, whether a class is finite or infinite and in the latter alternative … there is nothing selfcontradictory. (Russell, 1903:sec. 3

is point is spelt out more clearly in his 191 wor, (, when he says:

To begin with, it is a mistae to define the infinity of a series as ‘impossibility of completion by successive synthesis’. The notion of infinity … is primarily a property of classes, and only derivatively applicable to series classes which are infinite are given all at once by the defining property of the members, so that there is no question of ‘completion’ or of ‘successive synthesis’. (Russell, 19:10

Russell produces some other criticisms of the traversal argument in (Russell, 19:11. ppy also produces similar arguments. I have dealt with such arguments as put by Richard orabi elsewhere (ouvalis, 013, so I will not discuss them again here.

onsider the natural numbers starting ith , , , , ... e can define this bunch of numbers, by saying that it is a class in hich the first member is ero and each successive member is one greater than its predecessor. e have apparently defined the series all at once. do not want to go further into the detail of Russell’s definition of infinite series here. It is irrelevant, for Kant’s argument is about a series of things in a . e may be able to coherently define an infinite series all at once, but that is not relevant to hether the real thing, time, is given all at once. f it comes into eistence by successive synthesis (literal adding on of something that did not eist before, then hat e do in defining time is misleading as to time. Russell slips from taling about the orld of mathematical definition to taling about the time orld. e assumes that the time orld eists eternally, as if it ere given all at once. n its on, his criticism is fallacious. Russell complains in OKE about “the inveterate subjectivism” of Kant’s mental habits and suggests an account of ho Kant might have arrived at his argument which has no basis in Kant’s text (Russell, . oever, it is Russell’s inveterate Platonism that is the problem here. Using a phrase invented by erman philosophers, Russell tals as if hat is true of lato immel — the latonic heaven of mathematical obects — must be true of the real thing, time. efinitions of things in latonic heaven have been converted into definitions of things in the real orld. t is odd that Russell does this in K, because elsehere in the same or he shos that he is perfectly aare that hat is true of mathematical representations might not be true of the actual orld. evertheless, in Russell shos that he has some understanding of the metaphysical background to Kant’s argument. He comments that:

t seems, hoever, that previous events are regarded by Kant as of later ones, and that the cause is logically prior to the effect. This, no doubt, is the reason for speaing of , and for confining the antinomy to events instead of moments. f the cause ere logically prior to the effect, this argument ould, thin be valid but e shall find ... that cause and effect are on the same logical level. (Russell, sec.

Russell grasps that on Kant’s view the coming to be of an earlier state is a necessary condition for the coming to be of a later state. oever, he

PHIOPOU, K, RUE O HE EII O IE

misleadingl describes it as a logical priorit, thereb sueeing it into a timeless logical relation as if it could not be something different. In fact, it is clear from Kant’s discussion that Kant thinks of the necessit not as logical, but as snthetic a priori. or Kant, logic is analtic. ote also that an earlier state is not a cause per se if we mean by “cause” a sufficient condition, the activit of some causal power, or an inus condition. It is unlikel that Kant would have accepted that necessar conditions as such are causes. I do not know of a thorough discussion of causation in Philoponus, but it is hard to believe that he would have accepted that necessar conditions are causes per se.

Russell on causation

Russell intends his analsis of causation to be an important part of the underling argument against Kant. the time he wrote OKE, he seems to have forgotten that an important part of his critiue of the traversal argument is his account of the nature of causation. It is presented as if it were a merel logical argument. s we have seen above, the merel logical argument is toothless, for the wa in which we define series need have nothing to do with the wa in which the come into existence. next uote from Russell will indicate that he presented a claim about causation which was meant to underlie his critiue of Kant. It is worth explaining that claim in a little detail so that we can understand Russell’s metaphsical assumptions better. In , Russell states a principle which he sas is vital to dnamics. he principle is:

that cause and effect are equal … All equations, at bottom, are logical euations, mutual implications uantitative eualit between variables, such as cause and effect, involves a mutual formal implication. hus the principle in uestion can onl be maintained if cause and effect are placed on the same logical level, which, with the interpretation we were compelled to give to causalit, it is no longer possible to do. Russell, :sec.

or an account of inus conditions, see ackie, :. ottlind and rainer point out that Russell drew back from his radical claims about causation in his later work. He allowed that “cause” had a legitimate use. I am here talking about his ver influential earl work produced –.

R AI

Russell’s central claim can be put by saying that the ordinary notion of causation (“the interpretation we were compelled to give to causality”) is an unscientific one. cientific laws are at the centre of science. aws do not hae a direction of causation built into them. rom current states of the world we can calculate what past states of the world are lie ust as from present states we can calculate future states. his claim can be put more clearly by saying that there is in reality nothing more to causation than what is inoled in formal implications that go in both directions in time. hose formal implications are to be cashed out in the logic inented by rege and Russell (now misleadingly called “classical logic”). he point is put more clearly in a essay in which Russell tries to state the correct ersion of the law of causality which he thins underlies science, when he says that

he law maes no difference between the past and the future he future ‘determines’ the past in exactly the same sense in which the past ‘determines’ the future. The word ‘determine’, here, has a purely logical significance a certain number of variables ‘determine’ another ariable if that other ariable is a function of them. Russell,

Russell’s reliance on logical considerations is brought out further when he criticises the argument that the past is different from the future because we cannot change the past, but can bring about the future. e says

e all regard the past as determined simply by the fact that it has happened but for the fact that memory wors bacward and not forward, we should regard the future as equally determined by the fact that it will happen … You cannot mae the past other than it was — true, but this is a mere application of the law of contradiction … But also you cannot make the future otherwise than what it will be this again is an application of the law of contradiction. Russell,

Russell taes it as obious that the law of contradiction applies to the future despite the fact that there are well nown arguments going bac to Aristotle that it does not e.g. Aristotle, , ix. If the past is fixed, it is not obious that it is fixed merely because of the law of non contradiction rather than because eents in it hae already happened. Russell assumes logical or mathematical laws are explanatory of features of the world. ecause Russell taes it that noncontradiction is logically basic, he thins it cannot be testable through what we find out about the world. It

T R T B T

must apply to all the world — past present and future. This seems to be in serious tension with his professed empiricism. imilarly at the start of he tells us that he is dealing with pure mathematics and hence with hypotheticals but then he turns to telling us that he is dealing with space time and motion — which are real things (Russell secs ). Russell also treats the way memory works as if it is an uneplainable accident. owever an obvious eplanation of why memory works that way is that evolution has wired us that way to aid our survival because the future depends on our actions in a way that the past does not. The scientific principle of evolution by natural selection arguably has a noneternalist assumption built into it. Russell ignores the obvious eplanation because the only science that counts in his discussion of causation is a narrowly logical interpretation of mathematical physics. t is striking that Russell quickly assumes that all there is to causation must be captured by logical features of the equations. e does plausibly argue that some commonsense views and Bergson’s view about causation don’t adequately explain what happens in physics, but those are the only views he considers. hy should we assume that all that is going on in causation is what is captured by the equations fter all the two sides of the equations refer to items in the world which have their own properties and many equations refer to time. hy does Russell not consider in detail whether it is the case that the properties of these items and of time might include features not captured by these equations s far as can tell he does

n the second edition () introduction to Russell says that in his definition of pure mathematics he wanted to include both uclidean and onuclidean geometry without saying whether the aioms are true (Russell vii). Yet much of the tet assumes he is telling us about real space real scientific laws etc. while remaining noncommittal about some aioms. The mathematics of is thus far from pure. t is more like Kant’s synthetic a priori principles, which Kant thinks cannot be brought into serious doubt. s ylton points out at the time of writing and for some time later Russell did think mathematics and logic are synthetic a priori (ylton – –). Russell (–) presents the key argument for the claim. espite his attempts to escape from the influence of erman and British idealism Russell displays the influence of ant when he assumes synthetic a priori that classical logic necessarily applies to everything past present and future.

not consider these things because he is a latonic atoist, not because the equations theselves copel this interpretation. ussell gave up aspects o latonic atois in his later work. By the tie he wrote K , he no longer regarded nonexistent obects as things which have being in a latonic real. e also sees to have given up the view by then or soon ater that there is a logicoatheatical real with which we are acquainted. owever, he does not see to have changed his eternalist view o existents and tie, or his tendency to assue that what is true o the ways in which we deine things in logic or atheatics is true o the world i it produces the only available consistent picture o the world. n this way, he continued to be a kind o latonist despite changes in his other views. his is why would still call hi a latonist. is coents in the introduction to the second edition o indicate his attitude.

he doctrines o ythagoras, which began with arithetical ysticis, inluenced all subsequent philosophy and atheatics ore prooundly than is generally realised. ubers were iutable and eternal, like the heavenly bodies nubers were intelligible the science o nubers was the key to the universe … Consequently, to say that nubers are sybols which ean nothing sees a horrible or o atheis. t the tie when wrote the ‘Principles’, shared with rege a belie in the latonic reality o nubers, which, in y iagination, peopled the tieless real o Being. t was a coorting aith which later abandoned with regret. ussell, ix–x

Russell abandoned parts of his “comforting faith”, but in very influential works like K, he retained parts o his eternalist latonic atois. rguably, this has continued to inluence criticisms of Philoponus’s traversal arguent in odern ties. his is not only true o criticiss o the traversal argument. For example, solutions to Zeno’s paradoxes often presented by philosophers involve the assuption that tie consists o instants and space consists o points because standard accounts o calculus include points and instants e.g. runbau, . ussell, unlike soe later philosophers, was very well aware that there ight not be points and

ancy artwright has argued in a nuber o works that causal notions are essential to science. ee, or instance, artwright, . athias risch has recently argued that real physics, as opposed to philosophical caricatures o physics, is riddled with causal clais risch, . have no space to discuss his clais here.

PP, , R F

instants. e struggled ith the fact that it seems to be impossible to tell hether there are such things. e tried to deal ith the problem in a ay that as consistent ith his empiricism e.g. Russell, ff.. hy does logicinfluenced philosophy often assume aspects of Platonic atomism ne reason is the influence of the vie that the real orld, as opposed to the orld of appearance, must be consistent because it must be coherent and completely determinate. his vie may be present in Parmenides, but it is more clearly there in Plato’s critique of Heraclitus, Cratylus and Protagoras in the . related reason is found in Plato’s view that geometry gives us the complete truth unlike the flowing orld of appearance , cff.. Perhaps Russell is right in thinking that his vie of mathematics originates in Pythagoras. t is much more clearly there in Plato. For the ngloegelians that taught Russell, the absolute is the only thing that is fully consistent, and hence the only thing that is fully real. ven mathematics does not deal ith eternal truths. n the tradition they inherited from Plato via egel, it as assumed that our everyday orld is not consistent and, in some sense, not fully real. Russell turned this around by arguing that nineteenth century erman mathematics as not only useful and precise, but the key to the everyday orld. n this ay, he treated mathematical formalisms as if they ere the key to reality despite the fact that he as alays aare that they might not be. ike Plato and his ngloegelian predecessors, he continued to assume that consistency is a key to true reality. is logicomathematical eternalism is, indeed, a footnote to Plato. oever, as he sometimes recognised in his less Platonic and more empiricist pronouncements, the fact that a mathematical theory is the only consistent and paradox free theory available is not a sufficient ground for thinking that it is true. e could not rule out the possibility that another consistent theory might become available, and he could not countenance as a possibility that an inconsistent theory might be the key to reality.

ost importantly at c–c. “he safest general characteriation of the uropean philosophical tradition is that it consists of a series of footnotes to Plato” (Whitehead, 1979:.

onclusion

We have seen that Russell’s critique of Philoponus’ traversal argument in its antian form is toothless without a metaphysical background in which time is treated as eternal ussell realised that he needed this metaphysical background when he was writing parts of but seems to have forgotten it later We cannot adequately udge the merits of the traversal argument without assessing temporal eternalism, and have no space to do that here have, however, shown that a purely logical critique of the traversal argument is toothless and that to properly assess the argument we need to assess temporal eternalism

iliograh

artwright, 199 artwright, Nature’s Capacities and their Measurement ew ork: ford niversity Press ouvalis, 1 G. Couvalis, “Philoponus’ traversal argument and the beginning of time”, , ed sianikas, , aadad, ouvalis and Palaktsglou: –7 delaide ouvalis, 17 G. Couvalis, “Philoponus on the nature of time”, , ed sianikas, ouvalis and Palaktsoglou: 7– delaide risch, 1 risch, ambridge: ambridge niversity Press ottlind, 19 ottlind, Bertrand Russell’s, Theories o ppsala: lmquist and Wiksells oktryckeri runbaum, 197 runbaum, Modern Science and Zeno’s Paradoxes iddletown: Wesleyan niversity Press

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lton, P. lton, Russell, dealism and the merence o naltic Philosoph. e or ford niversit Press. ant, . ant, Critiue o Pure Reason. rans. P. Guer and . Wood. Cambridge Cambridge niversit Press. acie, . acie, The Cement o the nierse. ford Clarendon Press. oore, G.E. Moore, “The nature of judgement”, Mind –. pp, G. pp, Philosophical Perspecties on ninit. Cambridge Cambridge niversit Press. Philoponus, . Philoponus, e eternitate Mundi Contra Proclum, ed. . Rabe. eipig eubner. Philoponus, . Philoponus, ainst Proclus . rans. . hare. ondon ucorth. Russell, . Russell, Principles o Mathematics. ondon llen and nin. Russell, . Russell, Principles o Mathematics, nd edn. e or orton. Russell, . Russell, Critical xposition o the Philosoph o eini, nd edn. ondon llen and nin . Russell, B. Russell, “On the notion of a cause”. In The Collected Papers o Bertrand Russell, olume , ed. . later –. ondon Routledge . Russell, . Russell, ur nolede o the xternal orld as a ield o Scientiic Method in Philosoph. ondon llen and nin lecture delivered in . implicius, implicius, n ristotelis Phsicorum iros uattuor Priores Commentaria, ed. . iels. erlin Georg Reimer. implicius, implicius, Corollaries on Time and Place rans. . rmson. ondon loomsbur. rainer, C. rainer, “Causation: a prematurely deposed monarch? Huw Price and Richard Corr”, eds. Causation, Physics and the Constitution of Reality: Russell’s Repulic Reisited ford Clarendon P. e or ford . P., [review]”, Russell The ournal o Bertrand Russell Studies –. vailable online at httpsmulpress.mcmaster.carussellournalarticlevieile

GEORGE COI

hitehead, . hitehead, Pocess and Reality. ew or: ree Press Macmillan []. ood, . ood, “The antinomies of pure reason”. In Cambridge Companion to Kant’s Citiue of Pue Reason, ed. P. Guyer: –. Camridge: Camridge niversity Press.

Aeni – Analsis of Philoponus’s argument

Time consists of eual nonero sie time units monades.

If a dynamic theory of time is true, time has come into eistence successively as a series of monades.

If a dynamic theory of time is true, each unit of time ecept a first unit can only come into eistence when its predecessor has come into eistence efore it.

dynamic theory of time is true.

There cannot eist a present memer of an infinite series of time units in which each memer, past and present, could only come into eistence after its predecessor has come into existence (“after” is here used in the dynamic theory sense). (Inferred from premises 1 to 4 plus the meaning of “infinite”).

o unit of time can come into eistence that has an infinite series of units preceding it coming into eistence in succession efore it. Inferred from premises to .

ll units preceding a present unit are past units that came into eistence in succession efore it.

present unit eists. Thus,

there cannot e an infinite numer of past units.

I, T, T II TI

It can e seen from arious remars I hae uoted that ussell accepts premise . Further, in a discussion of Zeno, he explicitly says “[I]f you set to or to count the terms in an infinite collection, you ill neer hae completed your task” (Russell, 1926:187).14

14 It is interesting to note that, gien his preferred metaphysics, ussell is rong in this claim. If time is laid out eternally, there is no reason hy it should not include an immortal counter ho counts in monades all the natural numers from a particular date. uppose the counter counts at a rate of a second per second. The series of his countings, hich exists eternally, ould e in a one to one correspondence to the series of natural numers ith no numer missing. f course, there ould e no end to the series, ut all the natural numers ould e counted. ussell seems to hae slipped into thining of time as dynamic in the remar I uote.

ristotle an emora

Scott Mann

his paper looks at ristotles oitis from the perspectie of contemporary political, social and economic prolems and possiilities. focus upon ristotles defence of slaery hihlihts the fact that hile contemporary lieral political ideas of human rihts challene ristoteliantype defences of sexism and racism, such ideas fail to address hierarchical and exploitatie classstructured political and economic relations — still ustified in the same ay in hich ristotle ustifies slaery. onsideration of the oitis is of particular contemporary releance ecause of the ays in hich it correctly hihlihts prolems of unreulated markets and ankin operations, unrestricted pursuit of profit and the daners of rule y a rich minority, hich has reached its apoee today, after four decades of neolieralism. nd ecause of the ays in hich it points toards possile radical democratic reforms in the future.

ousehols

In the oitis ristotle reects the methodoloical indiidualist approach to social understandin represented in his day y laucon in the epbi — hich has een so destructie in the est in recent decades. his is the idea that society is no more than a mass of indiidual humans, interactin on the asis of predetermined and enerally selfserin psycholoical tendencies. his has een a central pillar of the neolieral ideoloy hich has directed policies of priatisation and dereulation since 198 eneratin increasin ineuality, instaility and enironmental destruction. ristotle sees society as an eolin structure of functionally interdependent social sustructures and relations. umans, as political animals (oitis 12a), are products of the operation of such systems, empoered or disempoered y their positions ithin such systems, as

e ossibiit o atraism what he calls a “ son connection” “ ”. — iomaean tis iomaean tis “ ” (Roberts,

R R

ristotle acnowlees a roble o leal s natral slaes. ot all leal slaes are natral slaes. t he ails to roie an eans to aress the roble. e was well aware o the er ierent stats o citien woen in arta as coare to thens, with soe o the orer roie with oral ecation b the state, able to own lan, aass wealth, oe reel in blic saces an eercise olitical inlence. e ares that the reater ower o artan woen — with two iths o riate lan in their ossession — nerine the cits eence aainst heban attac in . t the sae time, he acknowledges that “in the as o artan sreac a reat eal was anae b women” (oitis b. ristotle seas o the rlin ale hosehol head “hanin oer to the woan what is ittin that she rle”. n site o their eclsion ro the olitical lie o the thenian state, it loos as i it was woen who actiel eercise ractical control in an areas o the thenian hosehol at the tie, anain the hosehol bet an, in wealthier hosehols, serisin the a to a wor o the slaes. hile woen, lie slaes, col not own roert or ae leall enorceable nertains, soe o the were inole in rnnin bsiness oerations, articlarl hoebase retail an anactrin bsinesses, in thens (Roberts, . t reains the sae toa, with ost hosehols aron the worl still atriarchall oranise an woen still erorin the bl o hosehol labor, an ch labor otsie the hose, under male “direction”, with the arraneent enorce b ale control o roert, other iscriinator leal relations, ale iolence an internalisation o atriarchal ieolo. he necessar social nctions are lilled by women in spite of the “final authority” claie b en, with eercise o sch inal athorit nerinin or aain the eectie lilent o sch nctions.

Prealene of slaer

n oo ne ristotle writes as i slae labor is an interal art o a ree citien ar. ie lato in the epbi, he thins that anal labor is naentall incoatible with the sort o articiator eliberation inole in nonesotic olitics. his sees to be the case not st in the

sense that manual labour takes away time and energy from such participation oitis but also in the sense that it undermines the operation of the “deliberative faculty”. “o man can practice ecellence who is liing the life of a mechanic or labourer” oitis a any writers hae seen uniersal slae labour on citien farms as a pre reuisite for thenian democracy in the sense that it allowed the citien small holders time to spend away from their farms, participating in public debate in the ouncil, the ssembly and the aw ourts ut llen eiksins ood has presented a strong case to the effect that most citien farms had no such agricultural slae labour and this did not preclude significant participation by large numbers of poorer male citiens in thenian democracy ood, nly antidemocratic aristocrats and their supporters looked down on manual labour as slaish and incompatible with high leel political participation1 er argument needs to be ualified by reference to patriarchy and to periodic failures of the grain harest ristotle speaks of poorer male citiens using their families as slae labour, to allow them to participate in politics o too do we need to consider periodic largescale importation of grain at times of harest failure paid for with siler from the aurion mines his shows the limits to male citien selfsufficiency onetheless, the crucial points emphasised by ood remain alid a that poorer male citiens were engaged in ongoing agricultural labour and did not see this as an obstacle to political participation and b that this deried in part from the relatiely eual diision of sufficiently productie land holdings without the need to produce a substantial surplus for others claiming land ownership, as in the mediaeal period and around the contemporary world2 his allowed citien farmers to balance some surplus production for trade — against time for meaningful political participation

he eidence for oods claims comes from arious sources ost important are considerations of the total number of slaes aailable ood, – he refers also to the legal speeches of emosthenes, with large numbers of references to slaes, with indications of the work they were inoled in, and only a ery small number referring to farm work ood, ber estimates to of productie land owned by to of the malecitien population ber, nd oberts estimates that of citiens owned an aerage of acres of arable land, with no holdings bigger than acres oberts,

ontemporary implication include the vital need for land reform on a hue cale indin bac plantation monoculture in favour of maller independent utainable oranic farm ith enuine euality of the ee. e no no maller oranic multicroppin operation can be inificantly more productive and very much more healthy and utainable than the toic indutrial monoculture that have replaced ocalled “subsistence” around the orld. hey can feed the orld hile providin decent lifetyle for aricultural producer. nd in contrat to e.. ar cepticim about the level of political concioune and participation poible for peaant communitie the cae of laical then hihliht the poibility for hihly developed participatory democratic plannin in uch communitie.

orporate hierarh

hile ritotletype eit and racit idea till function to upport patriarchal family tructure and dicriminatory practice everyhere there i increainly idepread reconition that uch idea have no foundation in fact and that the overthro of patriarchal and racit idea and practice i a crucial moral imperative. he ituation i rather different in repect of the diviion of mental and manual labour outide of the houehold and of ma political participation. ere omethin cloe to thenian lavery remain not only dominant but alo larely unchallened. hi i the cae over and above the many mall buinee around the orld hich are baically oranied a etenion of patriarchal family tructure. ierarchical corporate tructure till control a inificant percentae of or beyond the houehold ith uch hierarchy and diviion of mental and manual labour utified by idea of productivity ain throuh pecialiation and economie of cale and of the deliberative uperiority of a little elite of deciion maer poein and eerciin pecial trateic manaement ill. uppoedly the need to peruade a tiny minority ith uch pecial ill to ue thoe ill a corporate manaer coupled ith the tre aociated ith uch manaerial role utifie and reuire payment time that of the hop floor orer. aically ritotelian arument are till employed to utify the ame ort of materlave orin arranement a eited in claical then

it cte citist cntes iectin te t in ies it eees n itin te ucts tei bu e es ie ses e ie it itte be bsic subsistence but te es te bsses n te etent te e te eecise e e ssie ben ntin iinbe t tenin se nes ust s te ube use in te tic use is ee b te en in site e inteeence s n incesin nube ein ecnists incuin be ie inne se tiit n e b ecet bet eic n ecnise tt seni business nes’ selfsein ctiities ct t uneine te enuine ube cntibutins tse e n te cte iec tee sci is ciee is ciee in site te ctins seni nes n incesin tin tse t te t ee cncentte un ute enicin tesees tu essuin bibin bs n sees int tin te ee ie es bnuses stc tins n ee ete se te suus e see t incese te ue suc stc tins tu bstin stte se ues tu ccuntin tics se bubcs ees n cuisitins sset stiin n nsiin ic uneine n te sustinbe t e use its enete b te ce t subet n cnt te itic cess in suc s t incese tei n e n euce tt eene ese te euie icies tt intin siniicnt ees uneeent t een unins n ee es t subsistence ee te i ttin tu suc itic cnt n tu use t ens n tnse icin teeb uneinin sci ee isin e usue ee ete ent ents tu n n i icin neents n tu be cst cuisitin ubic ssets itise ubic seices et enin inin eses n subsiies cusie cntctin etc e u te et te e sten int nnuctie inestents in e eistin ssets teeb enetin sset bubbes n ucin senin innci cises te tn eein ne tecn n cetin ne bs e cin t eent ctin n cite cne n un incesin cncenttins tins in te eninent ee is ent eiic t eutin te ie n innte inbiit n te t n siniicnt sectin n utin t ticite in

effee e l e e l ell e — ee — l eessl ees e f s effee ee e sll e elee e sesses e el f e ls e le e ee e s e les sess e se e f e ee eeses es el s e e lel sse fl es e el se s e e sess eeses ls es else e es se les sl essl ssl ss l e llse f s e ls e e fle e e effee f f e s e s efe e e ele l e e ell e l s s sse f se f s f f s f e ffl les f e el eee f f ll s e s f e

arets

e l sels sle ees s l e e f fes e e es “have all things in common” ee ee s el e s e eee ele e els eween individuals, specifically “justice in exchange”. se e els e e l sel Aristotle speaks of a “natural” el f selfsffe oitis e ls lees lee le f se e fll sf s s self sffe s f e e sese f l ee f s f el le e fsee e e l es s f s es e s ese f s el le e iomaean tis fls el s ll les l s el e le sle efes se el le see fs f ee s e f ese ess lls f e ssl f eel lfe — sle s fs e

immediately acktracks to a point where uneual exchange is acceptale so long as there is no suterfuge — so long as those losing out are informed and willing participants in the process. Availale evidence shows that Aristotle is factually correct in identifying a high degree of self sufficiency at the level of the free citien household with small surpluses traded for consumption goods not produced at home. here was, nonetheless, a high level of trade, particularly within and around Athens itself, with lots of small usinesses and some larger ones.3 Aristotle himself descries the passing away of an earlier arter economy and the uiuity of trade for coins. At the level of the state and foreign trade, olon had anned the export of all agricultural goods apart from olive oil, ut periodic grain shortages reuired state supervised import of grain from outside. here was also the slave trade, with slaves rought into the country per year prior to the eloponnesian ar according to oerts, . Along with wine and honey, Athens exported ceramics and other manufactures, and provided services including shipping and prostitution. ut so were imports financed y triute from its Aegean empire. ost significantly, Athenian wealth and power were grounded upon the luck of the silver deposits within its territories. he mines provided a major source of profit not from trade of goods ut from the laour of the slaves working the mines. hose leasing the mines hired excess slaves from wealthy citiens and put them to work to create much greater value than their cost.4

Profit an eploitation toa

hile plenty of profit is still made from trade today, the great ulk of it derives from laour, as in the Athenian silver mines, along with unreuited depletion of natural capital. In this case, the supposed “free and fair” wage contract conceals the reality of workers, with no real alternatives, generating

y the middle of the fourth century, fruits, flowers, witnesses, lawsuits, water clocks, machinery and many other things could e purchased in the agora. A numer of workshops had to craftworkers including family memers, apprentices and slaves. he shield factory of the metic ephalos employed slaves oerts, . ome free citiens were also forced to work as paid laourers particularly on major construction projects and in the navy.

oods to a alue uch reater than the ae, and the replaceent costs of achiner, ener, ra aterials etc., hich are appropriated the osses. s lon as deand for os eceeds deand for laour, the capitalist can et aa ith pain susistence aes, the iniu necessar to eep the orforce in eistence and aailale for or. he capitalist usiness ccle — of oo and slup — alon ith increasin onopolisation of control of production in e areas ensures onoin proision of a resere ar of ore or less desperate uneploed people. opetition for os alon ith ssteatic desillin ensures that aes do not rise uch aoe susistence for er lon or for er an orers, ithout appropriate oernent interention. .. enes clearl outlined the social conditions necessar for soe of the surplus coin ac to those that produce it. his reuires appropriate fiscal interention state poer, spendin orroed one fro the entral an in addition to ta reenues to stiulate the econo in a donturn and aintain full eploent. nd such interentions need to e copleented stron leall supported trade unions to ensure onoin aeled roth. his, in turn, reuires state control of capital and oods oin in and out of its territories to preent the flo of stiulus funds outside of the state in uestion and to preent capital fliht in search of cheaper laour and loer taes elsehere.5 uch transfer of surplus reuires effectiel proressie taation — of hih incoes and profits to support a coprehensie social ae — a elfare sste. nd oo tie repaent of one orroed to stiulate roth in the donturn. eolieral policies since hae aied to aintain a sinificant leel of unemployment (a “natural rate” raisin interest rates as the econo ros, to reduce inestent and spendin. he hae further ept aes don leal neutralisation of trade unions, perittin unrestricted eport of capital to lo ae areas and iport of the products of assiel aused laour. he hae cut the taes of the rich to sustain asset inflation,

nd enes hihlihted other proles of unrestricted international oeent of oods and capital, ith sinificant forein onership of strateic resources ithin a territor seriousl threatenin deocratic soereint and national ellein, and uncontrolled trade leadin to i surpluses for soe and i deficits for others, ultiatel leadin to readon of all trade and the lielihood of arfare.

a an lluon o eonom “growth” rater tan o te poor an mle la to enourae onumpton an netment6

aning then an no

le rtotle oon a on on reeton o prot een trou trae an lae laour e reman erouly otle to prot aee trou lenn at nteret7 As he says, usury is the “most hated” ort o prot man t “the greatest reason”; it “mae a an out o money itself” (oitis an ere ute ly eelope n ten at te tme tartn out a money aner aeuarn aluale or oter an mon on to pron petty loan n te maretplae oln oet n pan or eurty u money lener moe on to larer loan, “rn ot ter on un and their customers' deposits”. As Roberts says “te mot ntrep tenan aner alo ate a ntermeare o onnete unemen needing funds to investors” o t oul e tat rtotle a onerne t aner lon ter epotor money trou lenn lare um or u ry une enture a lon tane tran epeton (oert 8 ateer te a or rtotle otlty to uury rtue le eene o el ueny ery mu releant to ontemporary oety ere te ann ytem a aume an eer more omnant an etrute role n neoleral aptalm unamental erene ere tat te tate reate te money upply n anent ten uaranteen te alue o te ler on t ue ue to pay ure roer n te alley

ll are uppoe to enet trou unretrte ree trae an aptal molty trou omparate aantae n trae an aptal lo to mot protale etnaton t o reaton an return o nreae prot to areoler uppoely ree nternatonal urreny maret enure ontnual realann o relate urreny alue to preent nant trae malane t te urreny o urplu terrtore appreatn to nreae ter eport ot an tat o urplu terrtore epreatn to mae mport more epene an eport eaper eyne reute te ea tat ree trae uarantee aantae o omparate aantae an te ea tat orenn trae malane are automatally orrete y ree urreny maret a n te an erap e loo a to te eprea et onae unermnn tenan oety pror to olon reorm r perap e a tnn o oter ann anal tat ourre n anent ten (oert

AR A RA

and assembly participants, to finance maor public wors and grain imports in times of crisis. t stimulated growth and maintained employment, without accumulating debt. n contemporary society, the bans create money as debt through issuing loans; so do they destroy such funds when the loans are repaid. his gives unregulated bans huge power to determine the level and the nature of investment. oney creation without investment drives inflation inadeuate money creation — as in a baning crisis — simply shuts down the capitalist economy. oney lent to coal mining corporations undermines the ecosystem of the world, to wealthy buyers of eisting assets of shares and property etc. pushes up prices, shutting out poorer people from such marets, fuelling booms that ultimately turn into destructive busts. hile greedy baners are encouraged to mae loans that run up huge debts, default upon such debts threatens baning crisis and necessitates government rescue with public funds, transferring the debt to the public.

Politis

Aristotle identifies three core political functions reuiring to be effectively discharged — in any viable state oitis b. he deliberative element “discusses” everything of common importance, and maes decisions about what is to be done.9 his broadly corresponds to the legislative power in contemporary political theory. n Athens at the time this function was fulfilled by the Assembly which was the sovereign body of the state with ongoing responsibility for state policy. n theory this was a meeting of all of the male citiens, meeting four times every tenth of the year in the fourth century. arey estimates a minimum regular attendance of around ,, and sometimes over , attending — over of the male citienry. aws could be passed by a maority vote, providing that the matter had been placed on the agenda by the council. At the same time, the ouncil acted to enforce Assembly decisions. he Assembly could receive and adudicate accusations of crimes against the state. Any male citien could address the Assembly following the agenda set by the ouncil, with ouncil recommendations accepted, reected, amended or replaced with alternative proposals put forward by the Assembly arey, .

ncluding issues of war and peace, alliances, legislation, imposition of penalties for serious offences, the selection of officials and scrutiny of their conduct.

Aristotle identifies “the executive element” as “the officials” c u e des e sse esees issue des d e sue e e eed e esonsible for “regulation of good order” in e se oitis i e ei siui ided ises de i e uci sei e ed e sse d ci u is decisis cdied i d sueised e ciiies e se iscies icu i es se ices ceed u eeues i ic icuded is d es d e es e e sie ies d esed se d d e e se cisced ie e es e csuci sis e d d es es cei ss ciis uci ees ee seeced ec e ec ie e e di i eeis e e uic d — e — e ec suc di eei ecisis ee de e e ees i s ds Aristotle identifies “the judicial element” by reference to issues of “ e members (of courts) are drawn” e “manner of appointment” and the “es u ic e have jurisdiction” oitis e disiuises ei es cu dei i diee ss issues10 e cus ee ie ei decc is s e es us seeced e ics see e deeied e uces e ceedis d suc ceedis d ud ic e iic cess11 “ss i e sse cud e ceed i e cus uds f illegality” (Carey, 2017:

onstitutions

ise ideiies si diee s csiui deedi u ee sie e e e ciies eecise ui i e ee es d u ee e d s ue i ei ieess i e ieess e e cui ue e c e ei c

cuiies eces is e uic iees csiui es disues u ies ie scis icide eies d i e scis e uies ee diided i es s s idiidus uc es ced s udes d uies i ici eseei ceedis es ceed icuded cii cis d cii cis u e i e uic iees d cses eed iic iscduc

A A CAC

or malign despotism, by a few can be benign aristocracy or malign oligarchy, by all can be benign polity or malign democracy12 is ideal state is one in which all male citiens by virtue of their highly developed intellectual and moral powers, are able to effectively and responsibly exercise political power in discharging all three political functions13 ore specifically, he sees such citiens as ideally fulfilling such political roles in mature middle age, with young adulthood given over to military pursuits and old age to priestly duties14 ut he recognises that in real states all citiens might not have such highly developed intellectual and moral powers e also recognises that in such real states political power struggles focus upon conflicts between a rich minority and a poor majority15 here the former win out, state structures and processes are oligarchical in the sense that the rich exercise power in all three areas, executive, legislative and judicial here the latter do so, the poor majority exercise such power through democratic forms of organisation and implementation of the functions in uestion or Aristotle, contemporary Athens was close to his idea of pure democracy, with selection for office by lot, and mass participation, with popular voting in the courts and the legislature As noted, such selection by lot extended to executive authority, but also included a wide range of public

12 Aristotle’s discussion is strange to modern sensibilities insofar as he, on occasions, treats the issue of who should rule as one of distributive justice, who deserves to rule, rather than one of human rights, of the democratic right of each to full political participation At the same time, his teleological approach focuses upon finding arrangements that function effectively to maintain political stability and continuity 1 As executive, law maers, judges and jurors 1 ith only a few able to do this we have aristocracy, with all we have polity ut he also identifies polity with a mix of democracy and oligarchy 1 ie arx, he has a class analysis of politics As de Ste.Croix points out, “like so many other rees, Aristotle regarded a mans economic position as the decisive factor in influencing his behaviour in politics, as in other fields e never feels he has to argue in favour of this position, which he could simply tae for granted, because it was already universally accepted” (de Ste.Croix, 1983:71) ometimes he applies a trichotomous model which distinguishes those of great wealth — grounded in substantial property ownership — from those of moderate wealth and those of little or no wealth ore often he simply distinguishes a propertied class (oi tas osias eontes) and those who have little or no property (oi aporoi) ubstantial property ownership here crucially includes control of slave labour, and of the surplus product of such labour he differing interests of rich and poor citiens lead to “civil dissentions and armed conflicts (staseis...kai machai) ... and either the few rich set up a pure oligarchy...or the many poor set up an extreme democracy … ” (de teCroix, 1:72)

SC A

offices not involving specific — advanced — skills or abilities. At the local level, of basic geographicaltribal landholding division, assemblies of citiens were presided over by demarchs selected by lot (Carey, 17:8).16 Aristotle sees problems with both pure oligarchy and pure democracy. As he says, the very rich incline more to arrogance and crime on a large scale than to the exercise of reason in good government. They “neither wish to submit to rule nor understand how to do so” (oitis, 19b13). And tyranny often emerges from oligarchy. n the other hand, the poor are inclined to “wicked ways and petty crime”. They are “too subservient” and “do not know how to rule” (oitis 19b13). They “covet” the possessions of the rich. e is concerned that the poor, as rulers in a more radical democracy, tend to oppress or abolish the rich and thereby undermine the functioning of a ust and effective state. hile the rich may indeed be mad profit seekers, and arrogant criminals, so are they likely to be educated, they have the leisure for deliberation, they can afford to pay taxes and — in Athens — provide slaves for the silver mines. Apparently most importantly, only the rich can afford to breed horses for cavalry work, and euip themselves as heavy infantry, which could be crucial to the safety of the inhabitants of a territory suitable for deployment of such forces (oitis 131a). Aristotle refers to the democracy of the Assembly tending to undermine long term, stable and principled rule of law by rule of — hastily put together decree. And lato goes much further in his account of “the democratic man” in epbi . b9c, in identifying an intrinsic tendency for democracy to transform itself into tyranny. ut others have found evidence of stable laws, effectively implemented, changed and developed in orderly fashion. As Carey notes:

surviving decrees show the Assembly could generate sustained and detailed debate and that it was possible for clerks to follow the proceedings. ot infreuently we find decrees consisting of several segments in which a substantive motion is followed by subsidiary proposals which expand or refine the main motion ... (Carey, 17:71)

1 At the national level, officials “comparable to those in modern departments of trading standards” (Carey, 2017:80), sanitary and planning officers, legal officers — including Archons, financial officers receiving and disbursing funds paid to the state, and others were all appointed by lot.

ATT A CAC

As he says, “this is not chaos ... ” (Carey, 2017:71). And the achievements of Athenian society in this period (of the fifth and fourth centuries) testify to the effectiveness of such deepgoing, participatory democracy.17 e te.Croi notes that, “the fourth century democracy .of Athens, ... bore little resemblance to latos unpleasant portrait...and moreover was particularly stable and showed no tendency to transform itself into tyranny” (de te.Croi, 18:70–71). Aristotle recognised the possibility for mied state forms with each of the maor functions fulfilled by institutions organised in more democratic or more oligarchic fashion. epending upon the nature of the citienry, he suggests some such mied forms as the most effective means of reconciling rich and poor in viable state structures. The idea seems to be that the balancing of pursuit of particular selfish interests can actually lead to governance in the general interest.

gainst oligarh

Today we see ample confirmation of Aristotles critiue of pure oligarchy, where states committed only or primarily to the selfish interests of the rich radically fail to support general social welfare. e do not have to look too deeply beyond the rhetoric of democracy to see that contemporary western societies, particularly since 180, are basically oligarchic in Aristotelian terms, with eecutive, legislative and udicial powers subordinated to the interests of big capital, with no meaningful or ongoing participation of the poor maority at any level and no consideration of their interests in law or policy making. The radical failure of such a system is demonstrated by ever increasing ineuality, endless vicious warfare, political and financial instability, and accelerating climate change, all threatening survival of human life on the planet. The domination of the economy by a handful of (arrogant and lawless) corporate eecutives is the foundation for their domination of the political process. ecades of capitalist development have seen the concentration and centralisation of economic power in the hands of controllers of a small number of massive corporations. hich means concentration of surplus wealth and of ob creating and tapaying powers conferring political

17 The silver mines were centrally important. ut the crucial issue was that of how the silver was used.

A control. uch olitical control has een eercised so as to ensure the assin and enforcement of cororate friendly las, the taeoer of the odies suosed to reulate the actions of riate usinesses in the ulic interest y the usinesses concerned, and the concentration of eer reater rent ayments in the hands of cororate leaders. olitical structures hich ensure the dominance of the olitical eecutie lay a ey role in contemorary estern oliarchy. s simly aly aroriate threats and ries to the leadershi of the maor arties romises of os, inestment, ta reenues, symathetic media coerae, camain fundin and cushy os for retired oliticians, for olitical leaders that suort their interests, threats of the remoal of all such thins for those that do not. uch more or less direct control has een sulemented in recent decades y the effectie ideoloical suersion of senior ulic serants, academics and the ulic at lare, led to eliee in a narro rane of free maret ideas as roidin the only iale ansers to crucial uestions of economic olicy. uch sura national odies as the , , orld an, and uroean entral an enter deely into la and olicy main in eaer nation states. he citiens of reece today are all too ell aare of ho, as tree puts it, the ECB, “has deeloed into the de facto oernment of the iest economy on earth, a oernment entirely shielded from luralist democracy that acts and can only act as the uardian and uarantor of a [neo] liberal market economy” (tree, .

onlusion

t is saddenin to see Aristotles aruments for atriarchy and slaery still alie today as ustifications for atriarchal family structures, seually discriminatory las and olicies, racial discrimination, and a comlete asence of democracy in the orlace. ut focus uon the eaness of his aruments nicely hihlihts the urency of contemorary reform in all of these areas. At the same time, hile Aristotles critiue of unreulated rofit seein through trade and usury, and of “pure” oliarchy is undeeloed, so does it focus our attention uon the massie rolems of such unreulated rofit seein and oliarchy today. he rule of arroant and laless cororate eecuties must e ended efore any more damae is done.

E ECC

Despite his hostility to “pure” democracy, ristotles deep inestigation of the politics of his day actually highlights the iability and effectieness of radical thenian participatory democracy ith the burden of economic eploitation — by landlords or capitalists — remoed and ithout the necessity of slaes orking for them, citien farmers ere able to be meaningfully inoled in democratic politics his meant not only the maority of public offices — including eecutie offices — filled by random selection from amongst those offering to sere, but also up to citiens, possibly of the total, regularly attending the ssembly t is clearly possible for public offices, including eecutie offices, to be filled by lot once again t is clearly possible for a population of million to be diided, by geography or by position ithin a deeloped diision of labour, into , such assemblies of , Each such ssembly could eercise limited local authority and could send recallable delegates to sub regional assemblies, hich, in turn, send delegates to regional, and ultimately a national assembly

iliograph

ristotle ristotle, e oitis ondon enguin, ristotle ristotle, iomaean tis ondon enguin, Bhaskar, oy Bhaskar, e ossibiit o atraism Brighton arester ress Carey, Christopher Carey, emora in Cassia tens ondon Bloomsbury cademic de teCroi E de teCroi, e Cass trgge in te nient ree ord ondon uckorth annel, obin ahnel, onomi stie and emora e ork outledge ber, osiah ber, e ise and a o Cassia reee rinceton rinceton niersity ress

oerts eith oerts e rigins o siness one and arets e or olui iersity ress tree ol tree o i Capitaism nd oo erso oo lle eisis oo easantCitien and ae oo erso

Euclid’s Geometry: the Case of Cotradictio

Chris Mortensen

This paper surveys Euclid’s geometry. After raising philosophical questions out the reltio etee the irs the ors the uestio is rise oeri ho there e ir pproprite to redtio ad absrdm proo hih y eiitio opertes ith otritio his les us to discover two different kinds of proof of contradiction, one kind in Euclid’s redtios the other i etures i the ies o the possile iures oeet

troductio

Euclid’s ements is ouetl hieeet so erly too t presets us ith elth o eiitios ios espeilly proos o ropositios s e ill see ies rise to etuestios o philosophil iterest e ill or our y throuh soe o these eore rrii t ple hih eles us to rise uestios out re o eoetry possile iures hih uli i ot o out ut hih his or ertily ers o

What are Euclid’s words about?

spetio o the ements reels to is o otet irs ors ilui es or prts o irs suh s poits lies irles res he ors re use to stte proe ropositios epresse i ors hih re ostesily out the irs What are the words really “about”? Words can be about anything and that is their strength. Euclid’s words are about diagrams and their parts, it iht see ut ht re these erhps peret ltoi shpes or eoetril ors urely ot ltois iht elier peret shpes ut

TEE the acausality of latonic forms, if acausal they be, cannot account for how we interact with them. hysical shapes on a page? o, if only because physical diagrams, drawn by hand or machine, lack the perfection of form that would seem to be possessed by the subect matter of Euclidean ropositions and proofs. ut there is a more plausible answer. Assuming that space is a real thing, which is a reasonable position with many important supporters from ewton to erlich, we can identify perfect lines, circles, spheres and the like, as parts of space. For example, we learn from Descartes’ methods that perfect circles around the origin are given as collections of points corresponding to equations of the form yr, where r is the radius and and y are the and y coordinates respectively. n this account, lines and other parts of space are not latonist universals, they are mereological wholes of points. There is no denying, of course, that there are prima aie epistemological problems with these items but on the other hand postulation of them in causallyrelevant physical theory is wellentrenched. Euclid himself defined a point as “that which has no part” (Book 1 Def 1: he meant of course no proper part, but this is not seen in a diagram, since “points” in a drawn diagram have proper parts. e also defined a line as “breadthless length” ef and “the extremities of a line are points” (Def 3): Euclid seems to have been thoroughly realist about geometrical items, while at the same time denying that they are diagrams and their parts.

What are the diarams for?

To reinforce an earlier point, if ropositions and their proofs are about perfectlyshaped parts of space, then they are not about drawn physical diagrams and their parts, because diagrams are not perfectly shaped. ut if that is so, then why are diagrams illuminating? What is their use? t is undoubted that diagrams are illuminating, we have only to imagine the ements with the diagrams removed something would be grievously lacking. ow are diagrams illuminating? ne obvious thing to say is that diagrams approimate the perfect shapes in space. They improve the understanding by displaying a shape which is in a natural way ie the perfect shape. ikeness here would seem to be some sort of rootmean square deviation crudely, the more the deviation around some mean, the

EUCLID’S GEOMETRY: THE CASE OF CONTRADICTION less the likeness. mportantl, ords are not ie diagrams. he emplo a different mode of representation. elson oodman (1) rather nailed this one, think: words represent shapes b pure convention, whereas diagrams represent shapes using a different mechanism, eempiiation, b giving ou something ie what is referred to. oodman went further in claiming that resemblance was itself conventional, but we will not get entangled in that particular thicket, except to sa that with geometrical diagrams, the root meansuare speculation of likeness mabe has rather better prospects than with pictures in general. o, ropositions and their proofs need diagrams, in the sense that in understanding a diagram, we have a uniue and ess onentiona mode of understanding of the associated roposition, namel exemplification. he ropositions are of course words themselves. gain, proofs also need words to ield understanding, if onl because their related ropositions are stated in words. am inclined to go further, however, and sa that without seeing or imagining a diagram there is no rea understanding of a roposition or its proof. e take note of te generait probem about diagrams, which has seemed to some to pose a difficult. ow can one diagram per roposition be enough hapes in space come in different sies, orientations and with different internal features. o one diagram would appl to them all, surel, even if the are associated with the same roposition. But this is too uick, surel. t is hardl the case that a diagram is neessar and siient for a proof, so that, for example, ou would need different diagram sies to illustrate proofs of the one roposition appling to different sied shapes. f there is no appeal in the roposition and proof to a particular feature of the diagram (e.g. sie, orientation) then this feature can be ignored, that is can be generalised over.

o et the riht words off the diaram

part from being necessar for full understanding, is there an role for a diagram in suppling verifications or ustifications to steps in a proof ne useful and influential contribution to this matter is due to enneth anders (1). e distinguishes eact features of a diagram from coeact features.

CHRIS MORTENSEN

T stinction is in terms of what it is permitted to be “read off” from a itot rter stiiation Manders’ main point is that exact f C features). In Manders’ words, coexact features are “unaffected by some range of every continuous variation of a specified diagram” (1995:92). This A E on an inite straigt ine tere an be onstrted an eiatera triange it te gien ine as one o its sides T

iaram :

: L A C A A C A T C AC C T AC I AAC AC R: T A A E A E or an triange i one o te sides is etended te eterior ange is greater tan eiter o te interior and opposite anges

EUCLID’S GEOMETRY: THE CASE OF CONTRADICTION

iaram : oo 1, roposition 1

roof: et the given triange be , and et be the extended side, extended to . isect at , and oin , extending it to where . xtend an arbitrary distance to . ince and and ange ange (rop 15), the trianges and are congruent (or eua, ucid: rop ). Thus corresponding anges and are eua. ut ange ange (coexact observation). ence ange ange . emars: (1) It is pain that the proof can be rerun for the other sides being extended – thus generaity. (2) The coexact observation about anges at the secondlast step also appeals to Euclid’s Common Notion 5 “The whoe is greater than the part”, which however does not mention angles. (3) This step is characteristic of coexactness: it is the diagram that ustifies the step in the argument. () ucid aso has a definition of ange, the historica compexities of which we do not pursue (see Heath’s careful discussion in oo 1, 1–1).

aside: e diarams

It is usefu to have a contrasting perspective on enn diagrams, which iewise have diagrams pus text, and have a bearing on proofs incuding ucidean proofs (for a usefu discussion of the differences see hin emon, 2003). Aristotle’s four categorical forms for text were: ll are o are ome is , and ome is ot ach of these can be represented diagramaticay as differing reationships between areas (typicay circes) representing the sets (extensions) associated with the

CHRIS MORTENSEN terms A and . Arguments with two premisses and conclusion in the aove categorical forms were called sogisms. enn diagrams facilitate testing the validit and invalidit of arguments in text emploing onl categorical forms, for an numer of premisses from one up including sllogisms. enn diagrams have topological features, specificall inclusion and exclusion, which enale validit and invalidit to e read off the page. In this limited sense enn diagrams can e said to have coexact features. Hence, one might speculate whether to generalise the concepts of co exactness and exactness to appl to enn diagrams as well. Moreover, since Euclidean proofs emplo a acground logic including at east sllogistic logic, it might e argued that a full Euclidean proof mst include one or more enn diagrams to ustif the logical steps. For a simple example, Heath allows as part of the proof of roposition elow the (valid) onepremiss argument: ll o are o so all are However, while enn diagrams can assist following a proof enaling reading text off the page, the features eing descried are different from Euclidean proofs, so that generalisation of the concept of coexactness is not ovious (thans to a referee for raising this point). Furthermore, while Aristotle himself descried the theor of sllogisms, he did not emplo enn diagrams which came man centuries later. That is, it is possile to emplo the logical steps in Aristotle’s arguments without assistance from Venn diagrams. In contrast, as we have seen, Euclidean diagrams seem to e essential for understanding Euclidean proofs.

Reductio arumets

Now we are closing in on our main conclusion concerning inconsistenc. Manders discusses the role of redtio arguments. He sees a prima aie prolem. How can a diagram illustrate a proof involving the supposition of a redtio After all, a redtio egins with an assumption that the aimedat Conclusion is false, and shows that a contradiction follows. How then is the contratheorem to e illustrated, if it is never exemplified Manders (5) allows that the diagram for a redtio CAN illustrate a contradictor premiss for a redtio, but only indirectly. Manders’ (1995) idea is that coexact features must e represented correctl, that is, what is read off from the coexact features of the diagram is retained in the

EUCLID’S GEOMETRY: THE CASE OF CONTRADICTION

onclusion of the redtio argument. n contrast, at least one eact feature can (indeed must) be incorrectly drawn, that is the diagram lacs the feature attributed by the eact premiss. hat way, the tas of drawing a contradiction is aoided. ne of Manders’ (1995) examples is the diagram in eath of oo 1 roposition . uclid shows that i in a triange to anges be ea to one anoter te sides i sbtend te ea anges i aso be ea to one anoter

iaram oo 1, roposition

roof. et A be a triangle with angle Aangle A. t is reuired to proe that side Aside A. or suppose not for redtio hen one of the sides is longer than the other (eact feature). et it be A A. Measure off along A where A (eact feature, not represented on diagram). oin . ow, A and and angle angle A (by stipulation), so then triangle is eual (congruent) to A (by rop ). ut this is absurd since by (coeact) obseration triangle is less than (that is, a proper part of) triangle A.

mossible iures

Manders’ (1995) distinctions are useful. But there is more to be said in connection with the important twentiethcentury deelopment of mossible iures s he mpossible igures moement got underway properly in 19 when the young wede scar eutersrd drew what has come to be called somewhat erroneously in the literature, the enrose riangle (see the top left of iagram 5). An important contributor to the moement was the formidable M.. scher, but he was not the first. he terminology

CHRIS MORTENSEN

“Impossible Figures”, IF, is due to Teddy Brunius, and is fairly settled by no so e stic ith that. Een so the ind of impossibilit hich is up here is not mere phsical impossibilit that is contrar to natural la but something stronger: incompatibilit at least ith logic or mathematics also (it is not intended here to beg the uestion either for or against logicism). It ill help if loo at some examples of IFs. The first example is b Escher’s student Bruno Ernst.

iaram : e earisome and te as as to te op. Bruno Ernst (19) Cutting a long stor short it is claimed here that there are fie basic forms hich can be simplified as follos.

iaram : Fie basic forms of Impossible Figures

EUCLID’S GEOMETRY: THE CASE OF CONTRADICTION

f these fie fors, scheatised fro the originals, the to three ere first dran by scar eutersrd. The to to left, the enrose Triangle and the tairay, ere rediscoered by oger enrose in . The botto left, the Escher ube, as dran by .. Escher in his asteriece eedere . Botto right is called the tes, and is eidently a silified ersion of iagra by Bruno Ernst. It is this hich e concentrate on. o the clai has been ade that these are iossible. But clearly they are sitting there for all to see. o hat is iossible about the any ictures hae a content, and aong contents there are contents and contents. contents are obtained hen e roect into the third diension good eales include ersectie and occlusion. The asects of the aboe iages are obiously not iossible but someting is iossible about the, hich indicates that it is the contents that are iossible. ore eactly, hat aes it iossible is that it has contradictory content the ind roects a contradictory theory as art of its content, of ho it sees. Euclid hiself did not shir the third diension Boos III are about solid geoetry. e clai here that these Iossible Figures do not hae any eisting eales in the hysical orld because they hae contradictory content. ere is a uic roof for the case of the Ernst tes. First the figure is lettered taen fro ortensen, .

iaram The tes lettered

roof of ontradiction. The arguent goes a is ertical, b is horiontal, a is colanar ith b, since both lie in the lane ab, and a and b arbitrarily etended do not eet. ote that the fourth reiss is necessary, since ithout it – are utually consistent – a ertical and a horiontal can eet in the one lane, but not if they are se to each other.

CHRIS MORTENSEN

T a b a b T b N D D T M :– F C – O ab T oos ab T I : at T I F D F T O I : etersrd as not draing isor aspets o eisting psia obets e made is igres p I A R is igres ere not isions

Reductio or roof of cotradictio?

S T S I redtio

UCLID’S GEOMETRY: THE CASE OF CONTRADICTION

Euclid’s redtio redtio redtio supposes side AB≠side AC. On deducing the contradiction, he rejects th xists. BUT at the same time the premisses are a “faithful” or “correct” rep this a kind of INTERNAL “truth”? I don’t have a problem with internal “truth”, as long as it isn’t conflated he narrative with “Once upon a time …”. For this reason I weary of having to explain to people of a phenomenological persuasion: “But it isn’t really TRUE!!”. And I urge the derives from needing an internal standard separating as Holmes’ residence with overlaps. Euclid’s redtio

CHRIS MORTENSEN cdici s c cdic i Is c isss Ss c d sic isss i seems I tis ss is isss cc I uld s: ccss isss s u i ccss is d i i Tus iud cdici is di Ss is dsi us illil i cdic cs But there is another difference too. It isn’t oius is sc ariation i isss Ss ie is i redtio i Manders’ sense. Certainly Diagrams can be made of different sizes and orientations, but it isn’t clear that there is the sort of scope for variation sii ss O il siili is D sc T Euclid ls d il ci i D u Euclid did si D: I is discussd slid O dic is l clss osion paradoes l ds dd cclusi i dicli ddssd Euclid Ndlss s cclusi is i cis D c

Coclusio

discussd csi s i ic ds d icl diagrams relate to one another. In particular, we have seen that Manders’ analysis provides us with tools for analysing Euclid’s use of proof by cdici ls s is iss isl i dic i cdici i cs Issil Fius

ibliorahy

Euclid Euclid e irteen oos o te ements Tsld i iduci d c Si Edd H d d uidd N Y: D ulicis ls Gd Nls Gd angages o rt N Y sMill

EUCLID’S GEOMETRY: THE CASE OF CONTRADICTION

Manders, Kenneth Manders, “The Euclidean Diagram (1995)” In e iosop o atematia ratie ed. . Mancosu. ford ford niversity ress, . Mortensen, Chris Mortensen, nonsistent eometr Milton eynes College ublications. hin and emon, unJoo Shin and Oliver Lemon, “Ðiagrams”, tanord nopedia o iosop, inter edition. vailable online at httpplato.stanford.edu. Date accessed March

lato ad ura o the lace of easo i the Good ife

Matthew Usher

This aer loos at the argument o one o the roonents o the Oective List Theor o elleing, Thomas Hura, in his oo e est ings in ie, and contrasts it with Plato’s arguments from several of his dialogues; in articular the iebs. Hurka makes two claims: that there isn’t one ultimate good (as he says Socrates, Plato and Aristotle supposed); and there isn’t a single best human life that’s right for all human beings. I will show that there is much agreement eteen Hura and lato, ut that Hura’s account of Plato’s argument that virtue (being rational) is necessar and suicient or the good life, obscures Plato’s contribution to the continuing arguments in this area

In the dsse, Odsseus uon tring to ind his a home encounters the island o the lotus eaters, a communit o eole ho eat a seet ruit and ecome leasantl intoicated, orgetting all their orries, resonsiilities, and anthing eond their immediate concerns At least some o Odsseus’ men ish to sta and oin them And he is orced to drag them ac to the shi and loc them u, eore sailing aa Some hilosohers have defended the lotus eaters’ way of life, by arguing that pleasure is the most valuale comonent o a good lie In Plato’s day there was Aristippus and the Crenaics, amongst others (Usher, 1:–) Amongst the modern hilosohers, there is entham — and to some etent Mill There are also hilosohers maing the case or hedonism toda (eg Feldman, ) In oosition are Socrates and lato, ho are ticall resented as arguing or isdom, variousl unaced as reason and noledge, (and hich Socrates and lato said must e snonmous ith virtue), as necessar and suicient or te good lie Additionall, there are philosophers who argue that there isn’t one ultimate good that is necessar and suicient or the goodlie, nor a single good lie that is it or everone

AH SH

but instead argue for what is known as the obective list theory of wellbeing (or happiness). n list theories, pleasure and reason are on the list, along with other goods like living ustly, achieving worthy goals, gaining knowledge etc., and the good life is the one that contains at least some degree of each of the goods on the list. Such an argument is well put in homas Hurka’s, e est ings in ie (Hurka, ). Plato has several interlocutors in different dialogues defending the primacy of pleasure against reason in the good life. In the iebs, a later dialogue on the topic of pleasure, Socrates’ interlocutor, Protarchus, takes the position that pleasure is essential for happiness as it is good by nature and it is what makes a person happy (i b–c). Under Socrates’ uestioning Protarchus agrees that the temperate take pleasure in their self control and the intemperate take pleasure in their lack of it. ut he insists, against Socrates’ provocations, that this makes no difference to the pleasure itself. Protarchus is adamant that while the occasions or causes of pleasure can be so unlike each other that they can be considered opposed, the pleasure itself, cannot be “unalike”, or opposed, (i c–c). Protarchus’ view that pleasure is distinct from what occasions it is common amongst hedonists, and with it a view on the nature of pleasures (and pains) that understands them as sensations or feelings (relatively simple psychological or ualitative states). hese mental states can be generated from very different activities, but it is central to the hedonist thesis that the pleasure and pain so generated is the same sort of thing in each case, the only significant differences being what causes or occasions them, and their sie and duration (sher, :–). Hence pleasure units derived from an activity or occasion are the same value whether the occasion or activity really happened or was an illusion, and the pleasure units a compassionate person gets in eercising compassion are of the same currency as the pleasure units a sadistic person gets in inflicting pain. Hedonists are committed to this position because the sameness of all pleasures (and all pains), however they are generated, allows them to be measured and compared, and to be used as units in a simple method for living the good life. ollowing the hedonic calculus (H) one pursues activities and occasions with an eye to maimising the amount in terms of

bective list theories of wellbeinghappiness hold that there is a plurality of goods that benefit people and does not identify an underlying feature shared by these goods, and these goods can benefit people even if they don’t care for them or dislike them(Arneson, :–).

P HU H P S H

sie and duration of pleasure units, while minimising pain units (eldman, –). wo counter arguments are as follows. irstly, pleasures and pains can be comple and can be differentiated, such that they cannot be reduced to ust a number based upon their sie and duration but have deeper attributes upon which we can udge their value. Some of them, Plato will argue are “counterfeit coins” as it were, and have dimensions or ualities that are harmful, even while remaining pleasant. r are beneficial, even while remaining painful in the case of pains. onseuently, the H will fail or will need adustment to mitigate against these shortfalls. Hurka has some different arguments to Plato, but he nevertheless is sympathetic to the idea that some pleasures are improved by fitting in with other goods necessary for the good life, including not being delusional, or not being vicious pleasures taken in inflicting suffering on others (Hurka, , , –, – ). second counter argument is that there are other intrinsic goods, such as knowledge, achievement, and being morally good, each of which is as important (or even more important) than pleasure to the goodness of the good life (Hurka, ). hese counter arguments aim to establish that pleasure is a conditional good and that therefore it cannot be sufficient for the goodness of the good life. he first counter argument aims to ruin the H by preventing the hedonists from insulating the goodness of pleasure from that which occasions it and reducing the compleity of pleasures and pains down to simple units. n the iebs, Plato has Socrates argue that pleasures (and pains) can, contra Protarchus, be importantly different in their nature and place in a human life, such that we must rule some out. He has Socrates point to the sometimes disruptive and destructive relationship between some pleasures and pains that is not present in other unmied pleasures, and also argues to the initial bafflement of Protarchus that there are pleasures and pains that are false in several senses, and these are opposed to true pleasures and pains (i c–c, e–a). Underlying the argument for false pleasures and pains, Plato gives a sophisticated account of pleasures and pains as propositional attitudesrepresentational states, which opens pleasures up to discrimination in the same way that we would discriminate between the virtues and vices of character, and between true and false beliefs (i c–e).

here remain defenders of hedonism, with better arguments (eldman, ).

re easures and ains caae of ein dissimiar and oosed, fase and vicious in a wa that renders the defective ne resonse to this question considered by Hurka amongst others is Aristotle’s but an argument is aso found in i, who did thin that some inds of easurae henomena were more vauae than others i, owever, after consideration of several arguments Hurka isn’t convinced to abandon what he calls the “simple view”, that diverse tes of easure are a eua ood, differin in vaue on intensit and duration ura, e distinuishes different tes of easure, from sime easures ie sensations in our consciousness of the sort tica descried as odi easures, from easures that are roositiona attitudes, and from easant moods ura, – he easures and ains understood as sensations he taes, ie the hedonists, to e roduced activities, which the are distinct from, such that the easure or ain ma have een roduced other different activities he easures that are roositiona attitudes he taes to e menta reresentations with a articuar oect, such as that our referred sortin team won the rand fina, that ou are wain aon the each, or that ou erformed we at a concert, or in the case of ain, sufferin that ou are stuc in ridoc, or are ost, or have faied at an imortant tas n the case of oth easures and ains of this atter sort, their essence is in how ou tae thins, the imortance of our team winnin, the surroundins, that ou are doin we etc, or the oosite in the case of ain nd as such ura reconises that the roositiona attitude te of easures and ains can have ver etended oects, including for example your “whole life”, or “life on Earth,” etc. (Hurka, – fter main these distinctions ura arues that a inds of easures can be desirable and isn’t convinced by arguments that they differ in vaue ura, – owever, he ater seems smathetic to the idea that some are worth seein more than others, and that some miht e ad, and ives a numer of aruments, man of which can e found in the iebs ie ato, ura oints to the reationshi etween some inds of easures and pains; that you can’t have the pleasure (the good thing) without incurrin reater ad thins, ain, the oss of reutation, or iveihood etc e raises the roem of the arado of easure, in that the harder ou tr for it, the more eusive it ets e aso discusses the roems with fase easures of the sort one woud have on the erience achine, see

A A HA A HE AE EA HE E

below), mindless pleasures, and the badness of sadistic pleasures, and the good of compassionate pains (Hurka, –, –). Although Hurka’s analysis doesn’t go much into Plato’s admittedly difficult argument for false pleasures as given in the iebs, he is in agreement that simple bodily pleasures and the pleasures of the sort the lotus eaters enoy, often so localised and episodic (as these kinds of feelings often are), do not seem to be the sort of thing that a person could construct a oe good life out of (Hurka, ). o although he is not convinced that there are better or worse pleasures in terms of their pleasantness, his examples suggest that there is, on balance, something better about pleasures that aren’t built upon false beliefs, and are not morally vicious, and which fit in with an extended and flourishing human life (Hurka, ). n this point, lato has a richer account of the differences between pleasures that he uses to argue that some pleasures (and pains) are so different that they really are opposites. ecall the claim that some pleasures, such as walking along the beach, performing in a concert etc., are not, in essence, feelings occasioned by an obect but rather intentional states or propositional attitudes by which we attach a certain significance to its obect. lato argues that it is pleasures (and pains) of this kind, in which the true nature of pleasure (and pain) is revealed (i c–d.). He has ocrates argue that desire is a pain that is about a disruption in our constitution (broadly understood to include the condition of the embodied psyche) and directs the agent towards the obect that would restore it (i d–d). And so, both pain and pleasure are concern laden, since they are suffering or reoicing at some state of affairs the agent takes to be deleterious, or restorative for the agent. he argument of the iebs is that pleasure in the human being is essentially a cognitive phenomenon and is representational (sher, – ). lato develops this idea by exploring several ways in which pleasure can be false or mistakenly represent or regard things (i c–a). hose

Hurka isn’t quite right in his cursory account of false pleasures, (Hurka, –). A good analysis of Plato’s false pleasures can be found in (rede, ) and (ouvalis sher, ). n the concept of false pleasure more generally see (halberg, ). urthermore, Hurka argues that even amongst feelings we value other feelings or lack of them in the case of pain, more highly than pleasure, (Hurka, , hapter ). Plato’s claim is that even a relatively simple desire such as thirst is not ust a brute feeling, but a specific type of pain experienced only by an agent who knows what the desire is for. ee rede, , . ee also Evans, .

misrepresentations, and false pleasures undermine the idea that pleasure is alays, indisputably and unconditionally good hat pleasure is unconditionally good goes hand in hand ith the vie that it is essentially a feeling or sensation because ith a feeling or sensation, there are no obects, no concerns, or beliefs to be rong about he same is not true of beliefs and representations and epectations here e do attach significance in ays in hich can be udged good and bad, correct and mistaen egarding our on interests and in relation to a good life as a whole, an individual’s goodness is constituted by the sorts of attitudes and perspectives that they tae on, and mistaes can be made at this level that can ruin lives ussell, , o, the value of true pleasures goes beyond merely that the events or occasion that you ere pleased at as a real event, as opposed to one induced or manufactured by a machine, to the value of having the right sorts of belief, values and attitudes such that you eperience pleasure as a result of truly flourishing n short, Plato argues that you cannot understand the nature of pleasure and pain ithout reference to their meaning, and hat pleasures and pains are about is open to discrimination, in ays hich impact upon their value and place in the goodlife onsequently, the goodness of pleasure, is conditional on other goods lie virtue and truth his creates a problem for the in that someone ishing to live a good life ill need to select the good pleasures from an array of pleasures that includes “counterfeit” and bad vicious pleasures, so that simply producing as much pleasure units as possible, ill fail to secure the goodlife osling aylor, urthermore, any attempt by the hedonist to be discerning in the selection of pleasures ould seem to involve deference to other values, thereby dethroning pleasure ith regard to the second counter argument about other goods equally valuable, if not more to the good life, Hurka’s analysis continues on to address hat he says Plato and ristotle posit as the ultimate good the good variously called, reason, noledge and isdom ura, – ura draws attention to the value of knowledge via Robert Nozick’s Experience achine thought eperiment hich purports to sho that e value noledge of the orld and of our place in it and real relationships to other people, not ust pleasant illusions of these things oic, – – f that is the case, then pleasure must have a share in the good

he roots of this argument go bac to the orgias b ff

N HR N HE E REN N HE E

life, but it is not sufficient, as the goodness of pleasure would be conditional in that it must respect the bounds set by the good of knowledge s he did with pleasure, Hurka explores whether all knowledge is eually worth having, or whether some types of knowledge are more valuable than others He argues that knowing a law of nature is significantly good apart from any further benefits it brings as is understanding a close friend’s character, and having some degree of selfknowledge can also be beneficial Hurka, – ut knowing the number of blades of grass on a lawn, in contrast, isn’t of much value. He concludes that some knowledge is trivial, and not worth much and hence some kinds of knowledge are better than others and there must, therefore, be features that make them so Hurka, Hurka’s differentiation subdivides knowledge into three types knowledge of the world outside you knowledge of general laws of nature and also particular facts, knowledge of your relation to the world knowing where you are in space and how you relate to other people and knowledge of your own internal states your particular thoughts, feelings and lasting traits of character He argues that philosophers rightly favour the first kinds of knowledge general explanatory truths, scientific truths, and truths of metaphysics, of philosophical understanding, truths that are general by being widely extended, and having explanatory importance Hurka, – Hurka agrees that this latter kind of knowledge is good, but he argues that its absence isn’t what troubles us most when we think about our situation on the Experience achine Hurka, – hat he thinks is troubling is the delusion of your relation to the world and people in it the second type of knowledge because he argues holding positively false beliefs is worse than lacking knowledge hy it is worse is illustrated by another thought experiment that asks us to imagine a situation where an individual believes that they are a hero, and take pleasure in their loving and faithful partner, adoring children, and colleagues’ respect, but who is completely

Hurka argues that some kinds of selfknowledge harmful, and some kinds of delusions useful Hurka, e will find lato making this same concession and asking the same uestion i e–a n item of knowledge has explanatory importance if you use it to explain a great many other things you know or example, if you know the law of gravity you can use it to explain more specific laws Hurka, –

H H

mistaken in all those beliefs. f leasure alone were the onl ood, and the never discovered the truth, under hedonism their condition remains ideal since the have all the leasant feelins that make u their hainess. f this doesn’t seem right then it looks as though we want our leasuresbeliefs to match realit, not ust be delusionsfantasies. nd so Hurka concludes that bein ositivel mistaken about where ou are, and our relationshis to other eole, is a sinificant evil even if knowing these things isn’t an equally as imortant ood Hurka, . f, in the above eamle, our hero had been riht about the love and esteem he was held in, but misled on the fundamental nature of the universe, this doesn’t seem so troubling. And so, it follows that in the senses given, knowlede is a ood, but not the ood, and some kinds of knowlede are more valuable than others. ust like leasure, even the ood of knowlede aears conditional. he te of knowlede lato and ristotle are said to hold as necessar and sufficient is not, it seems, the most imortant. n the followin chaters, as Hurka moves throuh a list of oods, each is found to be conditional. or eamle, achievement is also somethin missin on the erience achine, or in the lives of the lotus eaters. nd much like items of knowlede, not all achievements have eual value. iurin out how to slit the atom and eradicatin a disease are maor achievements, lantin a arden less so. s with knowlede, if this is the case then there must be features that elain this difference and make some oals more worth achievin than others. f most imortance is that the achievements are real as oosed to manufactured illusions of achievement. hen achievements are imroved b bein eneral, in the senses discussed with reard to knowlede, how far the oal etends, how much of the world it includes Hurka, . or eamle, if ou eradicate olio, ou intentionall chane the condition of man eole, more than if ou create a nice flower arden in our front ard. o Hurka rates some achievements as more valuable than others. nd notwithstandin that he thinks there is value in ames and sortin erformances, what distinuishes the worth ones from the trivial ones does match, to some deree, what distinuishes the value of the different tes of

ael is credited with this thouht eeriment ael, –. red eldman offers some interestin defences aainst this line of arument eldman, –.

A A A A A A knowledge. here is value in ahievements that are etended in time, and over more of the world whih inludes lives that inlude long term goals, and in whih the arts of a life fit in with the overall lan. hese, urka argues, add value because “We can see this as involving a kind of ooeration between your selves at different times, as they work together to ahieve a longterm goal involving them all. And their doing so adds worth to what each does” (Hurka, 2011:101). o, urka sees value in having a lan that not only etends your interests through time but also unifies them, into a oerent oe urka, –. f ourse, this requires, reason, knowledge and disiline, and an, urka observes, lead to a loss of other goods, but on balane he thinks some intelligent and ontet deendent struture in a life an be rudent and benefiial, making it more hoie worthy urka, , , . And urka goes on to argue that if we reject hedonism’s valuing of vicious pleasures such as sadistic pleasures in another’s pain, and its reetion of omassionate ains, we should add moral virtue to our list of goods, adding further onditions to the goodness of leasure, and the badness of ain urka, . irtue involves an attitude, where the attitude’s object is something with a positive moral quality and mtatis mtandis for vie. As suh, urka onludes it involves a ertain relation to other intrinsic goods and evils, and thus can’t be the only intrinsic good, as he suggests lato was arguing in the epbi urka, –. owever, it is a good on the list, and like the other goods it rovides a boundary, as it were to other goods, making them onditional, so that we can say that it is bad to take pleasure in torturing, and it’s good to take pleasure in helping, and it’s bad to learn about human syhology in order to maniulate eole to malevolent ends, and it’s good to come to understand the nature of solar radiation for the uroses of building solar anels, for eamle. he failure of both leasure and knowledge, as well as the other urorted goods, on their own to be the neessary and suffiient ingredient in the good life gives grounds to argue as the list theorists do that there is not one single ultimate good or one universal good life that fits all humans, and that the good life will thus inlude a list of intrinsi goods, leasure, knowledge, virtue, and ahievement among them. At this oint, questions might turn to what goods make the list, and how they rank against one another, for as lato has rotarhus argue in the iebs, other goods might be neessary but one still hiefly resonsible for its goodness.

HW H

Hurka in his concluding chapter says that how good a life is, depends on the individual good things it contains, its pleasures, items of understanding, achievements, its ethics etc., but also on other factors (Hurka, 2001:1–1). ne of the other factors is how the different goods compare in value to each other, whether pleasure more important to the individual than knowledge, for eample. hroughout his book he gives many good arguments, which cannot address, in which he carefully shows that there won’t be a single good that makes for a good life, or a good life that suits everyone. nstead the good life involves possessing something between a list of goods and a recipe of them, contingent upon an individual’s own idiosyncratic temperaments and desires, talents and situations, social contet, stage of life, etc. (Hurka, 2011:111,1–1). o, take it that Hurka would not rule out the lives of the lotus eaters on the grounds that they aren’t concerned enough with knowledge, or because they devote their lives to one thing instead of broader, more planned and wholistic, aspirations, but thinks that lives less pleasant than those of the lotus eaters, but containing other goods, including valuable items of knowledge, and worthwhile achievements, some of which are wrought by structure, direction and planning could be better.1 lato does insist throughout his work that one good is unconditionally good and is both necessary and sufficient for te oodlife. ut his argument is not widely understood. lato (and ristotle) we are told, put reason (used interchangeably with knowledge and wisdom) as the necessary and sufficient ingredient for the good life (Hurka, 2011:–). nd the type of knowledge they are said to be advocating is that described above as being concerned with general, widely etended, and eternal truths. nd while it is true that reason and all its relations, wisdom, knowledge and understanding, are put forth as the necessary and sufficient condition for happiness, lato complicates things by equating being rational with being virtuous, which amounts to what can be called “intelligent agency” (Russell, 200:1–20). t is this move by lato that is not correctly understood or

1 Hurka is more open to the possibility of unstructured goods than Plato. He doesn’t think it’s clear for example, that it’s better that one’s achievements are spread across a diverse range, or deeply focused in one area, and he thinks that the possibility of early death, makes some longer term goods vulnerable, while giving some value to those of the moment (Hurka, 2011:111, 1–1).

P HR H P R H

presented in Hurka’s admittedly brief characterisations of his position, in e est ings in ie, or in the wider literature. Plato is not arguing that a life of pure intellectual contemplation of the orms and philosophical understanding of eternal truths is the best life. human life will reuire a range of goods, necessary for embodied psyches, living in communities, and all the pleasures and pains that come with them in order to flourish. ut because of this, not in spite of it, he argues that there is one ingredient in the good life that is the most critical to a life well lived. hat ingredient ultimately ends up being the intelligent agency which gives the direction and structure necessary for a good life (i b–b. f course, Plato based these arguments in his metaphysics of being and in many different dialogues in which we often see the euation of virtue with following the direction of reason. ut it is with this foundation that Plato posited what aniel Russell calls a diretie conception of happiness, and thereby distinguishes his position in important ways from both hedonism, and from positions which by contrast can be seen as additie in that they are an unstructured list of goods (Russell, , . From Plato’s perspective, the hedonists go wrong in making happiness depend upon a very conditional good. And Hurka’s argument for happiness, he would argue, doesn’t properly recognise that reason and all its relations, including virtue, which take a wholistic approach to happiness, is the unconditional good in that it provides the direction that makes a mere list of ingredients (conditional goods, a recipe for a good life (Russell, –. o, while it is true to say that Plato is of the view that there is one necessary and sufficient good, with regard to the good life, (and it is variously called reason, knowledge, wisdom and virtue the argument is not like that of the Hedonists, with regard to there being one good, and instead Plato manages to integrate a range of goods under the unconditional good of the direction of reason. The foundation of Plato’s argument, as previously stated, is his wider arguments about the ood and his metaphysical framework. any a reader of the iebs (its announced topic is the nature of pleasure has been dismayed to find there is a metaphysical preface to the discussion of pleasure in the iebs which does not seem immediately relevant. o this

This is the point behind Socrates’ distinguishing between the life of humans, and the life of gods (i b.

ATTH SH

point in the dialogue, Socrates had only got Protarchus to agree that reason is necessary, but nonetheless, Protarchus still insisted that it was pleasure that was making the good life, good. In short, Protarchus’ view is that reason is necessary for happiness, only because pleasure is necessary for happiness i c–d. To disabuse Protarchus of this view Plato then has Socrates investigate the nature of αἰτία responsibility or cause, and how reason and pleasure each stand in relation to it. And he gives some metaphysics on the fundamental uestion of what it is for something to be part of, and play a role within, a structured constitution. The central idea of Plato’s fourfold division of all things (i b–b is that to have οὐσία being is to be a structured whole, which comes about when πέρας limit is placed upon the ἂπειρον unlimited. The bringing of a limit upon the class of the unlimited produces a μικτά miture, and in every case of a being, this miture is formed from parts that play different roles in accounting for its being what it is. n particular, one of the ingredients of the miture is the cause of the miture itself and thus is the most important. This metaphysical digression is then bought to bear on the uestion of the good life. Plato has Socrates say that the best human life is such a miture, with pleasure in the class of the unlimited, and reason playing the role of giving structure and limit to the unlimited. Thus, they each play very different roles. eason is the cause of the miture, and it is the intelligent agency that makes a thing a life what it is, by bringing, ἀναλογία, proportion, direction, and limit, to its parts like pleasure which do not in themselves have any determinate direction or proportion in relation to one’s life as a whole. This metaphysical digression supports the role reason plays in direction, structure and being, which is one of Plato’s central concerns and fits with a discussion on conditional and unconditional goods that Plato had given in an earlier dialogue the tdems. There, it is argued that virtue is the unconditional good that is primary for the goodness of the good life in that it involves following the direction of reason, which by its nature gives structure and hence being and goodness to a whole thing. t means that pleasure, and the other goods like health, wealth, and even knowledge and so on only become good when under the direction of reason. ecall that both Plato and Hurka, though to different degrees, as Hurka leaves more room for less structured goods thought that goods like pleasure, were improved by being integrated with our values and beliefs

Analysis of Plato’s orod iision can be found in Hampton, and sher, .

PA A A A PA A I I

and goals that form a whole human life. And hence the fails because we do not simly want to have the most and greatest leasures that we can, but to have the right ones, about the right things. ecause leasure is a kind of attitude built uon our underlying values, riorities, and concetions of ourselves, we can ask of a leasure whether it is laying the right kind of role in our life, is it in the right (true and virtuous things so that it fits in with other values we hold, goals we may have, and the overall structure of our life. e might say then, that for both Plato and to some etent urka, leasure is good under certain conditions, conditions determined by the shae of a whole good life. And as we saw, similar uestions can be asked of the different kinds of knowledge. Russell’s work on Plato draws attention to the tdems where Plato has a discussion in which virtue emerges as the unconditional good (ussell, , –. irtue is singled out because all the other goods (health, wealth, leasure, knowledge etc. are seen as conditional, in that their goodness deends on their being given good direction, something they cannot do themselves, while virtue alone, (conceived of as following the direction of reason, or intelligent agency, is declared an unconditional good, because it is the source of direction that brings about goodness in other things, (t e–d. he arallels with the discussion in the iebs on the “Fourfold division of all things” in which the cause (reason was an ingredient with a radically different and imortant role to all the other ingredients or arts of the whole are clear. o, the answer given by urka and others to the uestion of what makes life good, is that hainess is determined by the various good things in one’s life, health, wealth, leasure, status etc., in some list or recie or of such things. e seems, for the most art, to think that it is a recie which is to say that the goods in the good life must be in some kind of roortion or structure with reference to other goods and a life as a whole, as oosed to a list of goods included in an unstructured or barely structured way, but isn’t as structured as Plato would insist, because he allows for goods that fall outside of ambitions and regard for the truth, and thinks that there isn’t a best choice in some situations. Plato’s position is, in contrast,

As an eamle of there being no clear best otion, urka oints to two different artists, one .. ing, who stuck with and deely refined one artistic style, the other Picasso, who is constantly experimenting and innovating, and argues that there isn’t a reason to refer either the focused achievements or the move diverse (urka, . e ursues this theme in hater , where he considers whether a highly focused and lanned life is always better than one that has some degree of fleibility and sontaneity (urka, –.

uncompromising in that the good life depends on, and is determined by, the direction that all areas of life take together as a whole, such that it is its nature as a recipe as opposed to a mere list of ingredients that makes it the good life nd this demand for a holistic conception of happiness, and the role reason must play in it underlies Plato’s directive conception and is his central contribution to this debate would argue that some of Plato’s arguments for his position can also be found in Hurka’s arguments. The goods which Hurka includes on his list, are for the most part, conditional goods or goods improved by fitting in with the overarching, more expansive goal of living a good life as a whole roadly speaking urka does argue that reflecting on life as a whole gives the good life a structure which has a place for the pleasures of the lotus eaters, but much more space for those that are part of a life lived with regard to a whole life and the other values of knowledge, achievement, and virtue lthough urka thinks that there are some less or unstructured goods, he still seemed to think that pleasures and the other goods like knowledge and virtue were improved when they were taken in accordance with virtuous, more expansive, and longer term, goals and holistic concerns o, there is much in common in their arguments There’s always a condition that makes for good pleasures, good knowledge, good achievements in urka, despite his scepticism around better and worse pleasures. As he himself suggests at times, it’s when they fit in with larger wholistic concerns, and respect the value of other goods like truth and virtue etc., that they are good. Plato’s conception of pleasures and pains as essentially representationalpropositional attitudes allows him to imbue them with values beyond their pleasantness, in a way that urka cannot or does not Plato can do this in a unified way with the other virtues with reference to the same sort of concerns that led urka to argue for a list of goods he goodness of the attitudes and perspectives we adopt that constitute our pleasures and pains can be udged, true or false, good and bad, better and worse ranted, there is much more to be said and argued about Plato’s claims here and their metaphysical foundations Plato sometimes talks as if the integrating function of rationality is all there is to the good life, rather than being a feature of the structure of the goods in the good life nd have had to gloss over amount of work his concept of virtue does in his argument Plato’s view of the role of pleasure in the good life rests upon his account of

i b–d

PAT A HA A TH PA A TH

pleasure as a kind of attitude that can be transformed under the leadership of intelligent agency, suggesting a cooperative relationship between reason and desire ussell, –. This commits him to what we could call the agreement model of psychic conformity and yet, Plato in other dialogues, presents a control model. y way of illustration using the eample of the lotus eaters, Plato’s argument seems to be that Odysseus (reason) could have eplained the nature of the cosmos to his crew our affective natures and brought about an awareness in them that they actually wouldn’t enjoy the life of a lotus eater as much as living in accordance with the grand design of things, and that they would come to believe it and happily leave the island. n the other hand, in other dialogues, reason is presented as having to, like dysseus, force the crew into submission. Plato does not seem to have chosen one over the other as an account of psychic conformity, hence his claim that our affective nature is willing and able to grasp and adopt the direction that our rational nature gives it, lacks support and leaves some very important issues in his argument unresolved ussell, –. onetheless, to recognise the central role reason will play in giving direction and therefore structure to all the dimensions of a human life, is Plato’s contribution to this debate. As Hurka often suggested, thinking about what you want from life at the various different stages of life and how to put together the different dimensions of that life in the most prudent way is likely to be beneficial. or continuing beings with comple social and biological needs and desires including desires for their eistence to be meaningful having the right kinds of attitudes, a plan, and priorities would be assets and more effective, one would imagine, than putting together a future as a being that feels as much of a certain sensation as possible, or which had a list of goods, but in an unstructured and undirected way.

ibliorahy

Arneson, Richard J. Arneson, “Human flourishing versus desire satisfaction”, oia iosop and oi ondation v–.

ee the different models in epbi a–c, b–b and imaes, c–d, –.

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ouvalis and sher, eorge ouvalis and atthew sher, “Plato on false ains and false pleasures”. n ree esear in straia roeedings o te iennia Conerene o ree tdies ept , ed. . lose, . sianikas and . rais –. Adelaide he linders niversity of outh Australia. ouvalis and sher, , George Couvalis and Matthew Usher, “Pain and pleasure in Plato’s hysiology”. n ree esear in straia roeedings o te iennia Conerene o ree tdies pri , ed. . lose, . sianikas and . rais –. Adelaide linders niversity of outh Australia. vans, Matt Evans, “Plato and the meaning of pain”, peiron –. eldman, red eldman, easre and te ood ie. Oford larendon Press. rede, Dorothea Frede, “Rumplestilskin’s pleasures: true and false leasures in Plato’s Philebus”, ronesis –. rede, orothea rede, “Disintegration and restoration leasure and pain in Plato’s Philebus”. n Cambridge Companion to ato, ed. Richard raut –. ambridge ambridge niversity Press. osling and aylor, J... osling, and ... aylor, e rees on easre. Oford larendon Press. Hamton, ynthia Hamton, Pleasure, Knowledge, and Being: An analysis of Plato’s iebs Albany tate niversity of ew ork Press. Hurka, homas Hurka, e est ings in ie Oford niversity Press ill, John tuart ill, tiitarianism. ndianaolis obbserill. agel, Thomas Nagel, “Death”. n orta estions –. ambridge ambridge niversity Press. Plato Plato, with an nglish translation in the oeb Cassia ibrar. ondon illiam Heinemann td, . Russell, aniel Russell, ato and easre and te ood ie Oford larendon Press. halberg, Irving Thalberg, “False Pleasures”, orna o iosop . sher, atthew sher, ain and easre in ato and Cognitie iene. Ph hesis. Adelaide he linders niversity of outh Australia.

PT ND UR ND TE PCE F REN IN TE GD IFE

Usher, Matthew Usher, “Felt quality and attitudinal accounts of pleasure and pain in nient Greek and ontemporary philosophy”. In iing in a ultural ilderness, ed. Mihael Tsianikas, George Couvalis and Maria Palaktsoglou: –. delaide: The Flinders Universit of outh ustralia.

rom ciet Gree yth to Cotemorary ciece i ustralia: Crous as a Eirometal yothesis

Helena González-Vaquerizo

his paper analyses the reception of ree mytholoical fiures in arth system science. It concentrates on the socalled ronus hypothesis radshaw roo, , usin the myth of this itan as an analoue to eplain the processes of eolution and etinction. he study takes into account Hesiod’s poems, which offer an eplanation of the oriin and order of the world. reious occurrences of ronus in scientific disciplines are also considered, as well as the aia oeloc arulis, a, and edea ard, a, enironmental hypotheses. he analysis demonstrates that the contradictory features in Cronus’ character have been skilfully woven into the scientific rationale. ommon concerns of myth and science are discussed, as well as how lassics can play a role when dealin with urent scientific questions and een help in raisin enironmental awareness.

troductio “Is the world in which we find ourselves friendly, hostile or indifferent to human life nd how should humans lie in the world as it is constituted?”. lay,

I . esearch for this paper has een carried out as part of the proect ‘arginalia lassia odierna. radicin y recepcin clsica en la cultura de masas contemporánea’ (FFI2015 funded y the panish I. preious ersion of this paper was first presented at the th International onference in ree esearch held – une at Flinders Uniersity, delaide, outh ustralia. I am rateful to all the discussants on this occasion, and especially to r. icy alaansi. I also than the reiewers and editors for their insihtful comments.

H I

his paper is about the endurin influence that reek myth has eerted over the centuries in how we think about the oriin of the world and our relation to it. From ancient cosmoonies to modern science, mythical lanuae has shaped our understandin of the phaenomena surroundin us and on occasions has determined new trends of dealin with them. ne such case is studied here. he Cronus hypothesis (radshaw rook, 200 is the result of a recently established custom in arth system science,2 which employs Greek mythological figures in order to explain the biosphere’s dynamics. his hypothesis emered in response to the previous, wellknown aia hypothesis (ovelock, 12, 1, 200, 200 ovelock arulis, 1a, 1b and the lesserknown edea hypothesis (ard, 200a, 200b. he three hypotheses suggest quite antagonistic views of the Earth’s behaviour as a system and the influence of human activity on it. ach of them employed a reek mythical metaphor to reach their audiences. ach of them aree on unifyin the notions of evolution and etinction, yet differ in the way they conceptualise the biosphere as a selfreulatin oranism (aia, as a self destructive feedback system (edea, or as an analoue to the spectrum of stabilityentropy within an individual population (Cronus. hether they are scientifically accurate or not, the aia, edea and Cronus hypotheses all share a concern about the future of arth as a viable human habitat, and they all use mytholoy to posit their different approaches. herefore, this brief study on the reception of reek myth in science seeks to show that Classics may play a relevant role in such an urgent issue as science’s concern about the sustainability of our environment. s the most recent and least studied of the three (a paper focusin on aia and edea is to be published, the Cronus hypothesis will be the focus of our discussion. his will also allow for — and reuire — a review of the ancient story of the cosmogony as told in Hesiod’s eogony and a

2 “Earth system science embraces chemistry, physics, bioloy, mathematics and applied sciences in transcendin disciplinary boundaries to treat the arth as an interated system and seeks a deeper understandin of the physical, chemical, bioloical and human interactions that determine the past, current and future states of the arth. arth system science provides a physical basis for understandin the world in which we live and upon which humankind seeks to achieve sustainability” (Carleton College).

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CE GEE H CE CECE C EE HHE consideration of the role of Cronus therein. The Titan’s character is defined by ambivalence in ncient myth since he is subect to contradictory traits. His ambiguity is exemplified on the one hand in the castration of his father ranus and the devouring of his own children and on the other in his fair rule over the world in the socalled “Golden Age”. Such conflicting features will be taken as the fundamental reason for its use in contemporary environmental science. he paper will first focus on the eogony as an “origin story”, i.e. a cosmogony thus highlighting the intricate links between scientific and mythical languages from the earliest times. t will then tackle the Cronus myth itself and how certain interpretations of it are likely to have shaped the image shown in the Cronus hypothesis. hird and last the scientific hypothesis will be addressed and placed into the aforementioned context of the Gaia and edea hypotheses. he paper ends with a description and assessment of the Cronus hypothesis within the framework of Classical eception. eception theory (artindale artindale homas ) and studies on Classical eception (Hardwick Hardwick tray ) constitute valuable tools for this paper because they stress the role of the Classics in the modern world. rom this point of view studying the reception of myth in contemporary science can help us better understand our Classics. esides this kind of reception is relevant inasmuch as Classics are taking part in constructing meaning within science they provide metaphor and give shape to the hypotheses. s for the state of the art the reception of ntiquity in contemporary science is an emerging field of study as evidenced by the conference organised by am Galson and Guido Giglioni at the arburg nstitute “Bodies of Ideas: Science and Classical Reception”. This means that the possibilities are appearing yet the precedents are few. n fact there are no monographs dealing with this topic such as there have been when it comes to the reception of Classics in contemporary cultural phenomena like cinema (olomon lanshard hahabudin ) comics (ovacs arshall ) or children’s literature (Marciniak ovalt Hodkinson ) to name a few. nother field where intensive work is being done is science fiction (ogers tevens Cooper ). his

A GARI genre presents some similarities ith science: a particular language, and a tendency toards related themes. Also close to the study of the reception of Classics in science are certain works on Freud’s “compulsion” for Antiquity (Armstrong, and the use of the Greek myth in psychoanalysis (Boly, , oth of hich are particularly releant to this paper. n the other hand, studies on Greek cosmogony (nceta, Gregory, 2011) and Hesiod’s cosmos (Clay, 2003; Scully, 2015) are abundant, and the same is true of the Cronus myth (ersnel, alk, . The orks cited here are those that proed most helpful in analysing the reception of the Cronus hypothesis.

he Theogony as cosmooy

The analysis begins with Hesiod’s eogony for seeral reasons: one is that the poem shares ith modern cosmogony the concern aout the origin and order of the orld another is that oth Gaia and Cronus are main characters of the plot and finally, that the creation and destruction processes descried in the poem are analogous to the eolution and etinction processes postulated y the three enironmental hypotheses of Gaia, Medea and Cronus. The last ill e addressed in the final sections. The eogony is an “origin story” or a “creation tale”, that is, an account of the origin of the orld or a cosmogony. oeer difficult it is to gie a definition of ancient cosmogony, it is safe to say that, together ith ors and ays, the Hesiodic epos present in mythical language “a coherent picture of the ay men ieed their gods and their relationship to them, hich, in turn, constitutes a fundamental component of their understanding of the cosmos and their place within it” (Clay, 2003:1). In this sense, Hesiod’s orks and later Greek philosophy of nature are related to modern scientific endeaours that either attempt to gie an eplanation of the origin of the unierse — Big Bang theory, uantum Mechanics or Steady State, for instance — or that uestion our role ithin it — the Gaia, Medea and Cronus hypotheses. As Gregory has argued, the Greeks addressed some “perennial problems” that modern cosmogony asks itself in structurally similar ways. Therefore, there are similarities eteen the concerns and solutions of ancient Greek myths and those of modern science eist ecause there are “problem and solution types which are inherent in or intrinsic to or part of the natural structure of cosmogony” (Gregory, :.

F ACIT G TH T CTA SCIC I ASTAIA: CS AS A ITA HTHSIS

In addition, there is another reason for the resemblance between the narraties of myth and science, and that is metaphor. The metaphorical nature of human understanding (akoff ohnson, 2003) ustifies the use of symbol in both mythical and scientific language: analogues can make new ideas and categories fit within preeisting ones, thus generating comprehensible knowledge. The languages of myth and science can in fact be so alike that if compared by the lay person, the narraties of the ig ang theory and Hesiod’s cosmogony, for instance, would not seem so different. In this sense, Steiner has argued that “cosmology and astrophysics are proposing models of the birth of our unierse with a scenic sweep and speculatie flight far closer to ancient or ‘primitive’ creation myths than they are to mechanistic positivism” (Steiner, 2002:12). In turn, the narratives of the Gaia, edea and Cronus hypotheses are rooted in ancient Greek myth and influenced by it, as we will see. ut before that, a closer look into the eogony (11–13) is necessary. This is how it all begins, right after the inocation to the uses has taken place:

erily at the first Chaos came to be, but net widebosomed arth, the eer sure foundations of all the deathless ones who hold the peaks of snowy lympus, and dim Tartarus in the depth of the widepathed arth, and ros (oe), fairest among the deathless gods, who unneres the limbs and oercomes the mind and wise counsels of all gods and all men within them. From Chaos came forth rebus and black ight; but of ight were born Aether and ay, whom she conceied and bare from union in loe with rebus. And arth first bare starry Heaen, equal to herself, to coer her on eery side, and to be an eersure abidingplace for the blessed gods. And she brought forth long Hills, graceful haunts of the goddessymphs who dwell amongst the glens of the hills. She bare also the fruitless deep with his raging swell, ontus, without sweet union of loe. ut afterwards she lay with Heaen and bare deepswirling ceanus, Coeus and Crius and Hyperion and Iapetus, Theia and hea, Themis and nemosyne and goldcrowned hoebe and loely Tethys. After them was born Cronos the wily, youngest and most terrible of her children, and he hated his lusty sire.

In this passage Hesiod describes how Gaia (the arth) came to be from Chaos, how she bore ranus (the Heaen), and by lying with him, Cronus “the wily”. Thus the poet introduces some of the main characters in our enironmental hypotheses. The missing one, edea, was the granddaughter

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H I of Helios (the Sun), who was himself one of Gaia’s and Uranus’s grandchildren. Scientists have turned to these characters in attempting to descrie and theorise the Earth’s behaviour as a complex system of interactions in which humans play an important role. However, there is a ig gap etween Hesiod and these scientific hypotheses the poem does not eplain how haos “came to be” and there is no attempt to rationalise the origin and order of the world. e find ourselves still in the domains of ytos, efore the appearance of scientific inuiry or logos. In the poem, haos seems to e spontaneously generated as a mythical singularity or a “featureless void” (Clay, 2003:15). How does this bear any similarity to today’s prevailing cosmological model for the universe — the ig ang theory — which asserts that the universe would have epanded from a state of etreme heat and pressure (oos, 200:1) rom a purely scientific point of view, there is no resemlance etween these two narratives. However, from the point of view of the lay person, the metaphor that there was an initial chaos or a huge initial eplosion, and that we live in the aftermath of them, is valid enough. In oth scenarios an act of faith is to e performed in order to grasp how anything came to e from nothing. This leads us to the issue of religion. The possile lins etween myth, science and religion when dealing with the uestion of origin cannot e addressed here. However, it is relevant to stress that myth is a safe place for scientists as opposed to religion. There are various reasons for this: myth does not harm sensiilities, yet it retains the prestige of the lassics, and it follows a long tradition of scientific nomenclature using ree and atin roots. amples of religious eliefs threatened y science aound. ust to illustrate the case, we may consider whether some of the criticism to Higgs’ boson or “God particle” (Lisee, 2012) might have been avoided by using Zeus’ name instead. Yet that would be hardly plausible in the twentieth century. s for the prestige of the lassics, it has een a douleedged sword for scientists. n the one hand, lassics provide a sense of rationality and thus “scientific myths”, such as Freud’s complexes, have been used to replace divine cosmogonies with biological and psychological “truths” (Scully, 201:). n the other hand, the use of myth in science has sometimes led to discrediting a scientific hypothesis, as has een the case with the aia hypothesis. Researchers have wondered whether the hypothesis is “theory,

FR CE GREE YH CERRY SCECE USRL: CRUS S EREL HYHESS fact or wishful thinking” (Kirchner, 2002), “a contribution to EcoGeological science, a philosophy of life or a New Age stream” (Katičić, 2013). evertheless, the presence of the Classics in scientific disciplines and terminology is a wellestablished custom the role of Reception is to study the chain of ideas lining ntiuity with our world and, on occasions, influencing it.

The Cronus’ myth in Antiquity

s noted before, the main source for the story of Cronus is Hesiod (eog. 1 ff., 5 ff., 1 ff., ors and ays 1 ff.). However, there are also accounts of it in other ancient writers such as pollodorus (Bil. 1, 2, 1ff.) or Diodorus Siculus (3, 61), as well as later traditions where the Titan’s character acuires more complex nuances. n a brief yet exhaustive philological study of the ancient sources for the god Cronus, al (15) discussed the contrasting ualities of his character and proved that a complex image existed already in ntiuity. he wor by ersnel on the ritual of the Kronia also sheds light on his incongruity: “Kronos”, he summarises, “is, on one hand, the god of an inhumanly cruel era without ethical standards on the other he is the ing of a Golden ge of abundance, happiness and justice” (Versnel, 1987:126). Focusing on the eogony, it seems obvious that Cronus “the wily” (anuloetes) presents a contradictory personality: he behaves as a fairly good son, yet as an abominable father to his own children. He is the youngest offspring of Uranus and Gaia, and the only itan daring enough to help his mother tae revenge on his father. he story goes that since Uranus did not allow their children to get out of Gaia’s womb, Cronus castrated him and too over the throne. He also got rid of the Hecatoncheires and Cyclops, monstrous children of Gaia’s alone. Once he had seized control of the universe, he married his sister Rhea. However, his fate was to be dethroned by one of his own progeny. nowing the prophecy, he devoured Hestia, emeter, Hera, luto, and oseidon as soon as they were born. hen Zeus’s turn came, Rhea fled and hid him in a secret cave on the Cretan mount of icte, where he was secretly raised. Years later, Zeus would lure Cronus into taing a drug that made him vomit his brothers and sisters, the

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lymic gods n alliance with them, eus waged a war against Cronus and the rest of the Titans. Victory for them came with the help of Cronus’ ancient enemies, the ecatoncheires and the Cycloes n this most etended version of the myth, Cronus aears as a rather harmful figure: the balance of his family interactions is unuestionably negative owever, according to the later tradition, Cronus and eus eventually came to terms with one another he old itan was thought to inhabit the sles of the lessed where he was seen as a fair ruler (cf ind Pyt , 2 and l 2, 0 ff) n contrast with his reviously reorted wicked character, his kingdom was a realm of eace and natural ustice his art of Cronus’ tale is the foundation of the Golden ge myth: an age free of the virtues and vices of civilisation — no culture but also no labour, no sickness nor death — when the Earth rovided willingly all the resources needed by humans he last asect that needs to be addressed in order to study Cronus’s recetion in contemorary science is the association of the name Cronus, Cronos or Kronos (Κρόνος) with Chronos (Χρόνος), the reek ersonification of ime his association is reorted by lutarch (e side 2), who assures that the Greeks “say that Cronus is but a figurative name for Chronus (Time)”. This linguistic trope has led to frequent confusion and/or conscious identification of both deities: the idea that ime devours his children is a haunting one

The Cronus myth in moern siene

s shown in the section on the eogony, being art of the reek cosmogony, the story of Cronus was related to the study of nature from the very beginning dditionally, most of the characteristics ortrayed in the ancient reek myth have found an echo in modern discilines, such as environmental science and sychology Cronus symbolises order and chaos, doublesidedness, comle family interactions, and the effects of time, among others ow all this informs the Cronus hyothesis remains to be analysed in the final section irst, we will concentrate on former occurrences of Cronus in scientific discilines his will serve as an indication of how his contradictory characteristics are received by scientists

CT G T T CT CC T C VT T

To egin we consider psychoanalysis. hether it constitutes a methodologically scientific sudiscipline within psychology or not its great influence oth within and outside psychology is unquestionale. oreoer psychoanalysis offers an ecellent opportunity to eamine the reception of Greek myth in the modern world and more specifically its impact on our understanding of the human character. s others hae argued, Freud’s interest in antiquity informs the sustance of psychoanalysis and therey has a earing on the modern world (rmstrong ). reud who had not engaged with the eogony in depth reconstructs the Cronus myth shortly efore his own death. oweer he seems to confuse generations y making eus castrate his father in reenge for the swallowing of his silings thus forgetting aout ranus eing emasculated by Cronus (Scully, 2015:6). Following Freud’s steps and mistakes, psychoanalytic literature has coined the Cronus comple. dentified as the Oedipus complex in reverse, it has been defined as “the father’s unconscious hostility and rialry in relation to his sons and his unconscious wish to castrate, humiliate, and annihilate them” (Fornari n.). lacing the focus on castration, Freud’s mythology also connects the story of Cronus to the passage from childhood to adulthood and from the primitie world to ciilisation. nother more recent approach to the Cronus comple sees it as a “role reversal which places childhood at the disposal of family need” (Crandall, 1984:108). Caring for one’s children before being cared for, the child is metaphorically “swallowed” by its parents. sychiatry has also employed the myth in relation to order ersonality isorder (). case report by Sally H. Barlow asserts that “the multiple and often confusing origins of can e partially understood within the myth of Cronus which tells the story of a man so osessed with his future he eats his children” (arlow ). he recognises immediately that there is much more to this tale than can be interpreted, Zeus’ escape and vengeance, in particular, yet takes Cronus’ behaviour towards his children as the critical eent. The tale seres as a metaphor for a case where parents’ own needs are so ig that the child is unale to deelop a sense of itself lest it e engulfed. s the patient eplains when confronted with a picture of the Titan eating his son, what happened to her “is not the myth exactly” (504),

H OZZZO but the image does strike a chord, so the therapist can go on with the analogy. Finally, we cite a couple of examples where science has exploited the idea of Cronus as a metaphor of time, in particular in medicine and physics. First, a gynaecological study used the word ronos in its acronym S: ronos arly strogen revention Study, which consists of a hormonal treatment starting soon after menopause in order to relieve its symptoms (Harman et al., 2006). Second, the COSEarth Project aims “to improve the accuracy and precision of terrestrial cosmogenic nuclide dating” (Phillips et al., 2016:119). How psychoanalysis, psychiatry, medicine and physics make use of this myth is relevant to the study of the Cronus hypothesis in several ways. First, the complexity of the myth proves to be its alluring feature — regardless of the confusion it sometimes causes. Second, while the main features of the Cronus tale are interpreted in different ways by scientists, they always retain a negative destructive uality. udging from the examples given, the positive aspects of the olden ge myth do not seem to make a lasting mark in science. However, the Cronus hypothesis will embrace a more comprehensive interpretation of the Titan’s personality and actions, and prove that reconciliation of his contradictory features is possible.

The Cronus i n ee hyotheses

The three environmental hypotheses we are dealing with suggest a reek metaphor for life on arth. lthough they differ from one another, they all share the conceptualisation of the biosphere as a kind of living entity: aia employs the metaphor of a selfregulating organism, edea that of a self destructive mother, and Cronus that of a complex interaction between species. The biosphere as living entity is not an entirely new idea, and we can trace its precedents to Antiquity. In the section dealing with Hesiod’s eogony, we briefly discussed ancient reek cosmogony as explained by myth and how it presented a cast of characters that gave life to gods, natural phenomena, stars, monsters and abstractions. There was, however, later and more extensive philosophical inuiry in ntiuity into the issues of the origin and order of the world. Here we find the suggestion that “the ancient sometimes considered the osos to be alive in some respects, and at times

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AIET EE TH T TEPA IEE I ATAIA A A EIETA HPTHEI

modelled cosmological processes on iological ones” (Gregory, 2011:11, . ust as in the aia, edea and ronus hypotheses, this was not to say that the cosmos was alive, or that it was an animal, ut to understand its processes as those of a living creature (cf. Plat. i ff. ith this notion in mind, we now proceed to a rief review of the aia and edea hypotheses. The aia hypothesis was put forward y independent scientist ames oveloc and his colleague ynn argulis in the s (oveloc, , 1979; Lovelock & Margulis, 1974a, 1974b), positing “the idea of the Earth as a ind of living organism, something ale to regulate its climate and composition so as to e comfortale for the organisms that inhabited it” (oveloc, v. In the aia hypothesis, the ree mythological figure acts as a good, willing, nurturing mother, that secures a hospitale environment for all inds of life, including human. However, the hypothesis has evolved over the years, acnowledging lately that the Earth is susceptible to a less benevolent attitude. In Lovelock’s most recent books, e eenge of aia ( and e anising ae of aia (2009), we find “a poetic metaphor for the imminent loss of Earth’s regulatory system, with apocalyptic implications for the planet’s human carrying capacity” (radshaw roo, . The name of aia was suggested to oveloc y the ritish oel prie winner for literature (, illiam . olding (oveloc, vii, who was probably acquainted with Hesiod’s poems. It might have been easy for him to connect the idea of life itself “optimizing” conditions for the rich development of iodiversity on Earth with the limitless fertility that aia presents in the poem. The idea of her vengeful character, used to eplain the feedac mechanisms that may end up threatening the very presence of some types of life on the Earth’s surface, is also observable in Hesiod’s eogony. In fact, when Gaia exhorts her children to avenge Uranus, “she justifies her actions in moral terms ased on the doctrine of vengeance. nce set in motion, however, the cycle of revenge, fuelled y mutual hatred of parent and child, can only repeat itself” (Clay, .

A recent wor on the aia hypothesis y ichael use ( suggests that an important source of aia is Plato, who viewed the cosmos as a living thing endowed with soul and intelligence, followed y Plotinus.

HELE GLEUEI

he Gaia hypothesis has been extremely successful in reaching a wider audience of nonscientists. s a consequence, Gaia is worshiped as the deity of ew ge religion (cf. Katičić, 2013), and she has pervaded popular culture as well, as seen in the celebrated film by ames Cameron, Aatar (2009), where another Greek metaphor is used to describe the lush planet andora. ut more importantly, it could be said that Gaia lies at the very core of contemporary ecology and of those environmental policies that pursue the preservation of the ecosystem as we know it. Its success does not render the hypothesis more plausible, but it does render it useful to environmentalism. s a “metaphorical description of Earth processes” (Gould, 1997), Gaia has also served other scientists as a foundation on which to build their own hypotheses about the environment. he Medea hypothesis was postulated by eter ard (2009a, 2009b), palaeontologist and professor at the University of ashington. His view is that life ultimately “seeks” to destroy itself as a consequence of the very essence of multicellular life, and is able to do so by mass extinction events which are life driven. ccording to Ward, “the evolution of life triggered a series of disasters that are inimical to life and will continue to do so in the future” (2009a:xx). His grim vision of the biosphere receives the name4 of a mythical mother figure and positions his hypothesis as a response to Lovelock’s Gaia. That name is Medea, “the murderous wife of Jason of the rgonauts. he was a sorceress, a princess — and a killer of her own children” (Ward, 2009b:28). As an alternative to Lovelock’s Gaia and as opposed to conservationism, ard suggests human intervention in the environment in order to secure the future of the human species.

The Cronus hyothesis

he Cronus hypothesis occupies a middle ground between the two previous hypotheses, and attempts to offer a more comprehensive understanding of

4 In choosing Medea, Ward was inspired by Robert Grave’s bestseller erules y iate (194), also known as e olden leee (1944). This means that, as in Lovelock’s case, Ward’s acquaintance with the Classics was mediated by someone who had more direct contact with them. In fact, obert Graves is known for his, often contentious, use of material from Classical sources (Gibson, 201). his information comes from personal conversation with the eter ard, who kindly answered my request about the inspiration for that name via email (2 eptember 201).

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ournal of osology “contrasting views” of Gaia and Media “are actually extremes of a scale on Earth” (Bradshaw & Brook, 2009:201). That would mean that they are two hypotheses, the authors claim “that extinction is as integral a part of the traded blows over vast spans of time” (Bradshaw & Brook, 2009:202). hypothesis, reasoning that the tumultuous tale of Cronus “p of evolutionary, ecological and extinction biology” (Bradshaw & Brook,

planetary population, the Cronus hypothesis. Cronus (Κρόνος) was the mother to kill Uranus for perceived crimes against Gaia’s other descendants,

Greek myth by consulting Aaron Atsma’s eoi Proet

EEA GEAUE

fact that Atsma has no apparent academic credentials, the site relies heavily on primary sources (in this case omer, esiod, indar, Aeschylus, lato, yginus and vid, among many others) and it is very informative. The authors of the Cronus hypothesis also refer to it when explaining the Gaia and Medea myths in their paper (Bradshaw & Brook, 2009:202, 20). They obviously had no deep previous knowledge about Greek myth, yet they wanted to posit their hypothesis in the context of Gaia and Medea, as Bradshaw explains:

Given the focus on Greek mythological figures as metaphors for evolutionary processes (ovelock: Gaia ard: Medea), wanted to continue the custom. admit that I didn’t know too much about Cronus in the grand pantheon before writing about our hypothesis, apart from some vague memory from school that he was a Titan overthrown by eus (his son). That prompted me to think about the simultaneous selfdestructive and nurturing aspect of nature (life & death speciation & extinction) that Cronus represented (killingemasculating his father at the behest of his mother, then succumbing to his own son’s dominion). Thus, I thought it was a more appropriate representation of evolution than the overly mutualistic (Gaia) or parasitic (Medea) hypothesis (in my opinion). n our own way, we used Cronus as a more parsimonious analogy of how life really works. id have a single influence for this o. As mentioned, it was from a general, albeit superficial, knowledge of the pantheon from my school education.

There is, then, no false claim to erudition or acuaintance with Classics. owever, the most relevant features of the Cronus myth are extremely well interwoven within the hypothesis and the metaphor works effectively. Just as in Hesiod’s poem, where infinite procreation on the part of Gaia was countered by Uranus blocking the birth of their progeny, and Rhea’s fertility was balanced by Cronus devouring his children, evolution and extinction work as complementary forces in the hypothesis. n the ancient tale, two cosmic forces, Eros (ove) and Eris (engeance), interact in complex ways: “The two forces, inseparable and intertwined, make cosmogony possible, but they also continually destabilize the process” (Clay, 200:19). An analogous scheme is applied to Earth population

ersonal conversation with the author who kindly answered my reuest via email (2 ovember 201). uoted with author’s permission.

R CIT R TH T CTRR CIC I UTRI: CRU IRT HTHI processes with entropy leading to decline in ecosystem stability radshaw rook, :). In this manner, scientists claim, the ideas of order and chaos bring forth another way of looking at life and death) on arth. This takes us back to the contradictory features of the Cronus myth: the chaos and cruelty of his first rule, contrasting with the order and mildness of his later kingdom. In myth, as in ritual, there is “a complex failing of standards and lawlessness, patricide and infanticide, cannibalism, rebellion and enslaement: Kronos anuloetes. n the other hand, there is the complex of peace and natural wellbeing, material abundance and ethical ustice, the breaking of chains: Kronos egas” (Versnel, 1987:132). Taking this into account, one must admit that Cronus’ opposing positive and negative elements hae been well chosen by scientists to illustrate their hypothesis. The only missing feature, perhaps, is the association with Chronos Time), which was nonetheless the result of a terminological confusion in ntiuity. hether the hypothesis is persuasie in scientific terms will not be discussed here, since that would reuire more space and a different focus. Howeer, a couple of aspects are worth mentioning because they allow us to see ust how accurately certain elements of the reek myth fit into it. irst comes the eolutionary perspectie. ccording to radshaw and rook, one of the adantages of their hypothesis is that it retains the arwinian iew of contestation that was difficult to accommodate in the cooperatie framework of aia. How a selfregulating organism was to act contrary to its own interest could only be explained by other metaphors: either the good mother turned against her progeny by sheer eil as in Ward’s Medea) or she was changed into a vengeful character once her sons (us) forced her to do so in order to survive (as in Lovelock’s latest accounts). y contrast, if the community of species is seen as a population of selfish indiiduals, as Bradshaw and Brook do following Richard Dawkins’s influential essay e elfis ene ), then selfregulation occurs naturally radshaw rook, :). nce an ecological niche is emptied by extinction, eolution and diersification find a new opportunity. This is an easily recognisable pattern in reek myth as well — always under the premise that analogy is accepted as a alid working tool. In the succession myth, wheneer a deity is defeated, its role is assumed by another member of the family.

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ext comes the analog of macroevolutionar forces on population processes, which is not far from the ancient view of the generation of life. n the eogony, different characters belonging to “different species” (Clay, 23:1) interact causing diversification and speciation, ut also entrop and extinction of the population. hus, for instance, itans, Cclops, ecantoncheires and lmpians are orn and replace one another. n the level of the iosphere, the Cronus metaphor explains the diversit of all planetar life as the result of the interaction and competition of a population of organisms. By doing so, they assure that “deeper analogies emerge which are useful for scientific interpretation of observed phenomena” (Bradshaw Brook, 29:23–2). s a conseuence, a metaphor ased on reek mth evolves to help scientists develop new models and lines of inuir.

Conusions

he Cronus hpothesis is the result of a recentl estalished trend in science, which could e summarised as orrowing reek mthological figures to explain the ehaviour of life on arth. n the one hand, this custom stems from the secular use of Classical elements in the West — selfdeclared inheritor of the reek and Roman ntiuities. n the other hand, it has to do with the ver essence of human metaphorical thinking, found oth in mth and in science when searching for an explanation to natural phenomena. owever, there are specific reasons wh the discipline of arth sstem science has made use of figures related to cosmogonic mths: as we have seen, those mths give an account of the origin and order of the world, “they inform how we think of ourselves and our place in the universe” (cull, 21:1), and the provide analogies which are still valuale to scientists. lthough the three hpotheses studied here reduce the complexit of smol that mths allow, the reek figures are articulated into the scientific rationale: this is achieved most skilfull in the cases of aia and Cronus. Cronus’ contradictory features, in particular, provide scientists with a convincing analogue to the processes of evolution and extinction. Moreover, in these hpotheses reek figures are susceptile of creating new meaning within science and even influencing societ on a wider level, as has een the case with aia. rom the perspective of Classical Reception, this is precisel

C C CC C the most relevant aspect, because it shows that the presence of ntiuity in modern scientific disciplines is not ust cosmetic it is a reminder of the “perennial questions” we ask ourselves, and a possible way out. s a conclusion, it can be said that reek myth has been a valid tool for understanding evolutionary processes and a means to raise environmental awareness.

iiorhy

pollodorus pollodorus, e irary. rans. ir .. raer. Cambridge, arvard niversity ress ondon illiam einemann td., . rmstrong, ichard rmstrong, A oulsion for Antiuity: reud and te Anient orld. Cornell Cornell niversity ress. tsma, aron tsma, “he heoi roect, reek ythology”, Netherlands and ew ealand, . vailable online at httpswww.theoi.com ate accessed Barlow, Sally H. Barlow, “Origins of B Cronus eating his children — a case report”, ournal of te Aerian Aadey of Psyoanalysis , –. Blanshard and hahabudin, lastair Blanshard and im hahabudin, lassis on reen: Anient reee and oe on il. Bristol Bristol Classical ress. Bowlby, achel Bowlby, reudian ytologies: ree ragedy and odern dentities. ford cholarship nline. vailable online at httpwww.ofordscholarship.comview.acprofoso. .acprof ate accessed

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Bradshaw, Corey Bradshaw, “Life and death on Earth: the Cronus hypothesis”, onservation ytes, Octoer . vailale online at httpsconservationytes.colifeanddeathonearththe cronushypothesis ate accessed Bradshaw and Brook, orey Bradshaw and Barry Brook, “The Cronus Hypothesis. tinction as a necessary and dynaic alance to evolutionary diversification”, ournal of osology –. vailale online at httpswww.ournalofcosology.cotinction.htl ate accessed aeron, aes aeron, Aatar os ngeles ellington ightstor ntertainent. arleton ollege arleton ollege, iene duation esoure enter vailale online at httpsserc.carleton.eduintrogeoearthsysteess ate accessed lay, enny Strauss lay, Hesiod’s Cosmos. aridge aridge niversity ress. ooper, Samuel Cooper, “The potency of the past in comic science fiction: Aristophanes and Philip K. Dick”, lassial eetions ournal , –. randall, John W. Crandall, “The Cronus complex”, linial oial or ournal , –. awkins, ichard awkins, e elfis ene. Oford Oford niversity ress. iodorus Siculus iodorus of Sicily, irary. rans. . H. Oldfather. aridge, Harvard niversity ress ondon illia Heineann, td., . ornari, ranco ornari, e Psyoanalysis of ar. rans. . feifer. arden ity, N nchor ressouleday. ison, lasdair ison, ed., oert raes and te lassial radition. Oford Oford niversity ress. ould, Stephen ay ould, “Kropotkin was no crackpot”, atural istory –. regory, ndrew regory, Anient ree osogony. Bristol Bristol lassical ress.

ACET EEK T T CTEPA CECE ATALA: C A A EETAL PTE

arman et al., itchell . arman, Eliot A. Brinton, arcell . Cedars, oerio Loo, JoAnn E. anson, eore . erriam, irinia . iller, rederick aftolin, and Nanette Santoro, “KEEPS: The Kronos Early Estrogen Prevention Study”, Cimei , :–. Availale online at: https:www.nci.nlm.nih.ovpumed Date accessed: ardwick, Lorna ardwick, eeio dies. Camride: Camride niversity Press. ardwick and tray, Lorna ardwick and Christopher tray, Comio o Cssi eeios. xford: Wiley. esiodus esiodus, e Homei Hms d Homei Trans. . EvelynWhite. Camride, A: arvard niversity Press, . Katičić, 2013 Marina Katičić, “olism in Deep Ecoloy and aiaTheory: a contriution to ecogeological science, a philosophy of life or a new age stream?”, e Hoisi o o iome , :–. Availale online at: http:www.hrcak.srce.hr Date accessed: Kirchner, James Kirchner, “The Gaia hypothesis: fact, theory, and wishful thinking”, Cimi Ce , :–. Availale online at: https:www.seismo.erkeley.edukirchnerreprintsKirchneraia .pdf Date accessed: Kovacs and arshall, eore Kovacs and C.W. arshall, Cssis d Comis. xford: xford niversity Press. Kovacs and arshall, eore Kovacs and C.W. arshall, o o Cssis d Comis. xford: xford niversity Press. Lakoff and Johnson, eore Lakoff and ark Johnson, eos e ie Chicao: Chicao niversity Press .

EEN GNEE

isee, hris isee, “Higgs Boson: ‘God Particle’ discovery ignites debate over science and religion”, Hos vailale online at: https:wwwhuffingtonpostcomhiggsosongodparticle religionsciencenhtml ate accessed: ovatt and odkinson, elen ovatt and wen odkinson, Cssi eeio d Cides iee eee ome d Cidood somio ondon New ork: Tauris ovelock, James Lovelock, “Gaia as seen through the atmosphere”, mosei iome , :– vailale online at: http:wwwameslovelockorgpagehtml ate accessed: ovelock, ames ovelock, i e oo ie o ford: ford niversity Press ovelock, ames ovelock, e eee o i e s ii — d Ho e C i e Hmi ondon: llen ane ovelock, ames ovelock, e isi e o i i i New ork: asic ooks ovelock and argulis, a James Lovelock and Lynn Margulis, “Atmospheric homeostasis y and for the iosphere: the Gaia hypothesis”, es eies , –:– vailale online at: https:wwwameslovelockorgatmospherichomeostasisyandforthe iospherethegaiahypothesis ate accessed ovelock and argulis, ames ovelock and ynn argulis, “Biological modulation of the earth’s atmosphere”, s , :– arciniak, Kataryna arciniak, ed, i Cidood e Cssis d iee o Cide d o ds eidenoston: rill artindale, harles artindale, edeemi e e i oe d e Hemeeis o eeio om iee d is Coes amridgeNew ork: amridge niversity Press

M A G MH MPA AALA: A A MAL HPH

Martindale and homas, harles Martindale and ichard homas, Malden: Blackell Phillips et al, red M Phillips et al., “The CRONUSarth Proect: a synthesis”, :– Pindar Pindar, rans Arnson varlien n , ed G rane ufs niversity, Available online at: http:perseustuftseduhoppertetdocPerseusateta abookd ate accessed: Plato Plato, , vol rans M Lamb ambridge, MA: Harvard niversity Press London: illiam Heinemann Ltd, Plutarch Plutarch, rans Babbitt ambridge, MA: Harvard niversity Press London: illiam Heinemann Ltd, ogers and tevens Brett M. Rogers and Benjamin Stevens, “Classical receptions in science fiction”, , :– oos, Matts Roos, “Expansion of the universe — standard Big Bang Model”. In ed ngvold, tabell, B erny and J Lattanio L Available online at: https:arivorgpdfpdf ate accessed: use, Michael use, hicago: niversity of hicago Press cully, tephen cully, ford: ford niversity Press olomon, Jon olomon, e Haven London: ale niversity Press teiner, George teiner, e Haven London: ale niversity Press

EEN ONEUERIO

Unceta, Luis Unceta, “Breve historia del gnero cosmognico de la ntigedad al relato de ficción” (Brief history of the cosmologial genre: from Antiquity to fiction tale, , –. al, Marchinus van der Valk, “On the god Cronus”, , –. ersnel, Henk Versnel, “Greek myth and ritual: the case of Kronos.” In , ed. . Bremmer –. ent Croom elm. ard, a eter ard, rinceton rinceton University ress. ard, Peter Ward, “Gaia’s evil twin. Is life its own worst enemy?”, , –. vailale online at https.nescientist.comarticlemggaiaseviltinis lifeitsonorstenemy ate accessed

neisin eus the Iliad Aorin to ounes

Calliope Dourou

As early as the fourth century A, and desite the unflagging efforts of the emeror ulian, known y the soriquet the Aostate, to thwart the Christians from forging an aiding ond with classical literature, the rocess of amalgamation of the Greek literary heritage with the emerging Christian culture was already underway sawned rimarily y the writings of the Caadocian Church athers, for whom Homer continued to hold the highly esteemed osition of the educator of the Greeks. Against this rich ackdro of Christian of the Homeric legacy, the resent article seeks to elore the Christian resonances in ikolaos Loukanes’ ather than anishing the Olymian gods from his , as his Byantine redecessor Konstantinos Hermoniakos had done in the fourteenth century cleaving to his faith, Loukanes ots to deict the gods, aleit through the lens of contemorary Christian eliefs.

Already in the fifth century A, the Homeric tradition urged of any association with classical religion, thanks mainly to the allegorical method of interretation that would remain so oular throughout the history of the Byantine mire, was refracted into a new genre, that of the , which oldly aroriated to the Christian cause the works of the Poet y recounting the irth, life, death, resurrection, and ascension of Christ using eclusively Homeric verses — lifted veratim, or slightly altered — from the and the . Against this rich ackdro of Christian of the Homeric legacy, the resent article seeks to elore the Christian resonances in ikolaos Loukanes’ the first rinted rendition of the in a modern language. ather than anishing the Olymian gods from his , as his Byantine redecessor Konstantinos Hermoniakos had done in the fourteenth century cleaving to his faith, Loukanes ots to deict the gods, aleit through the lens of contemorary

or the notion of Christian see chna, .

παντοκράτωρ δοῦλοι Θεοῦ ’ παντοκράτωρ ’ παντοκράτωρ ’ δοῦλοι Θεοῦ – , or features

αἰγίοχος

εὐρύοπα

κελαινεφής

Κρονίδης Κρονίων ρόνου πάϊς

μέγας

μητίετα

νεφεληγερέτα

ξείνιος

Ὀλύμπιος

πατήρ

τερπικέραυνος

ὑπερμενής

ὑψιβρεμέτης

φίλος

εὐρύοπα τερπικέραυνος ὑψιβρεμέτης κελαινεφής νεφεληγερέτα ’ πατήρ μέγας πολύβροντος

πατήρ

μέγας

παντοκράτωρ

οὐράνιος

πανάγαθος

πανσέβαστος

πολύβροντος

’ πολύβροντος

τερπικέραυνος ὑψιβρεμέτης ’ παντοκράτωρ πανάγαθος παντοκράτωρ “ ” παντοκράτωρ παντοκράτωρ “ ” “” ’ παντοκράτωρ παντοκράτωρ ’ παντοκράτωρ κρατέω

παντοκράτωρ παντοκράτωρ – παντοκράτωρ παντοκράτωρ παντοκράτωρ παντοκράτωρ παντοκράτωρ παντοκράτωρ παντοκράτωρ παντοκράτωρ

– ’ παντοκράτωρ ’ παντοκράτωρ – παντοκράτωρ παντοκράτωρ ’ Loukanes’ “Λέοντα, Θεοῦ εἰκόν’, ἑῆς ἐλευθερίης πρόμον, ἐκ θεσφάτων Ἑλλὰς πέμπει με προσειπεῖν” Τ

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a e ansae as oos “ ”. un a e e us ae een aoae en o ee eas o an e eaoae sauaon e aesse e oe us ae een en n a oa anos Laskaes e nua o a n e s ae ensone e ounaon o su a soo anoussakas – s neesn o noe a en e euous oesae eeon e o a ose e enen eek soa aee e oun us an seakn o e ae ue e o saeua “ Romaioi” n onnun o osee e oo san as ee enesa an a un e eo o e sn n oe anoussakas u a soen eoaon on e a o anos Laskaes ees e ane e e anne s n a o ean e eous aua a a eonan ao enonen s kn o onen o e eseaon o oo ona osnases — sees — no a n an a en aae eouaons as as eua ose ouse e eek oee o oe n sak onas o e ona eek oee o an anasos a as oune ae n oe eo a no osesn soe s anoussos anoussakas asue eaks Leo X’s suo o e soo as no ae ueo oes eses e uans oe o as oen ae anne neeuas as a onen ooe an suoe o eek eann as e one o s sa o ae aken e ea n ensnn e eous s o eeks un e ea seen enu ou an eense sees o aa us anoussakas s ue een en a Loukanes as nuue n an enonen a ee aue no on eson n e asss u aso eous nsuon s asnan sness o anuaan eeons an san anes s noee eose oe an n oussouros’ oe oon aue o akos oussouos an ean e o e oks o ao ksa eans e a a ua a o ne oe Leo o oun a eek aae n oe ksa eans an o enea e on o nae a usae aans e oan ee a e o ean

Loukanes’ age can be suse on e ass o e eoe ae o e s ee suens anoussakas

reece. oug a eae eanaon o s nrgung oe es ouse e ure o s arce soe asecs o a are o grea reeance o Loukanes’ ork are or coenng on. uaosng e o oes one canno a o obsere a bo Loukanes an oussouros reroec ono a oerc or oercsng aor er coneorar rsan senses. Loukanes on e one an bung uon oerc conen n orer o coose s on ia eos or eus an ee ee ebee n e roo rsan raon παντοκράτωρ ereas oussouros usng oerc or o be ore accurae oercsng con n s nocaon o ao akes oer reerence o e Θειοτόκος an o e ἀλεξίκακος σταυρός e cross a ars o e. oreoer one nesgaes e orraa o e urks n e o oes en becoes cear a een ore anaoges can be ran beeen oussouros’ m an Loukanes’ ia snce n bo orks e urks are ece er negae. s as area been enone aboe oussouros as e nua o a been assgne e ask o seecng e rs suens o e reek oege o oe an as us ersona connece Loukanes. s g robabe ereore a e eas eresse n e enen oogs’s aserece a an nuence on e neoe scoar. s o e ueson regarng a ossbe reesng connecon o e ee παντοκράτωρ eus n cassca or eensc es ere are o nscrons a are or o noe. e rs ang os robab ro e secon cenur s an nscron surng ro e eraeu o eos. en oug e cooun παντοκράτωρ er se s no enone n e snacc srucure a sans n or a eses oneecc o e esence n e agan or o e conce conane n e ee “κατὰ πρόσταγμα Ὀσείριδος Διὶ τῶν πάντων κρατοῦντι καὶ Μητρὶ μεγάλῃ τῇ πάντων κρατούσῃ”. sou be one ou a s arcuar nscron s assocae e ors o gan nes oneecc . or a rec arbuon o e ee παντοκράτωρ o eus one nees o ook a a eren nscron ose eac ae reans unknon. e nscron c s no onger raceabe as oun on e reerse se o a e agae “reresenng eus sng ong e sceer

“e oe s ren n a sees o be ure oerc reek bu coser scrun reeas a usurus nene an oercng neoogss” ksra erans . “The appellation Θεοτόκος is thus ‘aae o oerc oroog’“ ksra erans . or a scusson o s nscron see a – oneecc .

L L

n s e an e onn an eae a s sann ese s an” Le an n. . e nson aeas o ae ese n oneeone aao an sea n e aea o e anen onoo aena an n as n e ossesson o a eee. sona onee osees a ouan oeses onenn s nson s n on osse sne no een e ae o soe o e eous e an e onuse aseane. eeoe one s no n a oson o kno ee s eus παντοκράτωρ s a een eus o soe oena n assae o eus onee . ase on e eaese aan usae o e e παντοκράτωρ n eeene o ees o a noneek on o unesa an os oes ee aue esea n assoaon e u o ss ae s an e u o e un onee oes no see ause o nk a e eus o e euse aae as aso ue an oena n. eses e a a e e παντοκράτωρ s nee eoe an assa eek auo unke s snon παγκρατής a aeas euen n assa eaue onee an e oen n onneon eus ou ue oooae e non een aae o e eus oae n s se aae. an ae ese o osue an aa aesaons o e ee παντοκράτωρ n eaon o eus ae no ke o ae ee Loukanes o use s se ee en een o eus. e soue o s nsaon sou us e sou eseee. Lookn a Κonsannos eonakos’ oueen enu aaase o e ia o Loukanes oos ouse n ean seons o s ok one eases a e ee παντοκράτωρ ous one n e seen aso . . as aea een enone a eonakos eues e an os o aaon n aon. us no ase o ne neenon s en ouene n s ok. a on n s oeu eonakos eou oas s san a an s uk o enoune e ase s o e eeks osn o eoun e ue so o e oan a. e o παντοκράτωρ os u n e sene o ses’ suaon o aenon ee e o es ees o a παντοκράτωρ θεός. ne nees o noe oee a ee s on one eeene an a n s ase e ee s ase o θεός n enea an no eus. s

s s on ansaon. ee aso euses ooses nsue . nees o e noe a eonakos’ son o e ia no asoes s osna.

’ δοῦλος ἐπροσκύνησεν ’ ’ ia ioaio a ia aio “ ” “ ” ’

Λουκ. 1. –

Ἄκουσ’ Ἄπολλον θεέ μου, ἀργυρότοξε τὸν Χρύσην

ἐμὲ νῦν τόνδε σου δ ο ῦ λ ο ν, ἐὰν τὸν καλὸν ναόν σου

ἐστεφάνωσα μὲ δάφνῃ ἢ ποτ’ ἔκαυσα μηρία

τῶν αἰγῶν καὶ τῶν ταυρίων, τήνδε μοι τὴν προθυμίαν

τέλειωσον γοργῶς θεέ μου, ἀντὶ τῶν ἐμῶν δακρύων

φόνευσον τοῖς βέλεσί σου, τοὺς ληστὰς τῆς θυγατρός μου

ταῦτα δ υ σ ω π ῶ ν ἐξεῖπε·

–

κλῦθί μευ, ἀργυρότοξ᾿ ὃς Χρύσην ἀμφιβέβηκας

widely used. For a discussion of Ausfeld’s theor

Κίλλαν τε ζαθέην Τενέδοιό τε ἶφι ἀνάσσεις,

Σμινθεῦ, εἴ ποτέ τοι χαρίεντ᾿ ἐπὶ νηὸν ἔρεψα,

ἢ εἰ δή ποτέ τοι κατὰ πίονα μηρί᾿ ἔκηα

ταύρων ἠδ᾿ αἰγῶν, τόδε μοι κρήηνον ἐέλδωρ·

τίσειαν Δαναοὶ ἐμὰ δάκρυα σοῖσι βέλεσσιν.

’ ’ εἰ ποτέ δοῦλος “ ” “ ”

δοῦλος δουλεύειν

––

“θεραπευταί ”, “ ” – θεραπευτής “ ” – “ ” σὸν λάτριν ἁγνόν δοῦλος δούλη “ ” δοῦλος ’ “ — — ” “ ”

Rengstorf cites three passages from Euripides making use of the term δοῦλος in relation to god along with Plato’s phrase “ἡ θεῷ δουλεία” only to prove that even in these rare attestations of δοῦλος in connection with the Greek religious sphere the specifi not carry any religious connotation in our sense of the term. “Within the Greek concept of … The worshipper is not so much the δοῦλος as the φίλος” ––

, , ia δοῦλος ’ ia , aiaii , Ἀτρυτώνη

Λουκ. 5. 89–

Ἄκουσε Διὸς θυγάτηρ, ὦ θεά μου τοῦ σ ο ῦ δ ο ύ λ ο υ

ἄν ποτε καὶ τῷ πατρί μου, τῷ πολεμικῷ Τυδέι

ἔβοήθησας ἐν μάχῃ, νῦν κ’ ἐμὲ βοήθει Ἀθήνη...

–

κλῦθί μευ, αἰγιόχοιο Διὸς τέκος, Ἀτρυτώνη,

εἴ ποτέ μοι καὶ πατρὶ φίλα φρονέουσα παρέστης

δηίῳ ἐν πολέμῳ, νῦν αὖτ᾿ ἐμὲ φῖλαι, Ἀθήνη·

δὸς δέ τέ μ᾿ ἄνδρα ἑλεῖν καὶ ἐς ὁρμὴν ἔγχεος ἐλθεῖν,

ὅς μ᾿ ἔβαλε φθάμενος καὶ ἐπεύχεται, οὐδέ μέ φησι

δηρὸν ἔτ᾿ ὄψεσθαι λαμπρὸν φάος ἠελίοιο.

, , thought you stood by my father’s side in the fury of battl, , , , , ,

“ ” “ ” “ ”, “ ” “ ” “ ” – λιτή “ ”, λίσσομαι “ ” ’ –

Λουκ –

Μεταξὺ δ’ ἐπανεστράφη Ὀδυσσεὺς μὲ τοὺς συντρόφους

τοὺς προέπεμψ’ Ἀγαμέμνων ἵνα φέρωσι τὴν κόρην

εἰς τὸν ἑαυτῆς πατέρα, ἔσωσε κ’ ἡ Θέτις τότε

ἡ τοῦ Ἀχιλλέως μήτηρ, ε ἰ ς τ ὸ ν ο ὐ ρ α ν ὸ ν ἀπάνω

καὶ εὑροῦσ’ αὐτὸν τὸν Δία, τὸν καθήμενον ἐ ν θ ρ ό ν ῳ

ἐ π ρ ο σ κ ύ ν η σ ε ν αὐτίκα, καὶ παρακαλοῦσα εἶπεν

‘Πάτερ Ζεῦ θεῶν κ’ ἀνθρώπων, ποῖσε μοι τήνδε τὴν χάριν,

ὥ σ π ε ρ π ρ ά τ τ ε ι ς κ α ὶ τ ο ῖ ς ἄ λ λ ο ι ς, ὅ τ α ν σ ὲ π α ρ α κ α λ ῶ σ ι

“According to Aubriot, λίσσομαι represents a much less selfying action than ἱκετεύω. hand, ἱκετεία involves a total self his suppliant. A λιτή, on the other hand, is bot ἱκετεία”

τίμησον καὶ τὸν υἱόν μου, ἐπειδὴ ὁ Ἀγαμέμνων

ἔλαβε τὸ δῶρον τ’ ὤχε, τὴν ὡραίαν Βρισηΐδα

ἀλλὰ σὺ πάτερ τῶν πάντων, τίμησον τὸν Ἀχιλλέα

ἐν τοσούτω τίθει κράτος, πᾶσι τοῖς Τρωσὶ δὴ μέγα

ἕως ἂν Ἕλληνες οὗτοι, τὸν υἱόν μου νὰ τιμήσουν

εἰ μὲν τὸ βούλει νὰ ποίσης, ὄμοσόν μοι μέγαν ὅρκον’

οὕτως ἔλεξεν ἡ Θέτις·

, ’ “ ” , , , ’ , , , , “ ” “ , ” , ’ καθέζετο, , , , , , , ia moiaa , ia, , “ ” , –

, , commentator Eustathios says that the head represents decisiveness, τὸ

ἡγεμονικόν,

ia oamai “ ”. “ ” – ’ ἐπροσκύνησεν ’ προσκυνέω “ ” “ ”, “ ”, “not altogether surprising when one remembers that κυνέω ‘ ’“ – oi καθέζετο ’

“ ” moi omim “ ” “ ”.

. ia moiaa ’ ’ . iai . παντοκράτωρ . . ’ ia . . iooai .

. . . . .

iiorhy

Ferdinando Bergamelli, “Sulla storia della termine pantocrator: dagli inizi fino a Teofilo di Antiochia”, aiam – iiai iia o ia Παντοκράτωρ: Saggio d’ esegesi letterarioiooaia ai i am André de Halleux, “Dieu le Père toutpuissant”, Revue théologique de Louvain – ia om a omm a Ro o ii io o iiii o ia a moi io i oioa aooia ijkstra and E. Hermans, “Musurus’ Homeric ode to Plato and his requests to pope Leo X”, oio – ommaii a omi iam i a oi om i ooa D.L. Holland, “Παντοκράτωρ in New Testament and Creed”, i ii ia – ia Hildebrecht Hommel, “Pantokrator”, ooia iaom –

EANELSN ES: THE ACCRDN T LANES

alavrezou, oli alavrezou, “The TwelfthCentur Bzantine illustrations in the enetus A.” In eatrig a oeri ega: ages ad sigts ro te eets asrit o te liad ed. C. Dué: –. ashington, D.C.: Center for Hellenic Studies. ittel, – erhard ittel, eologial itioar o te e estaet Trans. . . Bromile. rand Rapids: Eerdmans. Laton, Evro Laton, e Siteet etr ree oo i tal: riters ad lisers or te ree orld. enice: stituto ellenico di studi bizantini e postbizantini di enezia. Le Blant, Edmond Le Blant, “750 Inscriptions de pierres gravées inédites ou peu connues”, oires de lstitt atioal de rae , :–. Loukanes, Nikolaos Loukanes, Ὁμήρου Ἰλιάς, ed. Francis R. alton. Athens: ennadeios Librar. Manoussakas, Manoussos Manoussakas, “Ἡ παρουσίαση ἀπὸ τὸν Ἰανὸ Λάσκαρη τῶν πρώτων μαθητῶν τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Γυμνασίου τῆς Ῥώμης στὸν Πάπα Λέοντα Ι’(15 Φεβρουαρίου 1514)”, Ὁ Ἐρανιστής , :–. Matthews, J.T. Matthews, “The Byzantine use of the title Pantocrator”, rietalia ristiaa eriodia :–. Mesarites, Nicholas Mesarites, iolas esarites: is ie ad ors ed. and trans. M. Angold. Liverpool: Liverpool niversit Press. Montevecchi, Orsolina Montevecchi, “Pantokrator.” In Stdi i oore di ristide alderii e oerto ariei ed. A. Calderini and R. Paribeni: –. Milan: Casa editrice Ceschina. Naiden, Fred Naiden, iet Sliatio. xford: xford niversit Press. Pleket, H.W. Pleket, “Religious history as the history of mentality: the ‘believer’ as servant of the deity in the Greek world.” In ait oe ad orsi: sets o eligios etalit i te iet orld ed. H.S. ersnel: –. Leiden: Brill. Pullen, Simon Pullen, raer i ree religio. xford: xford niversit Press. Schnapp, Jeffrey Thompson Schnapp, “Reading lessons: Augustine, Proba, and the Christian détournement of Antiquity”, Staord iteratre eie , :–.

ALLIOPE ORO

Squire, 011 Michael Squire, e liad i a tsell: isaliig i o te alae liaae. Oford: Oford niversity Press. an Straten, 174 .T. an Straten, “Did the Greeks kneel before their gods?”, lleti tiee esaig 4:15–1. Weitzmann, 11 urt Weitzmann, lassial eritage i atie ad ear aster rt. London: ariorum Reprints.

Austrins in Crete in or r

Peter Monteath

his er rges tht the strlin inoleent in rtie rete took le in three in hses n the first hse strlin fores rtiited in the defene of rete ginst Gern insion oer tele ds in ne he seond hse begn ith the srrender of the llied fores nd the strnding on the islnd of erhs thosnd llied soldiers, inlding Australians. These men “on the run” were forced to rely on the assistance of retns for their er sril, nd the fond the lol oltion rerkbl reetie to their needs he third nd finl hse gre ot of the reios to hses nd orised strlin rtiition in resistne tiities in ollbortion ith lol resistne eleents nd ritish fores he ke figre in this regrd s o Dnbbin, n strlin ho bee senior offier ith the ritish eil ertions etie nd ho did much to shape the conduct of “irregular” warfare in Crete.

ntroution

he strlin resene in rete in the eond orld r is ssoited riril ith the rtiition of strlin fores in the ltitel fritless efforts to reent Gern insion of the islnd in Deloed to rete in the ke of the filed defene of inlnd Greee in ril, the strlins nd other ebers of refore the obined llied fore tsked ith defending rete ere soon oerrn b the Gern insion fores s reslt, ost ere eted to gt t the end of nd the beginning of ne ess ell knon is the resene of sbstntil nbers of strlins in rete fter the in etions b the ol esed oghl thosnd ebers of refore ho hd issed ot on etion ere ble to ede Gern tre, or to ese fro s hese en, inlding sbstntil nber of strlins, ere strnded on the islnd,

T TAT where they relied almost entirely on the hospitality and goodwill of Cretans with whom lasting onds of friendship were formed. The period of eing “on the run” in Crete lasted weeks or even years, ending only with capture y Ais occupying forces or efiltration from the island through ritish operations organised in Cairo. en more oscure in the historical record is the contriution made y Australians to the Cretan resistance which formed in the immediate wae of the Ais occupation. This resistance comprised the collaoratie efforts of Cretans eager to end the occupation and ritish forces sent to assist the Cretans in that tas. To a large etent this collaoration flowed naturally from the comined Cretanritish efforts to eacuate the Australian and other ritish forces on the run in Crete. A ey figure in these comined Cretanritish efforts was Thomas . unain an Australian archaeologist who ecame the leader of ritish pecial perations ecutie forces deployed to Crete to support and organise the resistance. This essay traces the course of the Australian presence in Crete in orld ar arguing that there were clear lins in the three phases of the Australian presence — that is from participation in the defence of Crete to the presence of men on the run and finally to the conduct of “special operations”. While the last stage is distinguished above all by the role of just one man in Tom unain it was his contriution which made the most enduring impact on the wartime history of the island. All three stages of the Australian presence contriuted to the foundation of close relations which hae een maintained into the present.

Austrins in the tte or Crete

The erman inasion of Crete too place oer twele days at the end of ay and ery eginning of une and thus on the ee of a much larger campaign in the war namely peration ararossa the erman inasion of the oiet nion. Crete was of limited strategic importance ut the oldness of the erman military operation and the ferocity of the attle hae drawn a good deal of attention from military historians see especially eeor and tewart . The ermans conceied and eecuted an airorne inasion which commenced on ay and had achieed almost total mastery of the island

C W W by the end of the onth. ustralian forces consisting of soe , en were aong the roughly , ritish Coonwealth en evacuated fro ainland reece and integrated into Creforce ong, –. laced under the coand of the ew ealander ernard reyberg, the task of the ritish and reek ebers of Creforce was to repel the epected eran invasion attept. ike the other ritish and reek forces evacuated hurriedly fro the ainland, the ustralians were poorly ared and supplied. oreover, the losses incurred on the ainland deanded a reorganisation of the available units as they joined the eisting ritish garrison on Crete in preparing a defensive strategy. he largest concentration of ustralians — four infantry battalions and a achinegun battalion — was disposed to the ethynon sector, where the ain priority was to defend the airfield outside the town of ethynon itself. uring this crucial period of several weeks leading to the invasion, the ustralian forces ade their first acuaintances with the local population, any of who would also becoe involved in the island’s defence (on the ustralian contribution to the defence alongside reek and other llied forces see especially alao, ong, – wer, – ill, –. n ay, two waves of eran transport planes flying fro ainland bases brought paratroops and gliderborne ountain troops to Crete, the dropping zones clustered around the island’s three airfields and the main harbour at uda ay. t ethynon, the ustralians killed large nubers of en while still in the air and were able to contain those who landed safely, so that the airfield reained in llied hands. iilarly, at eraklion, despite bitter fighting, the airfield reained under llied control. he crucial point at the end of the first day of fighting was the alee field in western Crete, where the airfield reained bitterly contested. he turning point in the attle for Crete cae in the night of – ay with the llied withdrawal fro crucial positions adjacent to the alee airfield. esperate efforts to retake the airfield over the following hours proved in vain. By the end of 22 May, Crete’s fate was sealed. Although ustralian and other ritish and reek forces, often in cobination with Cretan civilians, fought on over the following days, it was clear by ay that the island could no longer be held, and the order was issued for an evacuation. n that day, reyberg cabled eneral eaduarters in the

Middle ast to inform him that his forces had reached the limits of their endurance. t was evident that there was no alternative ut to call upon the oyal avy to repeat the heroics it had achieved in evacuating men from the mainland ust a few wees earlier (Beevor, 2. or Australian forces, as for the other Allies and the Cretan civilians, the failed defence of Crete was as demoralising as the rapid defeat on the mainland. n this occasion, the cost for the Australians was nearly eight hundred casualties and over three thousand taen (ill, 22. nce more erman airpower had een crucial to turning the tide of attle in the Germans’ favour. If there was a positive outcome, it was that the common participation of Australians with Cretans in the defence of the island, and with it the shared eperience of eing overwhelmed y a technologically superior force, created the foundation of a close relationship which was to offer advantages to Australians and to Cretans over the period of occupation.

n the run

he evacuations too place from two locations, namely the port at eralion on Crete’s north coast and the fishing village of phaia on the south coast, from where most of the evacuations of Australians were staged. hey reached the village after treing across the central spine of the island and then descending the steep and rocy slopes to the coast, in many cases y following the mros orge to the east of phaia. he oyal avy ehiited enormous courage in committing vessels to the evacuation at a time when the uftwaffe ruled the sies. onetheless, from une it was no longer possile to perform evacuations. By that time aout half of the British forces had een evacuated — that is, some , men. thers, however, who in many cases had een guided to the areas adacent to phaia in anticipation of evacuation, were left ehind. tuc in a hopeless situation etween mountains and sea, the officer appointed to command the stranded men was entrusted with the tas of surrendering to the ermans (Beevor, 22. he other significant group stranded was the Australian force which had successfully defended the airfield at ethymnon ut ecome isolated from the rest of Creforce and unaware of the order to evacuate. hese men were trapped near ethymnon when erman forces pushed rapidly eastward

I I C I II

from the Canea sector. In these circumstances the ustralian commanding officers reacted in different was. he career officer Ian Campell, who commanded st attalion, performed a tetoo surrender of his unit to the Germans, so that all of his men entered captivit on a wer, . In contrast, the militia officer in charge of the th attalion, the estern ustralian a andover, gave his men the option of heading south into the hills of central Crete with the hope that at some point the might e ale to find some means of departing the island from the south coast onteath, –. The number of men who were “on the run” is impossible to know exactly ut has een estimated at around one thousand, among whom several hundred were ustralians.1 he were evaders, who managed to avoid capture for varing lengths of time until the were either captured or the managed to find some means of escape sea. ver time there were also escapers, that is, men who had een taen into captivit and held in one of the facilities estalished the Germans in the vicinit of Canea. s these camps were maeshift affairs, tpicall consisting of not much more than a aredwire enclosure, escape from them was relativel simple. If the achieved that, the aims of the escapers were identical with those of the evaders, that is, to hide out on the island until an opportunit to depart presented itself. he willingness of ustralian and other soldiers to evade or escape was conditioned in part the fear of captivit, a prospect which ver few had hitherto contemplated. further factor was also the perception that the were liel to e welltreated Cretan civilians, who themselves would e opposed to the regime of occupation eing estalished the Germans over most of the island and Italians in the asithi province in the east. hat perception was ased, in part, on the relations estalished etween Cretan civilians and llied forces in the wees leading to the German invasion. verwhelmingl, it appears that the eperiences of evaders and escapers proved that perception accurate. irsthand accounts ustralians and other men on the run confirm the etraordinar level of hospitalit accorded

amer and raer – identif ustralians who were successfull evacuated from Crete. eond that figure is an unnown numer of men who were not evacuated ut eventuall captured or recaptured is forces, commonl after length periods on the run.

T TT them by locals who proie them with foo an shelter at reat risk to themseles rom the ery earliest ays of the erman occupation it was apparent that any act of resistance incluin the harbourin of men on the run woul be treate with extraorinary harshness extenin to the loss of life an the rain of entire illaes on the brutality of the erman occupation reime in rete see especially ylaner The retan hospitality towar the men on the run was an extension of the lonestablishe principle of iloeia t was also an acknowlement that the men ha mae a sincere effort to preent the erman occupation retans were imbue with an historical sense which foreroune the experience of occupation atin back centuries for many the Turkish occupation was a matter of liin memory mpathy an hospitality in the face of acute aners were a manifestation of a sense of ratitue towar those who ha collaborate in efforts to preent a renewe inasion an occupation The extent to which retan iloeia translate to practical assistance for ustralians an others is eient in countless testimonies from soliers who were ien refue by retans This occurre typically within illaes or at hien locations nearby so that the men coul be plie with foo an rink een in circumstances where the retans themseles were enurin wartime priations ne of the ustralians on the run for example recalle

s lon as the retans ha anythin they woul ie it to us hen we went hunry we knew that they were oin hunry too en when they ha no foo to offer someone always inite us in for a lass of wine or ouo They woul share their last piece of brea with us an we woul all sit aroun the table ippin the har crust into a cup of olie oil an inear an if we were lucky crunchin away on a piece of raw onion ometimes the host with ast ceremony after the repast woul brin out his only ciarette an solemnly cuttin it into three woul pass the pieces aroun with the air of an ambassaor hanin out ciars after a banuet eck n

mon hunres of examples of such selfless enerosity towar the ustralians two examples stan out ne is that of e auners who was amon those members of attalion who mae their way eastwar from phakia after they were strane there ilchrist – s an nienous man auners stoo a hih chance of bein reconise as a solier on the run yet he was shown hospitality for a perio of almost a year

“a nearly black Australian, a cheerful man who was an obj the natives” (Dunbabin, 2015a consisting in large part of grass and snails caused Scott’s health to – were “on the run”. It was recognised that efforts had to be made to remove , often referred to as “stragglers”. In part, the mounting sense warned, “These [men on the run] are a severe liability to the Cretans and a against the Axis” (“Appreciation”, 1942: undertaken from Cairo to gather together and evacuate the “stragglers” was

T TAT

Crete’s central south coast on 26 July 1941 and performed an evacuation of over two hundred men on 22 August 1941 (“Final Report”, 1945:2. After the ool visit, it was confirmed in Cairo that S would take over the organisation of all I9 activity in Crete.2 As further S officers were infiltrated into Crete, they understood the rounding up and evacuation of “stragglers” to be one of their tasks. To perform it, they relied on the cooperation of the men still stranded there, but they also drew on the help of men who reached safety in Cairo and yet were prepared to be infiltrated back into enemy territory with the aim of carrying out this task. Similar arrangements were made for mainland reece, where it was known that men on the run still hoped to find their way to their units, whether by crossing the Aegean or taking a circuitous land route via neutral Turkey. A number of Australians were among those men who, having reached gypt, agreed to be reinfiltrated to mainland reece or Crete to aid their countrymen on the run. A report lists two Australian soldiers employed to carry out escape work: illiam aynard aely and rancis eil Tudor Brewer (“Summary”, 1945). Records show that both were POWs, and then both were employed on “intelligence duties” from November 1941.3 hat exactly they were asked to do was shrouded in some mystery, though a confidential report divulged that they “had made outstanding escapes, and had volunteered to go back to carry on escape work to rescue those left behind” (“Summary”, 1945). There was also an officer, ieutenant .. reenway of the estern Australian 211 attalion who, after finally departing Crete by submarine in late August 1941, did not hesitate to volunteer for special duties despite the extreme hardships he had just endured. e was sent to reece, where he helped establish an evacuation line through the reek islands to neutral

2 This was determined in a discussion in Cairo of the extraction of “stragglers” in Crete and is recorded in the document, “Minutes of a meeting on 6 Nov. 1941, to discuss operation in Crete”, The National Archives (TNA) HS 5/678. The records of aely and rewer are held in the ational Archives of Australia: AA: A 1550045, scaped risoner of ar 12521 rivate aely, 25 Australian Infantry attalion and 41 unner . rewer, 21 Australian ield egiment — employed on intelligence duties, Advanced HQ “A” Force, Cairo. See also the Australian ar emorial record A , fficial istorian 1991945 ar, biographical files — .. aylos, .. ayliss, A.. ayne, A.. aely, .S. eadman, .. eale and . eale and A 12250015 12521 te [rivate] .. aely — 25 Aust Inf n [Australian Infantry attalion] — [Attachment for special duty].

150

ASTRAANS N CRT N WOR WAR

Turkey, a feat which earned him — on the recommendation of M9 — a Military Cross (ilchrist, 2777).4 The logistical difficulties associated with sending vessels from gypt or ibya to Crete, the vagaries of the weather and the dangers of performing evacuations under the noses of the ermans, meant that they were not always successful and sometimes ended in bitter disappointment. Such was the case on one occasion at the tiny southern coastal village of Treis kklesies (Three Churches), where a British SO officer, an Fielding, came across an encampment of men — mainly Australians and New ealanders — dealing with the disappointment of their thwarted departure

The chorus of Walting Matilda filled the dusk as loudly as a wireless switched on at full blast against a background of yowling, spluttering atmospherics composed of typically Antipodean sounds of revelry and through the open door of the village coffeeshop saw a horde of frenied giants in tattered khaki and slouch hats. All these men had hoped to be evacuated from Three Churches two days before and were now, understandably enough, drowning their disappointment — an easy feat in Crete, where wine and raki were both more plentiful than food. (Fielding, 19544)

ei ertions

SOE’s role in Crete is known above all for the daring kidnapping of a erman general in April 1944. ed by two British officers — Patrick eigh Fermor and Billy Moss — and with the participation of a number of Cretans, the abduction has been depicted in film and literature. n reality, however, the tasks performed by SO in Crete were wideranging, and they involved a number of Australians. One of them, Tom unbabin, though not well known in his native Australia and barely mentioned in histories of SO, arguably played the most crucial role for SO in Crete. As indicated above, an important component of SOE’s work in the aftermath of the Axis occupation of Crete was the evacuation of men on the

4 NAA B88 W976 reenway, eorge James. According to Hugh ilchrist, as part of his rescue operations reenway made at least one visit to Crete, where along with Baely and Brewer he evacuated Abbot agouvardas of the Preveli monastery on Crete’s central coast, which had sheltered large numbers of men on the run (ilchrist, 2777).

151

PEE OEA

run Althouh this was nominally the work of , in the early phase the task was deleated to SOE officers who were infiltrated to the island, souht to round up “stragglers”, and guided them to evacuation points n performin that task, the SOE officers came into contact with Cretans who were willin not only to assist evacuations but also to undertake other activities which undermined the erman occupation As the number of stralers declined, the emphasis of SOE officers shifted more and more to its core tasks of sabotae and subversion ust as a small number of Australians who had manaed to be evacuated from Crete areed to be reinfiltrated to assist men on the run in mainland reece and Crete, so there were some Australians who lent assistance to SOE officers on the island he best known of those SOE officers, Patrick eih ermor, wrote in one of his reports of the assistance iven to him by an Australian soldier by the name of ill ederwood As he prepared to arrange Ledgerwood’s evacuation in May 1943, Leigh Fermor wrote:

am evacuatin Sereant ill ederwood, A, with the ay trip and you may find him useful e is an ecellent chap who was left behind after the fall of Crete, since when he has been to no less than real and rumoured evacuation beaches, ranin from issamo to erapetra e can rub alon in reek, and ets on well with Cretans, who think very hihly of him e knows certain parts of Crete well, especially ethymnon omos, Apokoronas and Sphakia here is scarcely a villae in the first two where he has not ot contacts. D’Annunzio [Vlepakes] of Headland [Kephala]5 used him as a messener for carrying money in D’As philanthropic organisation. He has been on my staff since Tom’s departure,6 and has been most useful runnin my camp, such as it is recommend him to your attention for us in later raids etc in Crete eih ermor,

ater that year eih ermor included in the material he sent to Cairo a brief report by another Australian, udley, who wrote of bein a member of the andouvas resistance roup, which numbered some eihty but had the capacity if reuired to call on another two thousand udley, 1943). After the war, Dudley’s widow wrote of her husband, “After the capitulation of reece he manaed to et to Crete, was captured but escaped

or security reasons SOE officers commonly used codenames for people and places ‘Tom’ here is Tom Dunbabin, an Australian SOE officer discussed below.

ASTALAS ETE OLD A

and masueraded as a reek after being taught enough of the language to get by. He formed the guerrilla warfare in the hills, was on rete for two and a half years in which time I heard nothing”.7 SOE’s Xan Fielding also received invaluable assistance from Australians in 1943. n the first part of the year M9 had an agent on the island, the ew Zealander Tom Moir, rounding up “stragglers”. However, Moir was captured by ermans, with the result that the evacuation being organised by Moir had to be completed by Fielding, who drew on the help of a number of men Damer Frazer, :1). A ritish report noted that great credit for that evacuation was “due to certain of the British and Imperial strays who carried his [i.e. Fielding’s] plans to a successful conclusion and particularly to [the Australian] .4 te. harles Hunter who assumed full responsibility until XAN’s arrival the day before the evacuation”.8 The “Official Report” on SOE’s activities in Crete indicates that when Xan Fielding was first infiltrated into rete in anuary 194 aboard the vessel edgeog he was accompanied by a party whose task it was to carry out sabotage on shipping in the island’s main port, Suda Bay. Listed among the members of the party is a Sergeant . Delaney of the AF (“Final Report”, 194:3). The same report listed a number of other Australians who offered to be sent to rete to carry out duties there. One was John Simcoe, “a brilliant diver and underwater swimmer”, who had helped SOE recover stores lost during a “crash landing” the previous November and had rounded up a “batch of strays” to deliver to the evacuation point. Similarly, the Australian harles Ezzy had carried stores for SOE and had also helped Hunter with the successful May 1943 evacuation, while the Victorian oseph ertie was praised for the helpful knowledge he provided of the Selino district.9

Tom unin

The most influential of the Australians who served for or with SOE in rete was Tom Dunbabin indeed, there is a strong case that Dunbabin was the

This is from a letter by Mercia Dudley to entral Army ecords, dated 3 October 19, and is held in Dudley’s service records, NAA: B883, NX5173. The report by the ritish officer aptain Arthur eade is held in the SOE file, TA HS 3. 9 This information is contained in an undated SOE report by Leslie Stevenson, TA HS 3.

ETER MONTEATH

most effective of all the SOE officers, even if he is not as well remembered as others. nlie the men mentioned above, Dunbabin played no role in the Battle for Crete, and yet he had a longstanding relationship with the island and with ree culture. Born in rural Tasmania in 111, he received much of his education in Melbourne, Sydney and then Corpus Christi College Oford. During his studies in Europe and then in the course of his wor as an archaeologist, be became familiar with many parts of the Mediterranean, including Crete (for biographical information on Dunbabin see especially Dunbabin, 15b ilchrist, 7:88–3 owell, 18:1–15, 11–18. On the outbrea of war in September 13, Dunbabin was employed at the British Legation in Athens. In January 1 he enlisted with the Oford and Bucinghamshire Light Infantry before transferring to the ar Office in London as an intelligence officer (owell, 173:11. In September 11 he oined SOE, and after his arrival in Egypt in December he received specialist training for deployment to Crete (Dunbabin, 15b:13. By this time he was 31 years of age, married, and with a young family. Dunbabin’s first mission to Crete commenced in April 1942 and lasted until 15 February 13, when he was efiltrated to Cairo — and awarded a DSO. The second tour of duty lasted from 7 September 13 to May 1 and the third from 13 July to December 1. His record shows that he was reinfiltrated one last time on February 15, before being sent to Cairo for debriefing on April 15. Lie other SOE officers, Dunbabin was reuired to submit reports of his wor to SOE’s Cairo office, and these remain an invaluable source for an understanding of his activities in Crete.10 Furthermore, at the end of the war Dunbabin was reuired to submit a final report on SOE activities in Crete, and this too gives a detailed and at times critical assessment of British clandestine warfare (“Final Report”).11 After the war, Dunbabin began woring on a longer manuscript recording his impression of his service in Crete, but because of his premature death in 155 he completed less than half of it. Nonetheless, it is a document which recalls franly both the challenges and the rewards of woring with Cretans during the harsh erman occupation (Dunbabin, 15a.

1 Dunbabin’s SOE reports are held in TNA HS573 and HS57. 11 Neither in the original report as it was written in 15, nor in its published form, as edited by N.A. oonas in , is Dunbabin identified as the author, but his authorship is evident from its presence in Dunbabin’s SOE file TNA HS5/724.

ASTRAANS N CRETE N ORD AR

hat is striin in these sources written b Dunbabin himself, but also from the recollections of Cretans and others who new him, is his capacit to adapt to the harsh circumstances which preailed in wartime Crete. Dunbabin recalled after the war that he arrived on the island “lamentably illfitted for life in the Cretan hills. dress suested a doclabourer, rather than a hillsman” (Dunbabin, 2015a4). He was proided with a new pair of boots — crucial on the unrelentinl roc terrain — a tailored pair of Cretan breeches, an identit as a natie of the illae of Aios oannis in the Amari alle, and then he rew a moustache, considered indispensable to pass unnoticed (Dunbabin, 215a4). Dunbabin’s fellow SOE officer Sandy Rendel recalled Dunbabin’s appearance when the two met in the Amari alle in central Crete

There found Tom dressed in a lare shepherd cloa, loner and blacer than the usual. From behind he looed lie a caricature of a rand nuisitor, and from the front the twirl blac moustache which had made such an unfortunate addition to his uniform in Cairo, looed curiousl at home under his shepherd’s cowl. (Rendel, 19512)

hen Dunbabin first arried in Crete, most of the eacuations of “stragglers” had already occurred, so that this constituted a small part of his brief. ncreasinl, his attention was deoted to atherin intellience about the Ais presence on the island and to buildin a coherent resistance moement. The latter in particular was no eas tas, because at that time the Cretan resistance was both framented and sufferin under a er seere occupation reime. A decisive test of Dunbabin’s political and diplomatic skills came in the form of an encounter with the wellnown resistance fiure — adarte — anolis Bandouas. Bandouas was a hihl rearded fiure with a stron personal followin in central Crete. One of the SOE officers, an Fieldin, described him as “a dark burly man with sad oxees and a correspondinl deepthroated oice in which he was fond of utterin cataclsmic aphorisms such as ‘The struggle needs blood, my lads’”(Fielding, 1954194). hile both Fielding and Dunbabin appreciated Bandouvas’ courage and commitment to the resistance cause, the also reconised that Bandouas’ impetuosity rised the ind of open militar confrontation with erman forces that could onl end badl for the poorlarmed Cretans. This was the daner which presented itself with the parachuted delier of British weapons and

155

ETER OTEAT

ammunition in October 1942. A confrontation developed between Dunbabin and Bandouvas, with the former insisting that the supplies were for SOE’s use, while Bandouvas took the view that he and his men should be the beneficiaries. George Psychoundakis, the “Cretan Runner” who aided SOE operations, recounted that Bandouvas “retreated before Mr. Tom’s determination” (sychoundakis, 19549).12 Another retan, eorgios Titikas, recalled the timely intervention of another adarte etrakogeorgis, in the resolution of the dispute

The supplies were dropped by an English plane and Bandouvas immediately said that he would take the lot, because he was the leader, and he would share it out among his adartes. But Tom told him that the things belong to the English service and that he would give them out as he liked. Bandouvas threatened to kill the Englishman. etrakogeorgis intervened and told him, ‘In God’s name, godbrother! Are we to cut our own throats, instead of joining in the common cause?’

Of course other people intervened too, including ostis aradisanos, and Bandouvas was forced to back down and that was when they split up. etrakogiorgis and Bandouvas split up and never oined forces again. (Titikas, 20120–1)

ith his authority and respect established, Dunbabin went on to building links among various resistance figures and political organisations, and in particular between the conservative tie rgaosis retes (ational Organisation of rete, EO) — which he helped to found — and the more progressive tio eleterotio etoo (ational iberation Front, EA), which also contained a number of communist elements. So high was the regard with which he was held by the retans and by SOE in airo, that from September 1944 Dunbabin became the overall field commander of SOE in rete. n that capacity he applied his skills to ensuring a peaceful transition to a postwar order, as the erman presence retreated to the area in and around anea. nlike the mainland, rete indeed managed a post war transition free of bloodshed.

12 The retan eorge sychoundakis rendered invaluable assistance to “stragglers” and to SOE officers, above all by running messages from one district to another, and recorded his recollections of his role in his popular book e reta er, translated into English by atrick eigh Fermor.

ASTRAIAS I CRETE I OR AR II

Many were fulsome in their praise of unbabin and his role in bringing about that outcome, not least his fellow SOE officers. Patrick eigh ermor, for example, said of him that his “judgement of men was deep and sound, with the single eception that he always placed himself humbly in the background” eigh ermor, . Billy Moss, who participated in the successful SOE abduction of General Kreipe, claimed, “It was mostly thanks to Tom’s wisdom and farsightedness in helping to found the E.O.. Resistance organisation that Crete was spared the hostilities and postwar strife in mainland Greece” (Moss, 1950:210). In a similar vein SOE’s Sandy Rendel, who had known unbabin at Oford before the war, reminisced

Tom unbabin had so many ualities … that he really was an awfully good choice as our main man. e had a very good background knowledge and you wouldn’t have believed it, but the time he had been all over Crete, how many thousands of Cretans loved the man and very greatly respected him, including some of the toughest characters you could ever meet. Rendel et al.,

Meeting with fellow SOE veterans long after the war, Rendel offered the opinion, “with all respect to everybody and I’m sure you’ll agree, he was streets better than any of us” Rendel et al., . Cretan opinion was eually generous. hen an SOE officer toured through Crete in the company of unbabin in the final part of the war, he observed

He is known as Mr ‘Tom’ from one end of the Island to the other, even in parts which he has never visited. uring our tour with the Brigadier13 in ecember we passed through villages some that were new to him, but the welcome was always the same. I feel he might well be called the Pimpernel of Crete although I know he would hate such a suggestion. Oland,

The most widely known of the Cretan helpers to the SOE missions, George Psychoundakis, recalled a highspirited encounter in the Amari alley which displays as much as any other episode the etent to which unbabin was able to establish a rapport with Cretans from many backgrounds. Psychoundakis had guided a resistance figure to the Amari

13 Brigadier BarkerBenfield, ead of SOE in Cairo.

ETE MOTETH for discussions with unbabin, who at that time had a lair near Khardaki on the slopes of Mt Kedros:

He had a fine hut there with a sheet of corrugated iron on the roof, probably used by the shepherds who pastured their flocks there in wintertime. hen they had had their talk, we all sat down and began singing. Mr. Tom’s hideout, unlike ours, was very handy for food and drink, and the wine in those parts is like the wine at the marriage of Cana in Galilee. lso, they had such a large supply of oranges that some of them had gone bad. Everyone began to drink deeply, and by and by, we were all very merry and this soon turned into a rag. e started with the oranges, picking out the rotten ones and throwing them at each other. Mr. Pavlo [i.e. Pavlos Vernadakis] didn’t like this at all, and said it wasn’t right. But before he could finish, he caught several on the head at the same moment, the attack being led by Mr. Tom. hen the oranges were finished, it was the turn of sticks and stones. Mr. Tom had got hold of a long stick, with which he charged down on the others pretending it was a rifle with a fixed bayonet. I had never seen him in such high spirits before. Then it was the turn for water — whole bucketfuls were thrown about, until we were all drenched to the skin. There was shouting and horseplay until nightfall. (sychoundakis, 195:210)

Cretans’ fondness of unbabin continued beyond the war, so that a popular song, simply titled “Tom”, was sung by Cretans for many years, and he was made an honorary citien of Heraklion (Gilchrist, 200:91). It was there that a memorial service was held soon after his tragic death in 1955, and his old friend atrick eigh ermor delivered a eulogy which heaped praise on his former comradeinarms:

uring all those years he shared all the hardships and ordeals of guerrilla life with the Cretans: the snow and the cold, the hunger and the thirst, the sleeping on branches and stones, the exhaustion and the everpresent danger. nd he shared, too, the rewards of that life: the company of men whom he loved and respected and who loved and respected him. Kind and just to all, he was stern and merciless to himself he never shrank from a task, however hard a battle it was, mental or physical. On those endless marches through the mountains from cave to cave, or in flight from the German raids, he would carry the same load on his back as the hardiest mountaineer bred among the goatrocks. (eigh ermor, 2015:1)

T CT

Conusions

The three stages of the ustralian presence in Crete during orld ar proceeded almost seamlessly one from the other. Though ustralians generally fought well in the Battle of Crete, errors in the preparation of the island’s defence, followed by tactical flaws from the beginning of the campaign, brought a rapid defeat, a failure to evacuate large numbers of men, and the commencement of a new phase of the ustralian presence on the island. Though their contact with the local population before the erman invasion had been brief, those ustralians stranded on Crete encountered a remarkable willingness among locals to feed and accommodate them. The third and final phase of the ustralian presence in Crete began when the efforts to evacuate “stragglers” evolved into a series of activities organised by in support of Cretan resistance. The ustralian participation in E’s work was remarkable for the willingness of evacuees to return to the island in support of those stranded there. Most remarkable, however, is the maor role of Tom unbabin, who displayed eceptional political and diplomatic talent in bringing together diverse resistance elements and made a vital contribution to the peaceful transition to a postwar order. Through those three phases the ustralians ehibited a level of adaptability which facilitated their survival. Confronted with harsh and unfamiliar circumstances, they were able to pursue a number of survival strategies which protected them from the challenges posed by both the natural environment and a vindictive is occupation regime. This adaptability is best eemplified by Tom unbabin. Though a man of great sophistication and erudition, he accepted the rigours of wartime life in rural Crete perhaps his own early life in rural Tasmania had euipped him with the ability to return to the rhythms of the most rudimentary country life. or their part, the Cretans who looked after the ustralians developed an etraordinary level of empathy with them. rom the beginning they understood that the ustralians and the other llied forces were there not to occupy Crete but to defend it against an imminent threat. Their treatment of the ustralians was on the one hand an etension of the longstanding tradition of iloeia, but it was also a recognition of a unity of purpose in the face of a common enemy.

EE E

iiorhy

“Appreciation”, 1942 “Appreciation of paramilitary activities to suort oerations for the recapture of Crete”, February 42. TNA (The National Archives) HS 5/682. eevor, eevor, rete: e attle ad te esistae ondon ohn urray, amer and raer, amer and raer, te : a sae ad asio i eoied rete orthshore enguin udley, udley, “Report by an Australian Private on BoPeep’s Band 15.8.43”, unbabin, a unbabin, “Reminiscences from the mountains of Crete 19421944)” n raeologist at ar, ed om unbabin – eraklion ociety of retan istorical tudies unbabin, b unbabin, “Tom Dunbabin of Crete” n raeologist at ar, ed om unbabin – eraklion ociety of retan istorical tudies Ewer, Ewer, orgotte as: e aaig i reee evised edition elbourne cribe ielding, ielding, ide ad See ondon ecker “Final Report”, 2004 “Final Report on SOE Missions in Crete 19411945.” n e reta esistae – : e iial ritis eort o ogeter it oets ritis iers o oo art i te esistae, ed okonas – eraklion ystis ilchrist, ilchrist, stralias ad rees ole e ater ears ydney alstead ress ill, ill, iggers ad rees: te stralia aaigs i reee ad rete ydney niversity of ew outh ales ress eigh ermor, P. Leigh Fermor “Report No. 2”, 27 April 1943, TNA HS5/728.

ASTRALANS N CRETE N ORLD AR

Leigh Fermor, 2015 P. Leigh Fermor, “Thomas James Dunbabin (12 April 1911 – 31 March 1955) Fellow of All Souls, DSO MA”. In , ed. Tom . Dunbabin 129–136. Heralion Society of Cretan Historical Studies. Long, 1953 . Long, . Canberra AM. Monteath, 2017 P. Monteath, . Sydney NeSouth. Moss, 1950 .S. Moss, . London Harrap. Oland, 1945 S. Oland, “Report on Maj Oxland’s stay in Greece and Crete as Staff Officer to Brig ..B Benfield, Comd Force 133”. TNA HS 5/730. Palao, 2007 A. Palao, . Canberra Australian Military History Publications. Pec, n.d. J.D. Peck, “Captive in Crete”, undated manuscript, Australian War Memorial PR03098. Personal Papers of ohn Desmond Pec. Poell, 1973 D. Poell, . London Hodder and Stoughton. Psychoundais, 1954 . Psychoundais, . Trans. Patric Leigh Fermor. London ohn Murray. Rendel, 1953 A.M. Rendel, . London Allen ingate. Rendel et al., 1991 A.M. Rendel et al., “Comment and discussion”. In , ed. David Holton 35–54. Cambridge Faculty of Modern and Medieval Languages. Steart, 1991 .M.. Steart, – . Oford Oford Paperbacs. “Summary”, 1945 “Summary of MI9 activities in the eastern Mediterranean 19411945”. TNA O 208/3253. Titias, 2012 .A. Titias, . Trans. Rosemary Tanai. Heralion Society of Cretan Historical Studies.

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ylander, 199 M. von ylander, –. Freiburg Rombach.

Gorgopotamos and After: Tom Barnes’ Gree Are –

Katherine Barnes

Cecil dward Tom arnes took part in the famous sabotage operation of the Gorgopotamos ridge in November 194 as leader of the demolition party. Remaining in Greece after the attack, he rose to become one of two Area Commanders for the Allied Military Mission in Greece. The archive he left behind at his death in 195 includes over 1000 photos, war diaries, letters and reports, mainly relating to his experiences in Greece. This study demonstrates how these eyewitness records illuminate important aspects of these critical years in modern Greek history including the Gorgopotamos operation itself and the trek across Greece which followed, the “Animals” operation which was conducted to convince Hitler that the Allied landings would take place in Greece and distract his attention from Sicily, surrender overtures from the German commander in pirus General Hubert von Lan, and the socalled first two rounds of Civil War in 1943 and 1944.

ntrodton

When Captain later LieutenantColonel) “Tom” arnes was parachuted into Greece in late 194 at the age of 35 as one of three engineers for a Special Operations xecutive SO mission against the German and Italian occupying forces, he had with him several small notebooks. One of these he used as a diary, another held the key to a numbered code he was using for villages mentioned in the diary. Tom had kept a daily diary since 1937. In 193 he spent a year in New Guinea as a surveyor, and his experiences there encouraged him to cram his pages with accounts of huge spiders, crocodileshooting, cockroaches that moved “like greased lightning”, malarial mosquitoes and other native fauna. mbarking for World War II service in Africa with the New ealand ngineers in early 1941, he continued his diary record.

AT A

The had een founded in ondon two ears efore it recruited Tom Barnes, under the famous injunction from Churchill to “set Europe ablaze”. The inister for conomic arfare ugh alton was handed resonsiilit for the new organisation on ul ts rief was saotage ehind enem lines, working with and uilding u local resistance organisations and so on nitiall its staff were civilians rimaril from the anking sector whose networks of contacts in uroe were eected to e useful for its estalishment ne of them was ickham weetscott, a former anker with Courtaulds, whom Tom was to meet in Cairo in The Cairo office of SOE operated out of the Rustum Buildings and was known locally as “the spy house”. The diaries Tom ket in Greece from to rovide a detailed ee witness account of events that heled shae modern Greece, as he worked alongside Greeks of the two main resistance organisations, A Ελληνικός Λαϊκός Απελευθερωτικός Στρατός, ational oular ieration Arm) and Εθνικός Δημοκρατικός Ελληνικός Σύνδεσμος, Greek ational eulican rganisation), oth at the famous Gorgootamos ridge oeration, where he led the art that laid the elosives under the ridge, and later in further saotage oerations in the irus region The success of Gorgootamos insired the to continue and etend oerations in Greece with the estalishment of the ritish ilitar ission later Allied ilitar ission) to uild the caailit of A and as what were effectivel militar forces acting against the occuing forces The maorit of the original arling art and other ersonnel who were arachuted into Greece from earl formed the asis of the ission, acting as liaison officers to the leaders of the resistance organisations and organising saotage oerations The most notale of these was operation “Animals”, a series of coordinated saotage activities across Greece carried out to ersuade itler that the Allied landings in uroe in would take lace in Greece rather than icil Tom laed an imortant art in Noah’s Ark activities in Epirus, leading sabotage operations there in une Tom eerienced at first hand the socalled first and second rounds of civil war in and and the dissolution of the organisation after the German withdrawal, having risen to ecome one of two Area Commanders for the Allied ilitar ission t was to him as the senior Allied officer in western Greece that General uert von an, commander

Cooer, – tafford, –

OROOAOS AND AFTER: TOM BARNES’ GREEK ARCHIVE, 1942– of the erman forces in northwest reece and southern Albania, made surrender overtures in . om was also a keen photographer. is detailed photographic record of events in reece comprises around photos taken as he lived and worked in the often primitive and povertystricken reek mountain villages that were the epicentre of Resistance activities. he subjects that took his eye as a nonreek include family and village life — weaving on an outdoor loom, baking coffee beans igure — as well as groups assembled for official events such as the laka and ebanon conferences. At his death in he also left behind a number of movie films, several of which may have been shot in reece.

gre : Baking coffee beans

he photos complement the diary record and together with Tom’s official reports, a diary summary, and some notes made after his return to Australia, form an important archive which has largely remained in family hands. Tom’s letters to his fiance Beth arris are also an important part of the archive but are not discussed here. A few of the photos and etracts from official reports have been circulated or discussed, but much of the archive was largely unknown until the

KATHERINE BARNES

publication of the author’s book based on the archives, , in 212 This article sres the main elements of the archie and gies eamles in chronological order of the light the throw on imortant asects of Allied Militar Mission and Resistance actiities dring the German occation of Greece

Te dares and dar smmares

Tom Barnes’ war diaries begin in 1941 and end in 1945. The 1941 diary records his first da of training with the New ealand Engineers, anar (“Marched in in evening after dinner … fairly rotten quarters” He embarked in the “Niew Amsterdam” on Satrda 1 Ferar, traelling first to India Deolali Cam efore arriing in Egt on 24 March and traelling immediatel to the New ealand Forces Cam at Maadi soth of Cairo The rest of the 1941 diar and most of the 1942 diar record engineering actiities in Gianaclis and Aaa Ba Transordan efore Tom retrned to Cairo in an attemt to transfer to the New ealand Diision The Gree mission is first annonced in the entr for 22 Setemer in the large 1942 diar, t the accont reas off at 2 Setemer to recommence in the small red noteoo that was among the gear Tom carried on his erson when he arachted into Greece This red noteoo is of considerale significance for its accont of the lead to the Gorgoootamos oeration, the oeration itself, the tre across Greece that followed, and actiities in the indos montains after the decision the SOE to ee the art in Greece This small noteoo is written in encil throghot A nmer of ages are smdged and some words and hrases hae so far roed indeciherale The handwriting is small, with up to three or four days’ activities crammed into one small page, in which case the writing ecomes een more cramed Each small section coers the actiities of one nmered weeda ater, clearl, Tom has retrned to the diar with a en, maring the months at the to of the age as the change, and in some cases adding dates Initiall, Tom was clearl neros aot etraing critical information (probably he was not allowed to keep a diary at all). “D” signifies donkeys

2 For discussion of Tom Barnes’ role in the Allied Military Mission to Greece, see Brown, 214:192–2 For a nonacademic std, see Ogden, 212, Chater

GORGOPOTAMOS AND AFTER: TOM BARNES’ GREEK ARCHIVE, 1942–45

(actually mules) but also demolition. “W” appears to refer to wogs, i.e. Italians. “V” is for village. More importantly, as mentioned above, village names are recorded in a separate notebook and only a number appears in the diaries. n the more than seventy years since they were created, the reek diaries have remained in the family and the account has not been tampered with. Any changes Tom himself made (for eample adding months to the first diary as noted above) are clearly apparent. The only other maor change relates to the transfer from the first notebook, which was used until early August 194, to a real 194 diary which Tom presumably acquired only after the first aircraft landing strip behind enemy lines in reece went into operation in mid194. The wording of the transcription is close but not identical. At some time after the diary record was first created, Tom created a document he called “Notes and dates from diaries”. As the document is largely typed, we can speculate that he created it in airo at the same time as he was writing his Final eport, discussed below. The document uses some pseudonyms for village names, for example “Ludwig” refers to hardiki village near Mavrolithari. There is also a separate short document entitled “Dates etc during war period”, which begins with Tom leaving the ublic orks Department in Tasmania for the ngineers T (fficer adet Training nit) in asula, New outh ales. e records marching out of the T as 1st ieutenant before applying for leave for the Duration and taking ship for New ealand to oin the econd New ealand peditionary Force (NF). The document finishes with Tom’s official discharge from the 2NZEF on 13 February 194 before commencing work with the Tasmanian ydroelectric ommission on April 194. The combination of the diary records themselves and the later summaries is very useful. ith few eceptions such as those mentioned above, the diaries record daytoday events as they happened, while the diary summaries provide a later overview where Tom is able to focus on those events whose significance could not have been anticipated at the time but later became apparent.

KATHERINE BARNES

Te potograps

Tom’s diary records his first photograph on his tenth day in Greece: “photo of maimai” a maimai is a maeshift Maori shelter, in this case using a parachute as a roof, so he must have arrived in Greece with a camera. The photographic archive consists of an alum with captioned photographs, 2 rolls of developed film with a list of suects, and numerous prints. The movie films mentioned earlier have not een catalogued at this point. The alum was presumably put together either in Cairo or after Tom’s return to Australia and covers significant events during his time in Greece. With most pages titled and captioned, this is a ver important record. It egins with preparations for the Gorgopotamos operation and covers maor personnel and events during the rest of Tom’s time in Greece, including a numer of photos of the final months in Corfu. The main photographic archive dates from after the Gorgopotamos operation, when Tom was serving with the Allied Militar Mission in Epirus, and he selected man of these photos to record later events in the alum. This archive is documented in a small noteoo which appears to have first been used in Tom’s early (preGreece das in Cairo as some details relating to Gianaclis are recorded on the front endpapers. The noteoo lists the suects of each of 2 separate films which are still extant as negatives. The films themselves do not appear to have een listed in order, as the twelfth listed is Corfu, where Tom saw EDES disanded in earl 194, whereas the thirteenth relates to the Epirus region and records the ceremon of the conferral of the MBE on General Zervas which too place at Plaisia in late Feruar 1944. However, as the rolls of film are still extant as negatives, the order in which each roll of film was shot is clear. The archive also includes a numer of prints, some ut not all of which are among those listed in the noteoo.

Gera arfare

This is a set of 21 handwritten pages which can e dated to postwar Australia. The could have een written over a period of time as the writing varies from page to page and apparentl from pencil to pencil, and a note

1 GORGOPOTAMOS AND AFTER: TOM BARNES’ GREEK ARCHIVE, 1942–

from a later period has clearly been made on page three owever, from page twelve, the manuscript is written on the bac of sheets of paper with the tate lectricity Commission of ictoria letterhead, with the address “Briquetting project Wallace Street, Morwell” [Victoria, dating them to the period between mid when Tom started wor with the C, and his death in mid1952. Tom describes in the notes how he sets out to “recount some adventures that were rather off the beaten trac for security reasons these events were not publicised”, events “concerning a British party over a year period in Greece from ct 5”. eference will be made to this document as appropriate in what follows There is another similar but shorter set of notes, untitled and missing the first page, which could be an earlier version of “Guerilla warfare –” t is possible that both sets of notes were made for tals given at the eturned ervices eague in obart or elbourne

Te Gorgopotamos operaton from te are

Tom’s excitement at the opportunity to volunteer for a special mission in Greece is recorded in an appropriately guarded way in his diary entry for September 1942: “Saw Lt Col Hanson re a special C in C Commander in Chief ob – will have to leave tomorrow sic if everything is Great opportunity and job promises some excitement”. This is followed two days later by this: “Were taken more into confidence. It will be a wonderful camp if it comes off and we’ll make it so”. s Tom finished his first day of parachute training for the drop into Greece, we find out that “This is usually preceded by wees ground wor — we are doing one day, but should be Got our harness fitted tonight We jump from 800’ from a Wimpy [Wellington bomber] @ daybreak to morrow”. This is the prelude to the mission, codenamed “Harling”, that became the successful attac on the Gorgopotamos railway viaduct, in the rallos ass area on the east coast of Greece f three possible targets identified at the outset, Gorgopotamos was the only one that proved feasible in the circumstances (another of the targets, the sopos viaduct, was later

C arnes, “Guerilla arfare ”. Unpublished manuscript, p pelling and abbreviations are reproduced exactly as they appear in Tom’s records.

KATHERINE BARNES

successfully sabotaged by a small party of Allied soldiers only, approaching via a steep and treacherous gorge. Operation Harling was an initiative of the SOE. Twelve men in three parties of four each with leader, interpreter, engineer and signaller were parachuted into Greece on the night of 0 September1 October 1942, landing in a region of precipitous slopes on Mount Giona instead of in the Pindos ranges as arranged, owing to a garbled signal. The correct dropping point would have landed them to “General” Napoleon ervas whose headquarters for his EDES resistance organisation were in the village of Megalochari. Instead, it proved extremely difficult to make contact with the Resistance organisations without whom the operation could not succeed. “Guerilla warfare 19425” describes early preoperation days like this:

An old Greek Barba Niko befriended us undoubtedly saved us from capture or starvation.

Conditions in Greece were then at a low ebb as Britain seemed to be suffering reverses everywhere German propaganda exploited this — but the Greeks were wonderful to us shared their meagre food with us.

We lived in caves and under trees using our parachutes for blankets tents were kept continually on the move with Barba Niko as our saviour. It was a most precarious existence.5

In order to locate the resistance organisations, eventually the secondin command of the Harling party, Monty Chris Woodhouse, aged in his mid twenties at the time, undertook a return trip on foot across the central ranges of Greece, there and back in nineteen days. He located ervas, who agreed to assist with the operation. On the way back to Mount Giona with ervas and his men, Chris located Aris Velouchiotis Athanasiοs Klaras, gained his agreement to take part, and returned with both parties at the eleventh hour. Already the intended deadline the start of the battle of El Alamein had gone by. The combined force of Resistance fighters and Allied operatives set out for the operation from Mavrolithari village on 21 November. On the night of 25 November the party descended Mount Oiti, Tom leading a small

5 “Guerilla Warfare 19425”, pp. 3–4.

GG ’ GREEK ARCHIVE, 1942–

part ontn o three enneer, ommandotraned en amon, two urh prot who had een on the run n Greee untl ped up the arln art, and everal hter rom oth and . ere the atta a described in Tom’s diary for 25 ovemer

hole an wth mule — t wa dar a pth the on lood. — he plan or m demolton part to wat untl the rde lear then o n. ero hour 3 — he trp down wa done n aolute darne lene — we roed the rver and were on our own — o loaded the mule — and proeeded to our rendevou — ot there 3. — rn 3. — ullet ht around u ut — G medum mahne un G lht mahne un rle. un omm un and Grenade — o ere nal o went n . a aa — thouht he aw an t went n wth G — proeeded to r. rde — had to ut throuh wre twe. – er not a epeted — hape — rthur, nder and rthur and nder are the other enneer lad hare on the ro memer — th too nearl an hour — man hare mall —rthur nhed multaneoul . hootn, G, G, Grenade, on o all around — 3 whtle — over — terr an — pan down — one twted — per tll tood — twted and leann. 12’ shorter. — went a — mot o helper leared o — lad hare on ront o . demolhed per on memer o a dropped pan and on p per net to autment … r wa held 3 hr. — ueul — roeeded uphll to rendevou — all hand ut aout all n … elluva lm up to rendevou. onderul weather or operaton — rann heav o all the tme … alted rendevou — damned tred — everone too tred to e elated over ue o o … we had een hr on our eet.

the dar ndate, t had een neear to la the eplove under re. he talan arron were pol orewarned o the atta and ouht a tronl, tan muh loner to udue than antpated, o the red lare the demolton part wa epetn a ther nal to o n never eventuated. wo pae o the photo dar deal wth Goropotamo. he rt, ttled “In the beginning — 1942” includes the wellnown photo o General erva and rader er ttn de de, a roup o to ther rht

ot to e onfused with Lieut.Col Frederick “ull” anon, who wa nvolved n rerutn om or the arln peraton a mentoned on the rt pae o th artle.

KATHERIE ARE and a mountain sloe rising steely behind. Alongside a hoto of a grou of and another of officers with Chris oodhouse the cation notes the lack of uniforms) is one showing “Loading mules with explosive and ammo. for the Gorgopotamos operation” and another “At the rear rendezvous” (the abandoned Hondroyannis sawmill). On the next page are hotos of the Harling party. One, captioned “Col. E. yers (‘Eddie’) leader of party” has been remoed or fallen out. There is a hoto of enys Hamson, and another of Tom with Arthur Edmunds, Catains ohn Cook, at arker and Inder Gill together, the caption reading “Capt. I Inder, (Inder), Sapper” suggesting that Tom may hae been unaware that Inder short for Inderit was a first name, not a surname. This age also includes the wellknown photo of Inder and Themis Marinos with Inder’s arm around Themis’ shoulder. These hotos show the same structure in the background so resumably were taken at the same time. In contrast, a hoto cationed for Chris oodhouse is actually from a much later eriod, showing the A reresentaties at the laka conference in early 1944.

Te reports

The most imortant reort by Tom arnes is undoubtedly his “Final report on actiities and obserations in Greece, eriod 1 ctober 1942—2 February 1945 final reort”, written in Cairo after his dearture from Greece in February 1945. The reort runs to 49 tyewritten ages and finishes with the eriod of the second round of ciil war which broke out in ecember 1944 the ), the evacuation of EDES and Tom’s HQ to Corfu, the formation of the ational Guard and the formal disbanding of EE. sefully, this reort lists the three reious reorts Tom submitted, one of which, the “ummary eras actiities uly–ctober 1944”, Ref F11 I hae not seen. The other two reorts are “Covering July ’43–April ’44 written in Cairo 1 une 1944 ref. GCA1” and “Short report on eras organisation of a critical nature written in field on 14 August, 1944”. The “Final reort” covers all aspects of Tom’s service in Greece from the Harling oeration onwards, including notably “Civil war ct. ‘43–Feb. ‘44” and “Civil war — eacuation of Preveza. Dec. ‘44”.

12 GORGOPOTAMOS AND AFTER: TOM BARNES’ GREEK ARCHIVE, 1942–4

It is typical of Tom that in discussing the Harling operation in his final report, he pays tribute to the bravery of the Greek in carrying out their mission “for the most part badly clothed, badly shod (many barefooted except for a piece of cloth or goat hide)” but does not mention that the mission was threatened with failure because the crosssection of the bridge piers was not as intelligencegathering had led them to believe, necessitating the dismantling and reshaping of the preprepared charges after Tom had personally recalculated the charges in his head while under fire and extreme time constraints. The report records that “a full Sapper report was later submitted to Col MERS, who sent it on, but I understand it did not reach CAIRO”. This could be explained by the unsatisfactory wireless transmission arrangements pertaining at the time. Tom’s “Report on observations in Greece from July 943 to April 944” is much shorter seven typewritten pages. The Foreign Office file is accompanied by commentary by Ma DS Laskey. The “Report on ervas Andarte movement” is dated Epirus, 4 August 944. It is primarily a survey of ervas’ four divisions, one brigade and four independent units including the EDES 34 regiment commanded by Col. orgos Agoros. Agoros and Tom became very close friends as they worked together on two maor operations, “Animals” and then “Noah’s Ark”.

Te tre aross Greee from te reports dar entres and potograp am

An undertaking had been given by the SOE to take the Harling party off by submarine after the demolition. The rendezvous point was erena ay, south of Parga on the west coast of Greece. The submarine was to signal on three successive nights from December. To make the rendezvous, the Harling party, conducted by General Zervas’s personal adjutant Captain Mihalis Myridakis with a small group of EDES fighters, had to cross the Pindos ranges and the Megdova, Acheloos and Arachtos Rivers. The trip was undertaken in conditions of extreme privation after the first few relatively wealthy villages had been passed. Myridakis led them through

C.E. arnes “Final report on activities and observations in Greece. Period October 94 February 94”, HS9, p. 4.

KATHERINE BARNES

remote and difficult country as they tried to evade the inevitable Italian pursuit after Gorgopotamos. ndoubtedly, the reality was that without the help of the resistance fighters and the villagers of the mountains, the party could not have made it to the rendevous. The “Notes and dates from diaries”, which is not identical to the individual diary entries, gives a useful overview of the first part of trek, describing how the party were:

Observing great secrecy — travelling during the day on high mountain tracks or hiding up in the mountains except at night. Our party is not strong enough to meet any attacks and the people are well under the thumb of the Italians and cannot all be trusted.

Tom’s “Final report” puts things this way:

The next Three weeks, from Dec 12 to an , 194, were spent making an arduous and fruitless return trip to the est Coast, where we hoped to pick up a submarine promised before we left CAIRO. This was for all of us the hungriest and most uncomfortable three weeks in our lives, as we carried all our KIT without mules), travelled mostly at night in bad weather, and food was very scarce indeed in Epireus.9 The diary record for December tells of one terrifying night:

eft pm along good tracks until dark then along a bloddy sic track along the river in darkness — the track is a narrow ledge along a precipice face. – for hours we would move 10’ & stop up to 15 mins in pitch darkness — we heard there were Itis on our way — finally reached a girder bridge crossed and reached the village tired hungry at hr. – 1 hours on the way — fed up to the back teeth — lousy welcome at village — nothing prepared — Tired as hell — Good sleep — no option. in a room.

Two pages of the photograph album record these early events before the British Military Mission to Greece was established. The first is titled “The retreat NovDec 1942 after the successful demolition of the Gorgopotamos Railway Bridge” and includes a photograph of the “Harling party on the trail”. The second is “At Megalohori sic village Gen. Zervas’ base H in the Epireus Mountains Dec. 1942”. It is notable that the background of the

C.E. Barnes “Notes and dates from diaries”. Unpublished manuscript, entry for December 1–1 1942. 9 “Final report”, p. .

GORGOPOTAMOS AND AFTER: TOM BARNES’ GREEK ARCHIVE, 1942–45

photo of “Gen. Zervas and staff officers” appears the same as the background of three of the photos from the Harling page as mentioned above. Tom appears to have selected photos for inclusion in this album that were not necessarily taken at the time of the events depicted on the page. rriving at the rendevous weak but hopeful, the party watched for signals as directed, but on hristmas Day a message was received that the submarine would not be arriving. The ehausted party had to backtrack to egalochari village, where ddie yers received new instructions to take command of “coordinating and developing further activities of the ”.10

prs erartoer

The rigours of the return ourney may have literally nearly killed yers a regular soldier and older again than Tom, who fell ill with pneumonia days after the return to egalochari. n the “Notes and dates from diaries” there is a brief summary of this frightening episode dates relate to February 194

15 EDDIE’s temp 105 — sent for doctor — he is delirious half the time. pecting a drop of ammo tonight. 1 DR HRTU arrd fm GHR sic and said DD had Bronchialneumonia and we cannot move him. News of two ti Bns battalions 4 hours away — no Zervas andartes near. ent runners off to Zervas and HR and preparing to move.

1 tis 2 hours away heading for village in two directions — evacuated everything incl DD and Doc, whom we hid in a house three hours distant. Remainder of party to RHU.11

ithout the care of Dr apachristou and his D Themis arinos, the only Greek member of the Harling party, and the provision of &B tablets, an early antibiotic, it is most unlikely that ddie would have survived.

10 yers, 19559. 11 “Notes and dates from diaries”, 15–1 February. This event is described in , 20151–11.

15 KATHERINE BARNES

A ere no tron into te inescapae poitica trmoi and controvers tat as te Gree resistance. After a period of time in a rater menia roe aterin and distritin miitar sppies dropped Britis panes, Tom as posted to Epirs in te est for iaison dties it Genera Zervas. He set p is eadarters in te Romanon monaster in aa Sei. Other Allied soldiers “dropped in” and Britis Miitar Mission BMM stations ere set p in varios ocations in Epirs as Tom and is officers prepared for a second rond of saotae operations. Working with Zervas’ andartes, Tom learnt the essentials of warfare at first and. Anticipatin on a sma scae te prodced te Specia Operations Researc Office of Te American niversit in 191, Tom ives in “Geria arfare 19425” his own list of “Essentials of guerilla warfare”:

Friend popation—Grees Sitae terrain—Epirs Safe ases—dmp food ammo Comparative assred sppies food ammo Toro noede of terrain Good inteience Gerias temseves To, discipined, ard Etreme moiit Hard ittin forces Minimise casaties Good commnications Good it eapons.12

rst rond of ar toer erar

Civi ar roe ot eteen EAS and EDES in Octoer 194, rinin areadeistin tensions eteen te to main resistance rops ot into te open. Te Germans ad rot p teir eite montain troops to

12 “Guerilla warfare 19425”, p. 12.

1 GOGOOTAO A ATE TOM BARNES’ GREEK ARCHIVE, 1942–5

annina in ul 1, and the were uik to take advantage of the ivil war to attak EE. The result is desried in the handwritten “Guerilla war 125” where Tom notes

… inreased guerilla ativit rought violent reation from the enem — enem ground drives unsuessful owing etreme moilit of guerillas loalt in spite of frightful reprisals against villages — urning et.

German then mounted air attaks — these were severe — one on eautiful village oulgareli si — waves of tukas from am–pm.

1 uneploded oms inluding 5 kilos, 5 kilos 1 kilos 1.1

owever, over the ourse of this terrile period, the demonstrated their apait to fight ak. Tom’s “eport on Zervas Andarte movement” eplains wh morale at the point of writing the report April 1 was high t is espeiall omforting to hear AATE sa that the old GEA oge is now gone — as after reent ops the find the GEA soldier is not the invinile eing the previousl imagined, ut he an e routed out from defended positions and overome even when aked up art artiller and superiorit in numers.1

Major Laskey’s commentary on Tom’s “eport on oservations in Greee” shows onern with the potential proZervas ias of the report, for eample

ol arnes himself sas that his report is proZervas. t was hardl likel to e anthing else ut a great deal of it rests on fats and it is indisputale that Zervas has proved onsistentl loal and ooperative while EA have often een the reverse.15

1 “Guerilla warfare 19425”, p. 11. The German attak on ourgareli village in mid1 is desried in hapter 1 of . 1 .E. Barnes, “Report on oservations in Greee from ul 1 to April 1”, O 15, The ational Arhives, , p. . 15 .. aske “Situation in Greece report aompaning E arnes” “Report on oservations in Greee from ul 1 to April 1”, O 15, The ational Arhives, .

1 KATHERINE BARNES

This commentary is in response to Tom’s commentary on the civil war eaiour of eras an Aris

ERVAS is a strikin personality e is a couraeous an cunnin uerilla fiter, wit a ery keen sense of umour an a srew jument. I know e is a true patriot. His main fault is tat e oes not enforce iscipline as e soul, is arument ein tat is men are mostly not soliers ut illaers. He is ily respecte y is troops an y te illaers. My personal eperience of im is tat e is ery easy to work wit an tat e inarialy tells me te trut.

Aris is te most rai of all te Communists in te iel. He is saistic, cruel an asolutely unscrupulous. In te GORGOOTAMOS action oweer e sowe up well. I ae known im to e ot couraeous — an te reerse.1

Naturally tese oserations were sarpene y te ciil war eperiences of Tom an is Greek an Allie colleaues, an unoutely is elief tat eras always tol im te trut is nae, as LieutCol Nicolas Hammon later sueste.1

omen n te ar effort erana

After te first roun of ciil war was resole at te laka conference in late eruary 1944, Tom set up is eauarters in te Lakka Sulei area, in te illae of eriiana, joinin General eras iure 2. He was to stay tere until te en of te German occupation of Greece, wen e moe is station to a now EEScontrolle annina.

1 “Report on oserations in Greece from uly 194 to April 1944”, p. 4. 1 N.G.L. Hammond, “Report on AMM an Greek situation une 4Au 2, 1944”, O 149, p. 4.

1 GORGOPOTAMOS AND AFTER: TOM BARNES’ GREEK ARCHIVE, 1942–4

gre : Tom arnes, centre, laned y ol. oros, let and ol. oralas, riht erviiana

ne particlar seence o photos taen in erviiana in 1944 provides a nie insiht into the contrition o villae women to the resistance strle. ll three photos show villae women nctionin as military transport, carryin ammnition mostly in the orm o canisters that wold have een dropped y parachte rom the om ays o llied aircrat on their acs. The irst o the seence is taen ronton, and the viewer can see the rope harnesses that support the women’s loads. The second shows three women trdin phill to oin the ile, while in the third one a woman loos ot at the photorapher while the others wal steadily on, heads owed*.

peratons at Aona Ba

y early 1944 it was possile or the llies to mont sea operations rom taly to spply the ree resistance. The irst o these operations, “Glasshouse”, too place on 1 arch 1944, rinin in three tons o stores. Two personnel were evacated on medical ronds, alon with seventeen ritish and merican aircrew who had een orced down in reece.1

1 “Final report”, p. 1. * Photograph 2 and 3 are not included in this publication.

19 KATHERINE BARNES

This operation was followed by several more “Glasshouse” operations ater which the codename was changed to “Bracing”. As Tom reports:

The Pinpoints were two small as on the est Coast aout ten Kms South o PARGA. No other suitale places eisted on our stretch o coast. The securit rom the sea was maintained by a caique ‘navy’ manned by ZERVAS Andartes. These were GREEK and captured GERMAN crat, armed with VICKERS MGs and BREN MGs. The securit rom the land reuired approimatel 2, troops with Allied demolition parties on the roads to the area. A road was uilt to the pinpoint and captured German MT, and later two iniltrated GMC ton trucs S arm trucs were used, as there were some 1, mule loads per CI andin Crat Inantr.

nloadin was well oranised ater the irst two CSs andin Crat Support essels — it was done hand down the anwas. 1 tons o loaded in minutes ecame standard practice ater the irst two ships.

This ecame the larest supplpoint in occupied GREECE i not in enem occupied MEDITERRANEAN. Two and three ships a month were receied, sometimes two on the same niht in dierent as. The Na perormed their diicult tas maniicentl—handlin their crat in conined waters and arriin punctuall at the pinpoint. …

The Feedin o personnel and up to 2, mules rom all parts o GREECE was also a maor prolem.19

The seuence o photos reproduced here Fiures rins this account to lie, with the photos showin the stores unloaded in Alonai Ba, ein paced onto the acs o mules, carried uphill and inall the lon ile o men and mules unwindin across the plain into the distance.

19 “Final report”, p. 1.

1 GORGOPOTAMOS AND AFTER: TOM BARNES’ GREEK ARCHIVE, 1942–

gre : nloading Alonai Bay

gre : oading up Alonai Bay

KATHERINE BARNES

gre : C

gre :

12 GORGOPOTAMOS AND AFTER: TOM BARNES’ GREEK ARCHIVE, 1942–4

Te German srrender rond to of ar and te fgt to orf

Tom’s Final Report records the sequence of events surrounding General Lanz’s surrender overtures in 1944:

D A, N GERMAN, G VON AN, CO 22 M C H ANNINA, GREEK E A A GERMAN, VON AN GERMAN GREECE A GERMAN AFH VON AN I O S 2 A VON AN GREECE H that VON LANZ was ‘antiNazi’ N GERMAN A CAIRO 2

F G E 2 S, A O 1 T operation was known as “Noah’s Ark”:21 When the ‘second round’ of civil war broke out in December 1944, Tom :

EDES , R O R GREEK A NOAH’s ARK. Due to lack of supplies of food and money and EAM/EAS BBC , EDES BRITAIN A ,

2 “Final r”, 21 “Final r”, 2–1

1 KATHERINE BARNES

ELAS on the other hand had everything to gain, it was their big chance that they had waited years for. Their successes in ATHENS also cheered them. There were many fanatical ELAS who saw this as the fulfilment of their desires.22

In particular, Tom describes Gen Zervas’ attitude as:

… of a defeatist nature from the first days of the ELAS attack. He was bitterly disappointed. He had epected to receive full BRITISH support and to be allied with BRITISH forces. In order to gain these two points he had obeyed religiously Gen SCOBIE’s orders thus sacrificing his best chances of withstanding ELAS attacks — these were to strengthen his vital positions by initial local initiatives. The advantages accruing to the initial attacker were also so well known to all guerillas. Gen ZERVAS’ attitude was ‘I have told Gen SCOBIE my requirements and he has met none of them. Our task is militarily impossible. We must all go to CORF as the only possible place to make a stand’. And there certainly was some truth in this.2

EDES evacuated annina on 222 December and moved to Preveza along with Tom’s HQ. Evacuation commenced with stores and civilians, with the last remaining troops loaded for Corfu on December . civilians and , Andartes were evacuated, plus 2 mules and horses. On February 16 1945 EDES was officially dissolved, and Tom’s HQ was evacuated to Italy on February 2.24

Bograp

Barnes, 1941 C.E. Barnes,” Diary”. npublished manuscript. Barnes, 1942 C.E. Barnes, “Diary”. npublished manuscript.

22 “Final report”, p. . 2 “Final report”, pp. –. 24 “Final report”, pp. –4.

14 GGTS D FTER: TOM BARNES’ GREEK ARCHIVE, 1942–45

Barnes C.E. Barnes, “otebook diary kept between ctober 194 and ugust 194” npublished manuscript. Barnes C.E. Barnes, “Notes and dates from diaries”. npublished manuscript. Barnes C.E. Barnes, “Guerilla warfare 194–5”. npublished manuscript. Barnes C.E. Barnes, “Final report on activities and observations in Greece. eriod 1 ctober 194 February 1945”. Typescript HS5695, The ational rchives, . Barnes C.E. Barnes, “Report on observations in Greece from uly 194 to pril 1944”. Typescript F1465, The ational rchives, . Barnes C.E. Barnes, “Report on Zervas Andartes’ activities during period ulyctober 1944”. Typescript HS5695, The ational rchives, . Barnes, 15 atherine Barnes, . Sydney and uckland HarperCollins. Brown, 14 artyn Brown, “After Crete–consistency and contradiction in the use of the ew Zealand military in Greek matters”, 119–. Condit, 1961 D.. Condit, Special perations esearch ffice. ashington The merican niversity. Cooper, 199 rtemis Cooper, –. ondon enguin. Hammond .G.. Hammond, “eport on and Greek situation une 4–ug , 1944”. F 1469, The ational rchives, . askey D.S. askey, “Situation in Greece manuscript report accompanying CE Barnes. eport on observations in Greece from uly 194 to pril 1944”. F 1465, The ational rchives, . yers, 1955 E.C.. yers, . ondon HartDavis. gden, 1 lan gden, . ondon Bene Factum ublishing. Stafford, David Stafford, Secret gent The True Story of the Special perations Eecutive. ondon BBC orldwide.

15 Greas poon agoes: Sydney’s Greek Foodaterng enomenon s–

Leonard Janiszewski and Effy Alexakis1

Over te firstalf of the twentieth century, Sydney’s Greeks became numerically prominent as food caterers and radically transformed te character of the city’s popular eatingouses. Tey introduced new American commercial foodcatering ideas, tecnology and products and influenced te development of cinema, arcitectural style, and popular music along American lines. Greerun oyster saloons, sodasundae parlours, cafs and mil ars ecame powerful veicles for sociocultural cange. Initially radiating out from witin te city’s central business district to the east and sout, y te early 192s, Gree foodcatering estalisments were operating in te western suurs, including arramatta, and as far nort as Hornsy. The profound changes that Sydney’s Greek food caterers engendered are explored, together with the personal vicissitudes of the food caterer’s temselves. espite teir commercial foodcatering popularity, Sydney’s Grees eperienced racist attitudes tat peraps reinforced te safety of transferring aspects of modern American culture, rater tan teir own traditional cultural elements.

Tis paper uilds on material from a numer of earlier pulications y te authors which deal, either in full or in part, with Sydney’s Greek food catering penomenon anisewsi Aleais, 19 anisewsi Aleais, 199 anisewsi Aleais, 2 anisewsi Aleais,

1 e gratefully acnowledge te support of te epartment of Modern History, olitics and International Relations, and te Australian History Museum, Macuarie niversity, Sydney.

SS S

anisewski lexakis, anisewski lexakis lexakis anisewski, According to demographer Charles Price, over 85% of Sydney’s first generation Greeks owned or worked in foodcatering businesses rice, uring the ustralian gold rush era s–1890s) “golden Greeks” such as Spiro ennett, ark Gless, ndreas ourouklis, Spyridon agnarisi and ames oakeim annis, opened up stores, taverns or small hotels ecognising that gold digging was essentially a lottery, they directed their attentions towards servicing miners’ needs on the fields, including the supply and preparation of food — regular income was almost guaranteed through such enterprise whilst the goldfields lasted, or better still, became permanent settlements anisewski lexakis, – lexakis anisewski, – Greek involvement with food catering in ustralia had commenced rom the s, increased prosperity and population including the number of Greeks, primarily through chain migration as a result of the rushes, witnessed more ellenes entering food servicing in ustralia — not ust on the goldfields n Sydney, ohn apatchos apaoapaos became an oyster saloonkeeper, a orfiot named Spinelli opened a (traditional Greek men’s coffee house) and Athanasios Comino (Kominos), originally from ythera, began to sell fishandchips, oysters and coffee lexakis anisewski, thanasios, together with his younger brother ohn oannis, are inextricably linked to early ytherian settlement in Sydney and the entry of their compatriots and other Greeks into the food catering trade in the ew South ales capital and beyond — principally oyster saloons, fish shops, fruit and vegetable outlets, restaurants, refreshment rooms, soda and sundae parlours, confectionery outlets, cafs, and later, milk bars Throughout ustralia between the late s and the end of the s, most Greeks were arriving from coastal Greece and the Greek islands, with three islands predominating — ythera, thaca and astellorio n Sydney, the ytherians became the most pronounced regional group, followed to a lesser degree by the astelloriians anisewski lexakis,

ll oral history interviews cited in this paper as being conducted by the authors are part of the “n Their wn mage Greekustralians” ational roect rchives, acuarie niversity, Sydney

GAS SP AGS SYDNEY’S GREEK FOODCAG P, 180s–195

nsos ono onos most proaly Sydney, S, late nineteenth century

Comino ecame a pioneer of Greekrun oyster saloons and oyster farming in ew South ales is commercial success, and later, that of his younger rother ohn (oannis), encouraged other Kytherians to migrate to Sydney and enter the city’s growing foodcatering industry oth Athanasios and John acquired the title of “Oyster King”.

Photo from Comino et al, 191, elourne Australian Printing and Pulishing Co. Ltd, p. 88 (published in Greek). Held in the “In Their Own Image: GreekAustralians” National Proect Archives, acuarie niversity, Sydney

Athanasios Comino arrived in Sydney in 18, aged 9 uring a stroll down ford Street in arlinghurst, it is claimed that he entered a fishand chip shop owned y a elshman and considered its potential as an occupation Comino udged it to e much easier than the physically demanding laouring he had een undertaking oreover, personal income would increase if the usiness did well Conseuently, in 188, he and a compatriot, ohn heodore, opened a small fishandchip shop at ford Street a Greek fishmonger had occupied the site in the late 1850s, and y the 180s, given the urgeoning trend of destination shopping on the street, the premises had essentially ecome an oyster saloon (oyster saloons derived from ritain and characteristically focused upon oysters — ottled, cooked

188

LEONARD JANISESKI AND EFFY ALEAKIS and fresh — amongst other seafood offerings directed primarily towards a working class clientele). The business grew rapidly (Comino et al., :88– 8 Janisewski Aleakis, 88:– Collins et al., : Gilchrist, :– Faro otherspoon, : Janisewski Aleakis, :8 Aleakis Janisewski, :). Four years later, Athanasios decided to enture into oyster farming — aiming to additionally become a primary producer of one of the principal staples of his and other oyster saloons. He initially acquired the lease of oyster beds at the mouth of the Lane Coe Rier, but this proed unremuneratie. In 88, he obtained almost km of foreshore for oyster cultiation along the Eans Rier on the New South ales far north coast. That year his brother John arried in Sydney, aged . In 88 John followed Athanasios’ lead and acquired oyster leases on the Bermagui estuary on the state’s south coast. y the early s, the Comino name had not only become part of the firm that dominated oyster marketing in New South ales — oodward, Gibbons and Comino — but had deeloped into a wellrecognised and popular “chain” of oyster saloons/parlours; John ultimately owned fie shops in Sydney and had financial interest in others in country towns. Stimulated by such success, male relaties and friends migrated out from Kythera, some “adopting” the Comino name for trading purposes and in the process, ensuring that it became synonymous with Greekrun oyster saloons (Cunneen, 8 Janisewski Aleakis, 88:– Gilchrist, :– Aleakis Janisewski, :, ). Following Athanasios’ unexpected death from a hernia in 1897, John inherited half of his brother’s estate and took over guidance of their business interests. He also acquired his brother’s popular title of “Oyster King”, and continued to encourage the migration of Kytherians to Sydney to take up work in the city’s foodcatering trade. y the early s, Kytherian migrantsettlers, such as the Cominos, the Aroney (Aronis) brothers (Efstratios, Antonios, anayiotis and inas), another member of the Aroney clan, Nicholas . Aroney, the Samios brothers (Kharalambos and Ioannis in partnership with their cousin Konstantinos Kasimatis), and the saltis (rotopsaltis) brothers (Ioannis, Nikolaos and Kosmas), were arguably the leading retailers of oysters in Sydney — the Cominos were additionally of course, amongst the leading cultiators and distributors of oysters not only within Sydney, but throughout the state. NonKytherian Greeks such as the Stamell (Stamellatou) brothers (Efstathios, Nikolas and arkos) from Ithaca, and Christos Stratigiou from the Arcadian region of the Greek eloponnese were also emerging into prominence as oyster saloon proprietors (Comino

8 GREASY SPOON DAGOES: SYDNEY’S GREEK FOODCA HOO, 187s–19 et al., 19188, 11–1, , 1, 1–1, 11–1, 1–18; ilchrist, 19919–197, 199–, 7, 1, 17; Cunneen, 1981; Janisewski Alexakis, 19881.

Comino’s Cosmopolitan Oyster “Parlors”; 1 itt treet, ydney, , c. 189

acharia Comino was the proprietor. ote the American spelling of “parlor”. Initially these were fishandchip outlets, and although they maintained a focus on oysters bottled, cooked and fresh, they soon acquired a wide diversity of foods cooked meat and seafood, fruit and vegetables, chocolates and ice cream that could be purchased at reasonable prices. hese enterprises provided sitdown meals in men’s and women’s lounges and welcomed families.

hoto by Charles Bayliss, courtesy tate ibrary of ew outh ales, ydney.

19 EONARD ANISESKI AND EFFY AEAKIS

Con Mottes’ Comino’s Oyster Saloon illiam Street Sydney NS .

Stimlated y the sess of Athanasios and ohn Ioannis omino Kominos male relaties and friends migrated out from Kythera, some “adopting” the omino name for trading prposes and in the proess ensring that it eame synonymos with Greern oyster saloons. on Peter ottes ottee onstantine otis is said to hae initially migrated ot from Kythera in the s followed later y his for sons — Peter George im and Emanel. on estalished the oyster saloon and it was later operated y two of his sons Peter and George. Rooms aoe the shop were tilised as a oarding hose — primarily for newly arried Kytherians seeing wor in food atering.

Photo courtesy C. Mottee, from the “In Their Own Image: GreekAustralians” National Proet Arhies aarie niersity Sydney.

In the opening deades of the twentieth entry it eame ommon pratie to hae yong Gree oys generally etween the ages of twele and siteen haperoned ot to Astralia for wor in Gree foodatering sinesses — sh a pratie had earlier een institted in migration to the nited States to sere staff in Greern atering enterprises. orn in Xenophon Stathis “came out to Sydney in 1928 … there were nine of s yong oys from Kythera who were roght ot to wor in afs…Greee was a rather poor ontry” (Stathis, 1989; Alexakis & anisewsi : Aleais anisewsi :. Similarly Peter Prineas who was orn on Kythera in the same year, recalled that an uncle in Sydney’s innerwestern

GAS SPOON AGOS: SYDNEY’S GRK OOCATING PNOMNON, 18s–192 suburb of Newtown wrote to him “that Australia had a future” and so “I came out with a group of eight of us young oys escorted y Kosmas Psaltis (Protopsaltis … destined for cafés” (Prineas, 1989; Alexakis & aniszewski, 2016:203). Born in 1897 in “a very small village called Hristorforianika, near Logothetianika, on Kythera”, Anthony (Antonios) laskas proudly indicated that:

I was the pioneer … I was fifteen when I came out to Australia … There were seen of us … six boys and an old man, Nicholas “Melitas” [an alias] … e was looking after us … My parents sent me to Australia — we were a ery poor family. Australia was a new country, there were more chances to improe oneself … I had neer een outside of Kythera … I landed in Sydney with half a crown two shillings and sixpence – 2c … It was only a week efore I found a o in a Greekrun caf. (laskas, 1989; Alexakis & anisewski, 199:9–91; Alexakis & anisewski, 21:2, 12–1

ntony ntonios lasas; Temora, NS, 1989

“I was the pioneer … 1913 … I was fifteen when I came out to Australia … There were seven of us … six boys and an old man, Nicholas ‘Melitas’ [an alias] … He was looking after us … I landed in Sydney with half a crown two shillings and sixpence – 2c … It was [only] a week before I found a o in a Greekrun café]”.

Photo by Effy Alexakis, from the “In Their Own Image: GreekAustralians” National Project Archies, Macuarie niersity, Sydney.

192 LEONARD ANISESKI AND EY ALEAKIS

Often sponsored by employers already established in Sydney, new Hellenic arrivals would commence work in Greek foodcatering businesses as cooks, kitchen hands, dish washers, oyster openers, and – for those who had a grasp of English — as waiters. Ioannis Notaras arrived in Sydney in 1906 aged eighteen and was employed as a dishwasher (Notaras, 1990). Tony Rafty (Raftopoulos) recalls his father working very long hours as an oyster opener at Victor’s Oyster Bar in King Street in the city during the early 1930s (Rafty, 1989; Alexakis aniszewski, 199:9). Most persisted with long hours of such employment in the hope of saving enough money from their wages to purchase their own business. This was often not easy, as a portion of their wages was generally sent back to Greece to assist the family, or utilised to repay their fare out (which in many cases had been paid for by their employer). There was also board to pay and sometimes wages were not that generous. Arriving in Sydney in 1939, Kosmas Theodorakakis took almost three years to pay off his fare of £28: “I was getting halfapound ($1.00) a month washing dishes starting at 6 o’clock in the morning and sometimes, at 2 o’clock in the morning!” (Theodorakakis, 1990; Alexakis aniszewski, 199:13). Some new arrivals such as hris Pappas (Papadopoulos) even experienced harsh exploitation by their employers:

My family didn’t want me to leave [Greece] so early for Australia [in 1911 at the age of thirteen] … those days the ‘slavery market’ [a peonage system]; relatives wanted someone to work for them who they trusted … That’s my bad luck.

uite a number did return to Greece, but many stayed (Pappas, 1986; Alexakis aniszewski, 199:8, 79; Alexakis aniszewski, 2016:20, 126; aniszewski 7 Alexakis, 199:20; Gilchrist, 1997:26–27). By 1908, the number of Kytherian Greeks in Sydney, according to Nicholas Laurantus — who had arrived during that year — totalled 10 individuals. It is very likely that the actual number was higher, particularly if family groups are considered. hat is certain, is that most Kytherian males, together with those from other regions of Greece, were primarily engaged in foodcatering enterprises (Michaelides, 1987:2–3; Gilchrist, private papers).

193 Nicholas Aroney’s Oyster Saloon; 9 Alfred Street, ircular uay, Sydney, S, c. 1916

Originally from Kythera, icholas M. Aroney (Aronis) spent some time as a merchant in Smyrna (modern Imir in Turkey) efore migrating to Sydney in 1902. By the early 1910s, icholas, together with the ominos, other memers of the Aroney clan (the rothers fstratios, Antonios, anayiotis and Minas), the Samios rothers (Kharalamos and Ioannis, who were in partnership with their cousin Konstantinos Kasimatis), and the saltis (rotopsaltis) rothers (Ioannis, ikolaos and Kosmas), were argualy the leading retailers of oysters in Sydney.

hoto from . . omino et al., 1916, . Melourne: Australian rinting and ulishing o. td, p. 1 (pulished in Greek). Held in the “In Their Own Image: GreekAustralians” National Project Archives, Macuarie niversity, Sydney.

Offering a regular, reasonale income, potential material improvement, independence, maintenance of the family unit, and reuiring only limited education and knowledge of nglish, it should not e surprising that the Kytherians, as well as other Sydney Greeks, continued to undertake work in oyster saloons, fish shops, restaurants, fruit shops, soda and sundae parlours and cafs. urthermore, such a field of selfemployment was well supported y their traditional seaorientated and farming ackgrounds and was not affected y union restrictions concerning the limitation of foreign laour; prior to the late 190s the unionised industrial workforce was fearful of the potential threat to their os and hard won work ONA ANII AN AAI conditions by “cheap” foreign labour — articularl Asian and southern uroean laour Tsounis : Tsounis :– anisewsi Aleais : ouis lias recalls that his ather who arried in dne in was saced rom a cement actor ecause it was discoered that he was a ree not a erman lias Aleais anisewsi : Angelo atos angelos atooulos who migrated out to work in his uncle’s Elizabeth Street café in 1923, clearl recalls the prevailing attitude: “Oh no, Greeks were certainly not allowed to wor in actories — ou had to wor in cas as coos or waiters” (Raftos, Aleais anisewsi : As ames Plodis imitris Ploudias who arried in dney in 1928 eager “to make a few pounds” to help his parents back in Greece, succinctly states, “Australians wouldn’t gie us jos we had to rel on the ree caé” (Plodis, 1989; Alexakis & anisewsi : Anthon Antonios lasas who arried in dne in and sent most o his woring lie in ree cas and uite orceull and emotionall elaorates:

We couldn’t get a job you had to go to the ree ca ou see it was er er strict hite Australia … the hite Australia Polic … ou see we were ighting them das eall we were ighting or our eistence … we were fighting for our life. That’s how hard it was … Third class citiens was us reall — third class not second class third class lasas Aleais anisewsi :– Aleais anisewsi :–

Peter eneto eneris oints out that een when his amil ecame successul ood caterers racism ersisted: “e were roud o eing ree ut not o eing called dagoes hen we got the ca it racist name calling changed rom dagoes to ‘greasy dagoes’ — ‘greasy spoon dagoes’”(Veneris, 2002; Alexakis & Janiszewski, 2016:20, 99). Peter’s older rother Jack concurs: “When you do look back [to the 1910s – s ou realise just how much hatred was ointed at us — es there was hatred!” eneris Aleais anisewsi : ate in ritishAustralians ran riot in dne along eorge and ing treets and into the Hamaret area targeting reerun oster saloons and cas — in particular, Stamell’s, the Aroney brothers, Dimitrios Vernardos’ business and Dionysios Kouvaras’ shop. The violence was essentiall uelled the alleged roGerman sympathies of Greece’s monarch ing onstantine I whose wie ohia o Prussia was the ounger sister o aiser ilhelm II Insurance comanies reused to coer the damage claiming that the olicies held the rees did not coer ciil

GREASY SPOON DAGOES: SYDNEY’S GREEK FOODATERG PEOEO, 180s–192 riots. The city’s Greek shops continued to be intermittently targeted during 1916. During the Depression years of the early 1930s, despite clear evidence of their economic and civic contribution to Australian society, particularly by those in foodcatering occupations, elbourne geographer J. S. yng, described the Greeks as “the least popular foreigners” in Australia. Some of Sydney’s Greek food caterers, in order to restrain any potential physical attacks upon themselves, their shops, or their goods during the economic downturn, had “identification posters”, declaring that they were naturalised ritish subjects, displayed on their shop windows (Gilchrist, 199:20–22; yng, 193:12; Janiszewski & Alexakis, 2008:1–2; Alexakis & Janiszewski, 1998:1–1; Alexakis & Janiszewski, 2016:12–18, 2 [endnote 83). n 193, the reported that 0 leading Greek food caterers in ew South Wales, including Emmanuel Andronicus of Andronicus rothers, Sydney, had formed the ombined uying Association Pty td two years earlier:

A feeling of resentment has been growing steadily for some years amongst the Greek retailers — resentment against the alleged granting by manufacturers of special concessions to chain store companies; and … an unfair attitude on the part of the manufacturers and wholesalers towards Greek traders, from a racial standpoint. ( , 193:1)

The company was estimated to have begun with a buying power of well over 100,000 a year and as such, was now able to leverage fairer dealings for Greek caterers ( , 193:1; Janiszewski & Alexakis, 2008:2). Although racist attitudes persisted, the generally excellent, uick service, long opening hours and competitive prices offered by Greek food caterers, won them at least broad commercial popularity amongst Sydneysiders. oreover, such popularity appears to have nurtured a growing acceptance of fish and seafood amongst the city’s increasing population (the Roman atholic observance of eating fish on ridays ensuring particularly brisk trading on that day). Of course, Greek restaurants and cafés also provided ritishAustralians with their traditionally familiar meals — steak and eggs, chops and eggs, mixed grills, ham with tomatoes, omelettes, corn beef and salad, and sausages with mashed potatoes. Traditional Greek dishes were not introduced, as catering to the established tastes of customers was paramount (Janiszewski & Alexakis, 199:21).

196 EONARD ANSESK AND EFFY AEAKS

y the opening years of the twentieth century, Sydney’s central business district had a fair collection of Greekrun foodcatering establishments. Greek oyster saloons and fish shops were to be found along George, King, and Pitt Streets and then to the east and southeast of yde Park down illiam and Oford Streets. eyond the oyster saloons and fish shops, one of the most commercially successful Greekrun enterprises was the tea, coffee and chocolate business of the Andronicus Andronikos brothers — one of Australia’s earliest commercial coffee roasting establishments. n Emmanuel and harles Kosmas Andronicus opened a small shop at York Street under the business name Andronicus rothers, ndent Agents and mporters. hey supplied Greek caf proprietors, , and Greek families with products and items they reuired. hilst Greeks, central Europeans and urks were maor customers for their roasted coffee, the ritishAustralian public was the principal consumer of their teas and custommade chocolates. n , Emmanuel and harles, together with two other brothers, ick inas and ohn oannis, moed the business to George Street, near ircular uay. At this time they were roasting kg of coffee daily. heir trademark became “AB — Always Best” anisewski, :– olforth, :– Gilchrist, :– aker, Ostrow, :– omino et al., :– Gilchrist, priate papers Andronicus, priate papers.

Anronics rothers nent Aents orters eore Street, Sydney, S, c Andronicus Andronikos Brothers was one of Australia’s earliest commercial coffee roastin establishments hey sulied reek caf rorietors, , and reek families with coffee and other roducts and items they reuired n , they were roastin k of coffee daily he BritishAustralian ublic was the rincial consumer of their teas and custommade chocolates heir trademark became “AB — Always Best”. hoto from omino et al, , elbourne Australian rintin and ublishin o td, ublished in Greek). Held in the “In Their Own mae reekAustralians” National roect Archies, acuarie niersity, Sydney ONA ANII AN AAI

The rorietors and staff of Greekrun cit enterrises lied either aoe the shos or close to them articularl around the eastern and southern ends of the central usiness district — such as in urr Hills ast dne oolloomooloo arlinhurst and ins ross. Greek owned shops had even begun to appear in Sydney’s innerrin of suurs such as Newtown and aterloo anisewski ). A distinguishing feature of Sydney’s popular Greekrun oster saloons were their successful meldin of foodcaterin ideas that oriinated from oth Greece and the nited tates — a rocess of transference and transformation instiated and accomlished throuh the transnational flu of Greek miration. Oster saloons were oriinall introduced from Britain where ulic eatinhouses were riidl sociall structured — British oster saloons were the eatin and drinkin aodes of workin class males their food offerins were limited and chea to urchase. hilst continuin to roide ineensie eatin meals the Greeks diersified and roadened the food items of their saloons eond osters fish and eer to include red meat fruit and vegetables, “Americanstyle” milk chocolates and assorted candies and “Americanstyle” icecream and ice drinks freees and crushes). The tantalisingly rich, smooth sweetness of “Americanstyle” milk chocolates, ice cream (promoted as “sundaes”), and candies (boiled suar lollies of arious flaours colours and atterns) wooed the taste uds of adults and children alike. o oular were American sweets that efore the mids at least two Greekowned dne confectioner factories were roducin them — antais . Gahnis’ Olympia onfectioner actor in Newtown and Aleandros G. Grias’ Novelty and o. in anl — and one of the city’s leading confectionery shops was the hicao and tore on Geore treet oerated Geore anaakis and another Greek. The titles of some ice cream sundaes unuestional declared their oriin as ein from across the acific American Beaut ontere ecial ankee oodle and and eican Banana Split. Additionally, Greek oyster saloons introduced women’s lounes and welcomed families. This reflected the tradition of ulic eatin in Greece — sociall inclusie rather than eclusie. The diersification of food items was ased uon American commercial foodcaterin concets. The influence of American foodcaterin ideas

and products uickly came to dominate the ongoing development of Greekrun oyster saloons — the saloons were gradually being transformed (Aleakis anisewski –, , , , –, , , , , , anisewski Aleakis, – omino et al., – , ). he introduction of American foodcatering ideas to Sydney through its Greek shopkeepers, essentially arose, as uite a number of these migrantsettlers had relatives or friends living and working in the nited States, or had been there briefly themselves, working for, or as, Greek American food caterers — the nited States remained as a maor drawer of Greek immigrants until the imposition of restrictions in the early s. he early leading protagonists of the omino family seem not to have had foodcatering eperience in the nited States, but some members of the etended clan who arrived in Australia during the opening years of the twentieth century, most certainly did, as well as other ytherians. owever, it was three Arcadian Greeks from the nited States — the brothers, eter and onstantine Soulos (anopoulos), in partnership with Anthony ouison (oioslliopoulos) — who appear to have been the stimulus behind the incorporation of a revolutionary piece of American foodcatering technology into Sydney’s Greekrun oyster saloons and foodcatering businesses — the “front service” soda fountain ( , – omino et al., –, – anisewski Aleakis, anisewski Aleakis, anisewski Aleakis, – Aleakis anisewski, , ).

S S S S’S s–

“Front service” soda fountain, araon af ochart S c

he soda fountain as atented in erica in t as desined for aceent on the ac a of shos n a revoution in desin created the “front service” fountain —aced on the front or service counter erittin interaction ith custoers hree rcadian rees fro the nited States — the rothers eter and onstantine Souos (anoouos in artnershi ith nthony ouison (oiosioouos — aear to have been the stimulus behind its incorporation into Sydney’s Greekrun foodcaterin enterrises use of the ne fountains then sread raidy eyond the e South aes caita

Photo by J. Check, courtesy J. and P. Veneris, from the “In Their Own Image: Gree Australians” National Project Archives, Macquarie University, Sydney.

In 1912, the Soulos’ and ouison founded the noerican oany and oened to shos in eore Street and another on Manly’s Corso (this outet as in artnershi ith another rcadian anayiotis S arantis y the ids the nuer of shos had ron to five heir shos ere infuenced y the iconic sa usiness of “Main Street USA”, the drugstore soda “parlor”, which initially had offered custoers soda ater as a eans of tain unent tastin edications ut had uicy deveoed the everae into a hihy ouar and rofitae refreshent (oino et a – – anisesi eais anisesi eais anisesi eais – eais anisesi urin the s rees deartin for the nited States ere riariy eoonnesian ith rcadians ein uite ronounced t as these Greeks (such as the Soulos’ and ouison ho hen undertain foodcaterin or in erica oud have eerienced the roin ouarity and coercia success of initially, the “back service” soda fountain (also referred to as a “wall fountain”) and after the front

ONA JANISSI AN AAIS service fountain — first installed in J. W. Stoever’s pharmacy in Philadelphia. Soda fountains created effervescent water through impregnation with a gas (carbon dioide) under pressure, to which flavours (usually as essences) were added, and if desired, ice cream. ack service fountains were placed on the back bar wall, but the front service fountains were designed to be installed on front counters, permitting direct interaction with customers (Janisewski Aleakis, 2:9 Janisewski Aleakis, 22:1 Aleakis Janisewski, 21:, underburg, 22:112–11). A wide range of “exotically” flavoured soda drinks quickly attracted public attention and ongoing consumption. Soda flavours included pineapple, strawberry, ginger beer, banana, passionfruit, raspberry, kola, lime juice, orange, sarsaparilla, ginger ale, lemon and hop ale. Initially, soda fountain compressors and pumps were imported directly from the United States (principally Chicago) by individual shop proprietors, but the burgeoning popularity of soda drinks was such, that in 191, two major Sydneybased, foodcatering equipment firms — Mauri ros. and Thomson td and . . arris and Co. — were publicising their services as soda fountain importers to Greek caterers. y the late 192s, three soda fountain manufacturers were reported as operating out of New South ales (presumably Sydney), collectively selling about one hundred fountains per year. ith their huge mirrored back bars, lined with silver and gold topped essence bottles, and coloured electric lights, soda fountains forged an initial link between food and fantasy that would later include architectural style, cinema and music — they were the original, modern “light fantastic”, long before neon light signage acquired the title. The link between food and fantasy was yet another adoption from the United States (Janisewski Aleakis, 22:12 Janisewski Aleakis, 2: Aleakis Janisewski, 21: 1–1, 9, 1 Comino et al., 191:92, 11 einders, 1999:2). y the close of the opening two decades of the twentieth century, Sydney’s Greekrun oyster saloons and foodcatering outlets had became synonymous with soda fountains, Americanstyle lollies, milk chocolate and ice cream — whilst retaining sitdown meals (both seafood and red meat based), they had transformed into soda and sundae “parlors” (American spelling was often utilised on signage) (Janisewski Janisewski, 22:12 Janisewski Aleakis, 2: Aleakis Janisewski, 21:).

22 GAS S AGS S’S G AG , s–

Just prior to the s, Greek food businesses were highly concentrated in Sydney’s central business district. n , of the Greeks — primarily young single males — documented within the city’s central area, at least were involved in some capacity with food catering — almost . While a total of ellenes appear to have owned solely or in partnership, usually with relatives) foodcatering businesses such as oyster saloons, tea rooms, cafs, restaurants, fish shops, fruit shops, hawking runs, refreshment rooms and confectioneries, some of their compatriots were employed by them. urther expansion into the suburbs had also continued. edfern, ewtown, addington, almain, and anly all had significant collections of Greeks, most being employed in, or owning, local food catering establishments. ther suburbs with a Greek presence include ouble ay, Woollahra, Waverley, oogee, ensington, ong ay, ampsie, orth Sydney, osman, Annandale, etersham, arramatta, ogarah, Gladesville and ornsby. At this time, some Greekrun shops were peppered throughout Sydney and its suburbs Janisewski Alexakis, – Gilchrist, private papers omino et al., – , –, –, ). During the 1920s, before the Great Depression, Sydney’s Greeks maintained and further developed their conspicuous preponderance in the foodcatering trade. ut Greeks were not ust settling in the city. As early as , ust over of ytherian Greeks the dominant regional group) were in rural ew South Wales. hey were again entering the foodcatering trade, and so successfully that the country Greek caf became synonymous with rural life in the state. Significantly, Sydney adopted an important role as the Greek labour distribution centre for ew South Wales, with the city’s Greek acting as the specific communication points from which caf ob networks could be broken into Janisewski Alexakis, Alexakis Janisewski, – ). Arriving in Sydney from ythera in , Anthony Antonios) laskas explains

We had to go to the Greek coffee house … went to astlereagh Street … it was run by ick alopedis … n the country towns and all that … if you wanted to help in a shop, you had to make contact at this place. hey send you to a job. That’s how I got a job. laskas, Janisewski Alexakis, )

D ISSI D IS

Twentysi years later, when osmas Theodorakakis arried in Sydney from ythera, the situation had not changed: “…if you wanted to get a job, you had to go to the ” (Theodorakakis, 1990 anisewski leakis, 1992. arly in oember 192, two decades after the founding of the nglo merican ompany, a Greek known as ick dams oachim Talarides Talaridis, returned to Sydney from a trip to Greece and the nited States and opened the first modern “Americanstyle” milk bar — the lack hite d. ilk ar, at 2 artin lace. claim by the urt brothers, larence and orman, to hae been operating such an enterprise before dams has been demonstrated to be erroneous — the Burt’s claim of having the “first open milk bar” actually refers to the “open frontage” of their 1929 business. Adams’ modern milk bar concept emerged principally from the fusion of two seminal influences — the American drugstore soda “parlor” and the , a traditional Greek shop specialising in the sale of milk products in nglish, translates into “milk shop” leakis anisewski, 2011–1, 2 endnote 2, 1, 2– leakis anisewski, 19910 anisewski leakis, 201120–2 anisewski leakis, 2000– anisewski leakis, 20020012–1 anisewski leakis, 19922.

20 A A: ’ AT 1s–192

ac ite d i ar eterior 2 artin lace ydney 19

n ovember 192 ick Adams (oachim Tavlarides Tavlaridis opened Australia’s first modern “Americanstyle” milk bar in Sydney’s Martin Place. n the first day of opening some five thousand customers are reported to have croded into and around Adams’ new light refreshment business. ehicle traffic and pedestrian access along artin lace ere severely affected. olice ere called in to deal ith the situation in an effort to maintain public order. Adams pictured here ith children from the alood ealth ome “believed that the Depression gave a fillip” to milk bars “as the public very quickly realised the value of milk as a tonic food ... and also the price of fourpence (c per glass … considerably eased the financial position”.

Photo courtesy L. Keldoulis, from the “In Their Own Image: GreekAustralians” National roect Archives acuarie niversity ydney.

The idea of a foodcatering business focussed primarily upon a single product area could have been initially stimulated by Adams’ rekindled memories and observations of hilst visiting reece. otentially a narrofocussed business could provide etensive cost reduction benefits hen compared to those incurred in maintaining a mied catering concern — the epression ould have underscored the need to limit financial outgoings Adams had previously been running a confectionery and soda fountain business on George Street in Sydney’s Haymarket. In the United States, Adams’ observations of drugstore soda “parlors”, and in particular, the presence of electric malt drink/milkshake miers ould have provided greater form and direction to his initial stimulus. Sydney’s existing Greekrun oyster saloon and sodasundae parlours had placed prime importance on sitdon trade for meals drinks and desserts. American drugstore soda “parlors” emphasised uick standup and barstool bar trade (soda drinks malted milks

2 milkshakes and sundaes over sitdown meal trade. Adams firmly took up the American soda “parlor” catering emphasis and, utilising the ’s narrow product focus, limited catering to refreshment beverages — highlighting the milkshake. No cooked meals were provided, only flavoured milkshakes, pure fruit uices and soda drinks Alexakis anisewski, :, , anisewski Alexakis, :– anisewski Alexakis, :– anisewski Alexakis, /:– Gerondis, :, . A rapid standup trade in milkshakes became the successful commercial foundation of Adams’ Black & White 4d. Milk Bar. Seating capacity in the premises was restricted to ust six small twoseater cubicles along one wall, the main feature being a long hotelstyle bar with soda fountain pumps and numerous Americanmade electric malt drink/milkshake mixers manufactured by the Hamilton each ompany, in acine, isconsin. Adams’ acquisition of these electric mixers ensured the swift mass production of milkshakes — essential for his business concept to succeed Alexakis anisewski, :, anisewski Alexakis, : anisewski Alexakis, :– anisewski Alexakis, /:.

ac ite d i ar interior Martin Place, Sydney, NS,

The service or fountain bar of the milk bar with its soda fountain pumps and straw dispensers. On the mirrored back bar are the milkshake mixers manufactured by the Hamilton each ompany, in acine, Wisconsin, USA) which would whisk the refreshment’s ingredients. The service bar, designed by Adams, had refrigerated storage capacity for gallons almost litres of milk in addition to fruit uices. Note the limited seating capacity.

Photo courtesy L. Keldoulis, from the “In Their Own Image: GreekAustralians” National Proect Archives, Macquarie University, Sydney.

GREASY SPOON DAGOES: SYDNEY’S GREEK FOODATING PNOMNON, s–

The milkshake is purported to have appeared in Australia well before Adams’ milk bar. By , milkshakes — composed of vanilla powder, cold milk, and water — were being sold at street stalls, pubs and emporiums in Sydney. uring the very early s, milkshakes were selling for ninepence c) per glass. Adams solidly undercut this price by over — the 4d. fourpence – 4c) in the business’ title indicated the cost per glass. Ice cream was not one of the drink’s original key ingredients, even during Adams’ time. It was a component that was later added. Adams’ milkshakes included a variety of ingredients other than milk and basic flavoured essences, depending on the strength of taste and teture required: varieties of fruit mostly fresh, some dried), cream, butter, eggs, chocolate, honey, caramel, malt, and yeast. Two flavoured milkshakes became quite popular: the banana milk cocktail, and “bootlegger punch”, the latter of which contained a dash of rum essence Aleakis & anisewski, :–, – anisewski & Aleakis, : –4 anisewski & Aleakis, :4–4 anisewski & Aleakis, 4: –). On the first day of opening five thousand customers are reported to have crowded into Mick Adams’ milk bar, and as many as twentyseven thousand per week then began to patronise the establishment , : , Aleakis & anisewski, : anisewski & Aleakis, :4 anisewski & Aleakis, :). Such was the success that Adams soon established a “chain” of Black & White milk bars: Brisbane and Melbourne in 1933; Adelaide initially in 4 and a second in Wollongong, New South Wales, in and a second outlet in Sydney at Town all ailway Station in 44 Aleakis & anisewski, :, –, anisewski & Aleakis, :4 anisewski & Aleakis, :4 anisewski & Aleakis, 4: –4). Adams’ modern “Americanstyle” milk bar certainly succeeded in leading the way to dramatically popularising the milkshake as a leading refreshment beverage, nationally — by some four thousand milk bars were operating in Australia. Within a year of Adams opening his original Black & White 4d. Milk Bar in Martin Place, Sydney was bursting with milk bars — most were Greekrun. At the time, social commentator W. obert Moore clearly recognised the increasing American influence in Sydney’s catering establishments: “American institutions have touched the city. Milk Bars, or soda fountains, fruituice stalls and light lunch restaurants have become popular”. Moreover, many Greekrun

EONARD ANISEWSKI AND EFFY AEAKIS milk bars, sodasundae parlours and cafs, had embraced Americanisation even in name: such as, the “Niagara”, the “Monterey”, the “Californian”, the “Hollywood” and the “Golden Gate”. Today, Nicholas Fotiou’s Olympia Milk Bar, located along Parramatta Road in Sydney’s innerwestern suburb of Stanmore, is the last of the authentic, original milk bars from this era; it was established in 1939 Aleakis & anisewski, 1:1, 34–3; anisewski & Aleakis, 11:3; anisewski & Aleakis, :3–3, 43; anisewski & Aleakis, 34: 1, 13; , 19:4).

ia i ar 19 Parramatta Road, Stanmore, Sydney, NSW, 1

he Olympia Milk Bar opened in 1939. Net door heading west along Parramatta Road) was the Olympia Deue Picture heatre. Both did a roaring family trade until the very early 19s. he theatre then succumbed to the challenge of television and was converted into a roller skating rink. While in the early 19s its proprietor was a Greek recorded as . Aliyianis, by the close of the decade, brothers ohn and Nicholas Fotiou from the island of emnos, had taken over. Whilst the Olympia’s “use by” date has long past, a now elderly Nicholas Fotiou has remained — though the business is no longer trading. he Olympia is the last of Sydney’s authentic, original milk bars of the 193s.

Photo by Effy Aleakis, from the “In Their Own Image: GreekAustralians” National Project Archives, Macuarie niversity, Sydney.

GREASY SPOON DAGOES: SYDNEY’S GREEK FOODCATRING PHNOMNON, s–

uring the s and s the Americanisation of Sydney’s Greekrun eateries was also being clearly reflected in their architectural style, their symbiotic embrace of cinema, and the introduction of a music component. The architectural Art eco style from the nited States, known as Californian Streamline Moderne, became the popular choice of Sydney’s Greek foodcaterers when refurbishing their business. It was locally referred to as the “Hollywood style”, the “American style”, the “ship style”, the “ocean liner style” and the “P & O style”, and strongly favoured the curvilinear in contrast to the angular interest of uropean Art eco. New cinema constructions in Sydney and its suburbs also adopted the style and many Greek food caterers uickly recognised that a working relation with picture theatres would prove commercially profitable. Some Greek food caterers became cinema operators — such as ictor Margetis, Nicholas aurantus, Ale Coroneo and Peter Sourry — and Greekrun cafs and milk bars began to concentrate around, or placed themselves directly within, picture theatre complexes. Stanmore’s Olympia Milk Bar abutted the Art eco Olympia eLuxe Picture Theatre, George Poulos’ Rio Milk Bar in Summer Hill was a short distance from the Grosvenor Picture Theatre and even as late as the s, the inonos family was operating a milk bar net door to the Randwick’s Odeon Picture Theatre. Kings Picture Theatre on Liverpool Road in Sydney’s innerwestern suburb of Ashfield was built in in the Streamline Moderne style and featured ings Milk Bar as part of the comple — ack and ath ne olantgis Capsanis ran the milk bar from the early s through to start of the s. The union of Greek food catering enterprises and cinemas offered the tastes, sights and glamour of “Hollywood” to Sydneysiders and became a metaphor for modernity. Moreover, the union was a further development of the working relationship between food and fantasy that had initially been instigated through the soda fountain, and again, such a development had been eperienced by Greek American foodcaterers, who had conveyed its commercial success in the nited States to relatives and friends in Sydney Aleakis anisewski, :–, , – Aleakis anisewski, : anisewski Aleakis, :– anisewski Aleakis, :– Capsanis, Poulos, McInnes, Bogle, :–.

LEONARD ANSESK AND EFFY ALEAKS

e rion af featurin an ear ueo Liverpool Rd, Ashfield, Sydney, NS, late s

George Andrews Andrew, who had been born in Famagusta, yprus, in , was the proprietor of the caf at the time. He had arrived in Australia in . The Orion featured an Art Deco facade, soda fountain counter, confectionery counters, booth seating, and perhaps most significantly for the time, a ukebox which can be seen directly behind the two male customers.

Photo courtesy A. Andrew, from the “In Their Own Image: GreekAustralians” National Project Archives, Macuarie niversity, Sydney.

By the early s, influenced by American servicemen on leave during orld ar , ukeboxes urliter and Seeburg models began to appear in Sydney’s Greek cafés and milk bars. Because of the American inspired elements in these enterprises, S military personnel considered them as a little piece of “home town America”. For Americans on leave, a good night out was one spent with a date at a milk bar or caf dancing to a and swing music, intermittently interrupted by the refreshing, revitalising consumption of soda drinks, milkshakes, ice cream sundaes and, if desirous of something more substantial, hamburgers which had appeared by the late s. American and British popular music were heard in Sydney’s Greek foodcatering enterprises, well before their broad acceptance by the city’s commercial and government radio stations. The ukebox trend continued after the war, with catering concerns such as George Andrews’ Orion Café in Ashfield maintaining its local popularity

GREASY SPOON DAGOES: SYDNEY’S GR FOOCATING PNONON, s– because of its music component. Consequently, in the 1950s, the rock’n’roll generation embraced the “Top 40”, and a rapidly growing youth subculture of “bodgies” (males) and “widgies” (females) began to frequent Sydney’s Greekrun cafés and milk bars though at times with disruptive results, the rowdy noise and loud rock’n’roll music often spilling out onto the streets and inhibiting the maintenance of a broader range of clientele. Food and fantasy however, had again been successfully linked via American influence Aleakis anisewski, :, –, , anisewski Aleakis, : Bogle, :– eenhuyen, .

oood af i ar staff Pitt Street, Sydney, s

Phillip Phillips outsoukis, on etreme left, was the proprietor. In the middle is Peter Protos Protomastorou). On the extreme right is Peter’s brother, Bill. Phillips was Peter and Bill’s brother inlaw. ven in the s, Greekrun cafés and milk bars continued to utilise the family unit in regard to principal staff.

The ollywood was very popular with American servicemen on leave during orld ar II. Because of the American inspired elements in such enterprises, S military personnel considered them as a little piece of “home town America”. A good night out for the “Yanks” was one generally spent with a date at a milk bar or café dancing to ja and swing music, drinking soda drinks andor milkshakes, or eating ice cream sundaes, and if a meal was desired, hamburgers.

Photo courtesy D. Vanos, from the “In Their Own Image: GreekAustralians” National Project Archives, acuarie niversity, Sydney.

EONARD ANISESI AND EY AEAIS

During the early 1940s, up to ,000 Greeks resided in Sydney and its suburbs. After the war, with the signing of a migration agreement with Greece in 195, ellenes arried from all areas of their homeland, swamping over time, Sydney’s traditional chains of Greek migration from ythera, astellorio and Ithaca, as well as, eentually, the numerical predominance of single Greek men. hilst Greek foodcatering enterprises persisted – some such as Sam Akon’s (Economopoulos) two Patricia’s milk bars being instrumental in the move towards today’s espresso café culture – by the late 190s and early 190s, most were being swamped by new economic realities and job diversification. However, Sydney’s early Greek food caterers had well succeeded in transferring aspects of modern American culture to one of Australia’s leading urban centres. The transference of popular American rather than traditional Greek culture may hae been reinforced, at least in part, by the racial intolerance of the host society – though during the secondhalf the twentieth century, this too began to change, and the tastes and smells of Greek cuisine became integral elements of the city’s culinary landscape (anisewski Alexakis, 1995:0 anisewski Alexakis, 00:5–54 Alexakis anisewski:1–, 9, 19– 4 Teo, 00:15–15).

iiora

Alexakis and anisewski, 1995 Effy Alexakis and eonard anisewski, . Sydney: ale Iremonger. Alexakis and anisewski, 199 Effy Alexakis and eonard anisewski, . Sydney: ale Iremonger. Alexakis and anisewski, 01 Effy Alexakis and eonard anisewski, . Sydney: alstead Press. Andronicus, priate papers Priate family papers, including historical press clippings, manuscript documents and publications, pertaining to Andronicus Brothers, Indent Agents and Importers, proided by George E. Andronicus, Sydney. , 19 “A new type of milk drink shop”, , Noember.

GREASY SPOON DAGOES: SYDNEY’S GREEK FOODATEG PHEE, s–

, “Leading Greek retailers ‘combined buying’ plan”, , August. , “A café celebrates: father and son are proud of a café redesigned to their own plans”, arch. aker, D.W.A. Baker, “Andronicus, John Damianos (1894–1973)”, . Available online at httpadb.anu.edu.aubiographyandronicusjohndamianos ate accessed ogle, Michael Bogle, “Sydney’s milk bar Modernism”, 2013/2014. Available online at httpswww.academia.eduSydneysAustraliailkaroder nismillustrated ate accessed apsanis, Taperecorded oral history interview conducted by the authors with ack apsanis, Sydney, ebruary . ollins, Gibson, Alcorso, astles and Tait, ock ollins, atherine Gibson, aroline Alcorso, Stephen astles and avid Tait, . eichhardt, S Pluto Press Australia. omino, Andronikos, Andronikos and entavros, oannis (ohn) . omino, osmas Andronikos, Emmanouil . Andronikos, Georgios E. entavros, . elbourne Australian Printing and Publishing o. td (published in Greek). unneen, Chris Cunneen, “Comino, Athanassio (1844–1897)” a shared entry with “Comino, ohn (–1919)”, . Available online at httpadb.anu.edu.aubiographycominoathanassio ate accessed Elias, Taperecorded oral history interview conducted by the authors with ouis Elias, oura, ueensland, ovember . aro and otherspoon, live aro and Garry otherspoon, . arlton South, ictoria elbourne niversity Press. laskas, Taperecorded oral history interview conducted by the authors with Anthony (Antonios) laskas, Temora, ew South ales, April .

LEONARD JANSEWSK AND EFFY ALEAKS

Funderburg, 2002 Anne Cooper Funderburg, . Bowling Green, Ohio: Bowling Green State niversity Popular Press. Gerondis, 2013 elen Gerondis, . Bloomington, ndiana: Balboa Press. Gilchrist, 1992 ugh Gilchrist, – . Sydney: alstead Press. Gilchrist, 1997 ugh Gilchrist, – . Sydney: alstead Press. Gilchrist, private papers Edited list of the 1916 “Secret Census” of Greeks in Australia, compiled and provided by ugh Gilchrist, Canberra. Janisewski and Aleakis, 1988 Leonard Janisewski and Effy Alexakis, “A brief history of the Greek presence in New South Wales”. In , ed. D. Economou: 4–0. Sydney: Greek Orthodo Community of New South Wales. Janisewski and Aleakis, 199 Leonard Janiszewski and Effy Alexakis, “‘That bastard Ulysses’: an insight into the early Greek presence, 1810s–1940”. In , ed. S. Fitgerald and G. Wotherspoon: 14– 34. Sydney: State Library of New South Wales Press. Janisewski and Aleakis, 2003 Leonard Janiszewski and Effy Alexakis, “‘American Beauties’ at the Niagara: the marriage of American foodcatering ideas to BritishAustralian tastes and the birth, life and demise of the classic Australian ‘Greek café’”. n , ed. J. Goddard: 1–11. Sydney: National rust of Australia (NSW). Janisewski and Aleakis, 2003/2004 Leonard Janiszewski and Effy Alexakis, “California dreaming: the ‘Greek café’ and its role in the Americanisation of Australian eating and social habits”, 11–12:177–197. Janisewski and Aleakis, 2008 Leonard Janisewski and Effy Alexakis, “Selling an American dream: Australia’s Greek café”. In , ed. S. Gregory: 3–7. Sydney: Southern ighlands Publishers.

214 GREASY SPOON DAGOES: SYDNEY’S GREEK FOODCATEING ENENN, 10s–19

Janiszewski and Alexakis, 011 Leonard Janiszewski and Effy Alexakis, “Shakin’ the world over: the Greek Australian milk bar”. In , ed. . ossetto, . Tsianikas, G. Coualis and . alaktsoglou: 0–. Adelaide: The linders Uniersity of South Australia. Janiszewski and Alexakis, 01 Leonard Janiszewski and Effy Alexakis, “The ‘golden Greeks’ from ‘diggers’ to settlers: Greek migration and settlement during the Australian gold rush era, 10s–1890s”. In , ed. . Tsianikas, G. Coualis and . alaktsoglou: 19–1. Adelaide: odern Greek Studies Association of Australia and New ealand. Lyng, 19 J.S. Lyng, . elbourne: elbourne Uniersity ress. cInnes, 010 William cInnes, . Sydney: achette Australia. ichaelides, 19 Jean ichaelides, . Sydney: Sydney Uniersity ress. Notaras, 1990 Taperecorded oral history interiew conducted by the authors with Nikos Notaras, ora, ythera, Greece, 9 August 1990. strow, 19 uth strow, . ichmond, ictoria: William einemann Australia. lodis, 199 Taperecorded oral history interiew conducted by the authors with James lodis imitris loudias, Sydney, 4 June 199. oulos, 014 Transcript notes from oral history interiew conducted by the authors with George oulos, Sydney, 1 April 014. rice, 196 Charles Price, “Southern Europeans in Australia: problems of assimilation”, , :–6. rineas, 199 Taperecorded oral history interiew conducted by the authors with eter rineas, elbourne, 14 July 199. aftos, 00 Taperecorded oral history interiew conducted by the authors with Angelo aftos Eangelos aftopoulos, Sydney, 14 June 00.

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Rafty, 1989 Taperecorded oral history interview conducted by the authors with Tony Rafty Raftopoulos, Sydney, 8 January 1989. Reinders, 1999 Pim Reinders, . Rotterdam, Netherlands: nilever. Stathis, 1989 Taperecorded oral history interview conducted by the authors with enophon Stathis, agga agga, NS, 1 arch 1989. Teo, 00 suMing Teo, “Multiculturalism and the problem of multicultural histories: an overview of ethnic historiography”. In , ed. . Teo and R. hite: 1–1. Sydney: niversity of New South ales Press. , 191–1918 “Salinas, California: The Kominos Brothers”. In . San Francisco, California, SA: The Prometheus Publishing Company published in Greek. , 19 “The development of the modern milk bar”, 1, 1:0–1. Theodorakakis, 1990 Taperecorded oral history interview conducted by the authors with Kosmas Theodorakakis, Potamos, Kythera, August 1990. Tsounis, 19 Michael P. Tsounis, “Greek communities in Australia”. In , ed. Charles A. Price: 18–1. Canberra: Australian National niversity Press. Tsounis, 198 Michael P. Tsounis, “From convicts to caterers – the story of Australia’s early Greeks”, –:109–11. eenhuyzen, 01 ax Veenhuyzen, “Burgers with beetroot: a great Australian dish”, . Available online at: https:www.theguardian.comlifeandstyleaustraliafood blog01anburgersbeetrootgreataustraliandish Date accessed: 180018 eneris, 00 Taperecorded oral history interview conducted by the authors with Peter eneto and Jack Ioannis eneris, Lockhart, NS, 1 July 00. olforth, 19 John Wolforth, “Residential concentration of nonritish minorities in 19th century Sydney”, 1, :0–18.

1 dentit and ocia onnection of ree ancin in iasora

Maria-Irini Avgoulas and Rebecca Fanany

This paper will discuss findings from a ualitative study undertaken in Melbourne, Australia that investigated Greek dancing as an aspect of cultural identity and wellbeing. This research involved nineteen participants four male and fifteen female recruited from a wellestablished, long standing dancing school in Melbourne. These students were enroled in either the senior, adult or performance group. The participants were interviewed about their participation in Greek dancing and the meaning it had for them as well as their reason for participation. There were a number of differences among the participants, which included country of birth Australia or Greece, age, dancing class, and length of eperience. espite this, the diaspora eperience of the participants was particularly significant, and the core reason for participating in Greek dancing of all participants was to epress their identity and manifest their ellenic heritage in diaspora. Preserving this heritage was important to all participants and served as a vehicle for social connection that enhanced their physical and emotional wellbeing.

Introduction and background

The large Greek community in Melbourne includes a number of cultural institutions that emerged from the interests of the group and primarily serve to maintain certain aspects of Greek culture in Australia. Greek dancing has been an element of this local culture for many years but has grown in popularity more recently, perhaps as part of an interest in personal cultural heritage that is evident in Australia as well as worldwide. This trend has been recognised in various fields, including heritage tourism see Gonzalez, family origin and genealogy see Tutton, and the study of heritage languages see e, . The Manasis School of Greek ance and Culture is a wellestablished institution in Melbourne that offers an opportunity for individuals of all ages to learn and participate in traditional Greek dancing and also to perform at

MARIAIRII AVGAS A RBCCA FAA various events as a member of a group representing the school. It is one of several such schools in the Melbourne area and is similar in nature to other institutions representing various Australian cultures. The role of dance in general as a component of health and wellbeing in Australia has attracted some interest see Gardner, Komesharoff Fensham, and has been seen as a valuable support for specific groups, such as older adults Connor, . The importance of dance specifically as a component of Greek identity in diaspora communities has been noted and discussed as well see olst Warhaft, . The nineteen individuals who took part in this study represent the Manasis School community and are characteristic of the school’s clientele. The four male and fifteen female dancers ranged in age from to and were participants in the senior, senior performance and adult dance classes. These class groupings reflect length of eperience and skill in traditional folk dancing and also the aim of participation, for instance recreation as opposed to performance. Thirteen of the participants were born in Australia, while the remaining si were born in Greece. Most of the participants also engaged in other sports eleven individuals, while for the rest eight individuals, their dance classes were their only form of organised eercise activity. The participants were interviewed about their motivations in taking part in Greek dancing classes, the meaning of such participation to them, any connection between dancing and health that they perceived, and role of Greek dancing in the maintenance of a heritage identity. These participants were recruited at the Manasis School with the support and cooperation of its director and were aged over eighteen at the time of interview. Interviews and the subseuent analysis of data were carried out in accordance with the Australian Code for the Responsible Conduct of Research.

Dance, wellbeing and health

The relationships between dance and health has long been noted by observers and scholars Ritter owe, anna, Murcia et al., , and the concept of dance as a therapy for specific conditions is beginning to be eplored ackney, Kantorovich arhart, Belardinelli et al., . In addition, there is some indication that dance can contribute to wellbeing Murcia et al., . owever, it has also been noted that increasingly participation in music and dance has become less active,

S S with most people’s involvement limited to observing or being part of an audience ailey aidson t the same time the imortance of hysical actiity to oth health and ellein is enerally acceted and ell understood he literature demonstratin the eneficial role of eercise on chronic disease as ell as in uality of life is etensie and uneuiocal see arurton icol redin asell et al ance hich comines hysical actiity ith music hich in itself is also stronly lined to emotional ellein see auca ould seem to e naturally attractie to many eole as an adunct to etter health and ellein n this music has een found to imroe mood and encourae moement are ance has een shon to facilitate social ondin throuh articiation in a shared actiity reuirin a attern of coordinated actiity and interaction Mceil t resent literature that inestiates the motiations for indiiduals to tae art in modern traditional or fol dance is limited ieminen ased on a study in inland found that selferession deeloin a social netor hysical fitness and a desire to erform ere amon the main motiations for articiation in dance classes and rous reut in a study focusin on allroom dancin noted that most articiants sa their articiation as a form of eercise an oortunity to socialise and an emotionally reardin actiity Murcia et al found that a maority of their articiants sa the hysical enefits of dance as most sinificant folloed y emotional ellein and ersonal satisfaction hey also note the multidimensional ercetions of the enefit of dance as reorted y their articiants as ell as the fact that the omen in their study reorted more ositie enefits than the men he resent study contriutes to the literature in this area and includes the additional dimension of cultural identity hich suorts the choice of contet namely a ree dancin school in a lare diasora community

inding

numer of maor themes emered from analysis of the interie data hey ere connection to reece social and cultural identity cultural maintenance and hysical and emotional enefits of dancin dditionally a numer of minor themes ere identified that included release of stress and

esape rom problems membership in a soial grop langage and ltre and therapeti beneits hese themes it into si dimensions that strtre the participants’ perceptions and interpretation o their eperiene onnetion to ree daning the meaning o ree daning reasons or partiipation daning as an element o personal identit elleni heritage in diaspora and daning and health he views o the partiipants are disssed below aompanied b a seletion o interview eerpts that illstrate how the desribed their eperienes and pereptions verall it was apparent that ree daning plas a signiiant role in the participants’ perception of themselves as individuals o ree anestr and their personal onnetion to their heritage and to reee itsel ll partiipants viewed their partiipation in ree daning at the anasis hool as highl beneiial althogh the relative importane o speii aspets o the eperiene itness soialising wellbeing and happiness maintenane o ltral identit and so orth varied depending on the individal n this it is important to note that the individals who too part in this std were alread predisposed toward traditional daning and hene were more liel to report avorable attitdes and impats onetheless their views are signiiant in that the sggest potential beneits that ma reslt rom sh partiipation and also reinore the vale o msi and dane in general in overall wellbeing nmber o partiipants viewed ree daning as providing a lin to reee and their ltre o amilial origin even i the themselves had never lived in reee n a nmber o ases the partiipant had been enoraged to tae part this ativit b other amil members who saw it as an epression o ethni ltre s is the ase in man loations varios stles o dane are taght in elborne dane shools sh that an individal interested in this pastime wold be able to hose rom a ll range o lassial ballroom and ol daning lasses t is notable that man partiipants were not speiiall interested in dane in general o them the attration o the anasis hool is that it oers ree daning whih the see as having a personal onnetion to themselves or this reason man o the partiipants desribed themselves as having ree daning as a hobb bt were not interested in other dane stles or in epanding their sills in other settings

The contribution of participation in Greek dancing to the participants’ sense of identit as sinificant elourne has a lare ree communit hich is part of the roader ustralian diaspora hile much of this communit has een in ustralia for decades the ree identit of individuals as ell as communit institutions is stron and memers of the communit have collectivel one to reat lenth to maintain their distinctive culture in the contet of a multicultural nation articipation in ree dancin hich is a pulic activit that derives directl from the community’s heritage, is one way of demonstrating cultural identity and shoin association ith the ree communit in ustralia as ell as ith reece itself ne male participant epressed his perception as follos

ein part of somethin ree and learnin aout it is ver important to me It’s like I get a tick from my grandparents, a tick from my parents and one for mself ear old ustraliaorn male

nother participant stressed the heritae aspect of ree dancin

have ron up in m famil ith dancin m parents from a oun ae from hen as in the stroller ould tae us to dinner dances have ron up in dancin and ree music and from a oun ae as in a dancin roup ear old ustraliaorn female

he participants in this stud epressed a numer of reasons the too part in the activities of the anasis chool hese raned from a desire to perform in pulic to phsical fitness and emotional enefits ome of their vies are contained in the folloin intervie ecerpts

erformances is h e do this the performance and the loo in the ees of the audience he are amaed — especiall the old people the feel ver connected famil is ver supportive of m dancin and have alas een ear old ustraliaorn female

ancin is somethin eno ein ith m friends it maes me happ and eep m culture alive ancin is also a a to e phsicall active and is eercise t ets our heartrate up and ou et a seat t definitel is phsical activit ear old ustraliaorn female

IIII G

y family supports my dancing and encourages me to come — for me it’s the emotional benefits that I get here, an escape and things are more bearable onnecting with my culture and a sense of connection, apart from your family you hae the support of your culture year old, Greekborn female

number of participants epressed the idea that dancing allowed them to maintain a Greek identity, alongside an ustralian identity that aligned with other actiities and eperiences they had They felt that their dancing reflected the Greek elements of their personal culture as well as the culture of their ancestors or seeral participants, this aspect of the actiity was one of seeral benefits, such as maintaining health through actie participation or as a contet for socialising, but was the deciding factor that caused the participants to choose this actiity oer other, similar leisure pursuits In other words, the fact that the actiities of the classes and groups associated with the anasis chool were Greek made them desirable one of the participants was otherwise interested in folk dancing in general or in other types of dance These groups were appealing because they were Greek and also sered as a contet for eercise and socialising that they found had other, emotional benefits as well ome of the participants epressed this as follows

Maintaining my Greek identity and it’s also good for my health, I get exercise and it’s an escape and provides emotional benefits. [ year old, Greekborn female

y family likes it that I dance, as Im not forgetting my identity and I’m keeping my Greekness and the roots of my ancestors year old, Greek born female

arents and grandparents are the same as they hae all made a lot of efforts to keep our Greek culture ike though Greek chool — to uphold the Greekness and that Greek identity ike not to lose that — not losing that because they left Greece hen they see me dance they are oer oyed — there is my grandson, they adore it and ery proud year old, ustraliaborn male

There is the physical activity aspect to it as I don’t do another sport and a way to keep fit. But it’s also a social thing. It’s also an escape — I used it a lot in year to one out, so it was good for my emotional health oth physical

II I I G IG I I

and emotional health and a connection to my heritage. [ year old, ustralia born female

he Greek community in Melbourne is large and includes individuals of all ages. he oldest members represent the original immigrant generation who arrived in ustralia in the years following orld ar II and who founded the first Greek institutions in the community. he participants in this study all had an awareness of the multigenerational nature of the community and some idea of the varied experiences of each generation. his knowledge was a factor in their participation and also affected their interpretation of the experience

hen we perform and there are elders there — they cry and get emotional but it makes them happy and provides them with emotional health as it provides them with that sense that the Greek culture and tradition will be continued and the young ones are making effort to keep it. [ year old, Greekborn male

lders of the Greek community get so happy, it gives them happiness and makes them believe that Greek will continue. heir emotions show happiness, they clap, it gives them courage, they clap. [ year old, Greek born female

everal of these participants expressed the view that cultural continuity between generations was important to and characteristic of the Greek community in Melbourne. hey saw their dancing as a manifestation of that, namely that they were continuing a tradition that had evolved in Greece and had been transplanted to ustralia. hey were aware that this continuity tended to be very important to older members of the community and their own families but were also anxious to continue the traditional themselves and through their own children. he association between dancing and health was very strong among the participants in this study who were all aware of current thinking about the value of physical activity in maintaining health. In this, they did not differ from the general population in ustralia, which tends to be very interested in sports of all kinds see ard,

There is the physical activity aspect to it as I don’t do another sport and a way to keep fit. But it’s also a social thing. It’s also an escape. I used it a lot in year

IIII B

to one out — so it was good for y eotional health. Both physical and eotional health and a connection to y heritage. year old ustralia orn feale

reek dancing is soething that gives you oy and should e incorporated into healthcare — there are oth physical and eotional enefits. year old reekorn feale

reek usic and dancing akes e feel good as crap as I feel too — it’s the eotion and I feel it and when I dance I feel that κεφι that ευεξια welleing. You really don’t know what you can achieve here — we aintain our culture and then there are the enefits to health — oth physical and the eotional and here is no age liit dancing can e for everyone with liits. year old reekorn feale

I love this ore copared to other sport and its social and I eercise — and of course my heritage plays a role in why I enjoy this so much and I feel it’s part of e in y — it ust draws e even at y age — ack in the s we were wogs and not accepted and now I ust want it I’m dance to it and y culture is good for y health and thus social is so iportant to our health. year old ustraliaorn ale

ancing is great for your health and the ental fitness it aaing there is a togetherness here a connection and that support. year old ustraliaorn ale

By definition dancing is a social activity that reuires cooperation and coordination with others. owever to the participants in this study the activities of the anasis chool provided a contet not ust for interacting with others ut specifically for interacting with others of a siilar cultural ackground. ll of the participants felt the counity and identity aspects of the dance eperience were significant and iportant to the. The opportunity to socialise was eually iportant though. The groups they took part in consisted of other people like theselves in a way that was of great iportance to any of the and as a result reinforced their cultural identity in the contet of the roader ustralian society. everal also felt they were actively contriuting the aintenance of their ancestral culture and supporting the links to reece that had een aintained y older eers of the counity. This in addition to the personal enefits in ters of

IIY I I I I I health and welleing afforded y ree dancing was an important motiation for the participants to deote their leisure time to the actiities of the anasis chool and continue to dance

Discussion

he participants in this study all descried strong personal feelings for taing part in ree dancing hese feelings centered on their desire to show and deelop their ree identity and to please grandparents and other relaties y maintaining the continuity of tradition and lins to heritage that were handed down to them from a young age numer of the participants were orn in ustralia and are memers of the second or third ustralian generation s is typical among this cohort they are fully integrated into mainstream ustralian society and participate in the arious social institutions of the wider community hese institutions are ased in nglish traditions that represent the ustralian eperience and hae a different cultural ase from the practices they are eposed to at home and in their cultural community he traditions and practices of this cultural community remain etremely important to the group and the ree diaspora in elourne supports a large numer of schools churches restaurants sporting clus and other organisations that attract ustralians of ree acground any of these institutions were originally set up y memers of the immigrant generation who arried in ustralia in the years following orld ar II and stried to recreate what they felt to e crucial elements of their natie culture he early period of the ree community in elourne was mared y the use of the ree language as a sign of community memership and the most fluent language of the memers most of whom had at that time een orn in reece s time passed the majority of community memers came to e orn in ustralia and at present hae on aerage ecome nglish speaers In fact the majority of younger people of ree acground do not spea the language fluently and use nglish for the majority of their interaction despite many attending ree school whose aim is language maintenance radshaw here is strong eidence that ustralians of ree acground are increasingly ecoming monolingual nglish speaers and that this trend is liely to continue into the future amis

IIII Y

hile there can e no dout of the role that use of the ree language played in identity among older memers of the ree community in elourne in the past younger indiiduals hae largely perceied their reeness in the contet of the ustralian eperience articipation in ree dancing is one manifestation of this cultural identity that happens to coincide with the general perception of the alue of eercise and fitness in the nglish mainstream hile it is important for these younger people to please their older relaties y taing part in a traditional actiity it is significant that their dancing is consonant with their iews on the need for eercise in ody shape management and fitness which is prominent among younger people (see Wright, O’Flynn acdonald hile it was eyond the scope of this study to consider this issue it is liely that this actiity would e much less desirale to the younger participants if it did not fit into their perceptions of eercise and physical actiity or contriute to important personal goals separate from their perception of identity ome of the participants in this study appeared to e aware that ree dancing of the type they were doing is not a popular pastime in reece itself just as traditional ritishustralian fol dancing is currently unpopular in ustralia y contrast traditional dance forms from the arious cultural groups that mae up the population do seem to e thriing see ollac he ustralian policy of multiculturalism and the way in which this policy is interpreted proides opportunities for the nation’s cultural communities to present their traditional art forms including dance articipation in such actiities y memers of the community is one way that heritage and identity can e manifested in the pulic enironment and in fact performance in these settings or at eents set up y the school is important to many of the participants in this study who iew such occasions as an opportunity to show oth their sill and also demonstrate the heritage Increasingly heritage among memers of the ree community in elourne centers on a comparatiely small numer of personal and social ehaiours and actiities that include certain elements of food choice use or nowledge of ree een when such usage is limited to terms of address for family memers and names of cultural and religious practices participation in actiities such as traditional dancing that are ree y nature and certain personal prerogaties such as memership in the ree rthodo hurch onetheless the younger memers of the community do

O OO OF O not perceie theseles to e less ree than their oler relaties ho ere orn in reece nstea, the ays in hich they anifest this ientity hae shifte One iportant aspect of this is the current aailaility of social eia an internet resources that allo iniiuals to connect ith lie ine others an for irtual counities as ell as to see an offer inforation aout their on culture, feelings, an eperiences he irtual enironent increasingly proies ne sources of cultural capital an is increasingly iportant in creating an aintaining a ree aareness in the iaspora counity (see anagaos, For the participants in this stuy, interaction in social eia as an iportant eans to epress their reeness ho eagerly anticipate their perforances eing uploae to ouue he social approal associate ith this ithin the real an irtual counity as consierale t is interesting to note that elourne is currently accooating ne arrials fro reece as any try to iigrate to escape the prolonge econoic ifficulties in that part of urope While interest in igrating to ustralia is high, the nuer of successful igrants reains lo ecause of the etreely ifficult eployent contet an rigi iigration rules (see aouniis, onetheless, these ne arrials represent a ifferent reece fro the one non y the original eers of the current counity, ost of ho arrie in ustralia in the s While it has een suggeste that the presence of a ne generation of ree speaers ight reitalise the language aong eers of the iaspora counity ho largely spea nglish (auels, , in general the igrants hae ha to aapt to the ays of the eisting counity, especially as it eists ithin the structural enironent of the ustralian ainstrea, an there is little to inicate that the current tren toar the ainstrea ill change irection in the future his suggests that the nature of ree ientity in the elourne counity is changing ut not necessarily eaening nstea, the iniiual an group attriutes that contriute to reeness hae change oer tie an ill liely continue to eelop in the future his shift has een characterise y an interest in ree art fors, such as the traitional ancing of interest here, an other anifestation of ree culture, oth tangile an intangile, ut also y a shift into the nglish language an oern cultural enironent, incorporating ne eia an other technologyeiate fors n this, ree ientity in elourne has coe

O F to e associate, not only ith eperience an connection to reece itself, ut through the autochthonous institutions of the counity itself hich are often local aaptations of eleents of ree culture that ere iportant to the original igrant generation he traitional ancing, such as is offere y the anasis chool, is one eaple of this he for of ance an its origins are roaly ree, ut its practice, for of perforance an ethos are ustralian an consonant ith the social patterns of ustralian society

Conclusion

he participants in this stuy all felt a strong nee to epress an aintain their ree ientity hich eists alongsie an ustralian ientity supporte y their eperiences an interactions in the pulic enironent For all of the, ree ientity encopasse personal, failial an counity eleents that ere separate fro ustralian ainstrea culture of hich they ere also a part n this ay, their reeness as of great iportance to the ay the participants iee theseles an as anifeste largely in a specific set of actiities an ehaiours, one of hich as the ree ancing in hich they too part heir ancing reflecte a esire of the participants in this stuy to connect ith their oler relaties, to respect their eliefs an perceptions, an to please the y engaging in an actiity that as ree in nature oeer, they also perceie a strong personal lin to their on heritage as ell as a esire to epress the cultural acgroun in a for that as isile to others an that are eership in the iaspora counity n oing so, they ehiit a ne for of reeness that is characteristic of the ustralian eperience an is also consonant ith the social nors of the ier counity hile presering their cultural community’s share conceptualisation of its on heritage an fol art fors

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DE AD A E EE DA DAA

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MARIAIRINI AVGAS AND REBECCA FANAN

arge, E.W. Large, “On synchronizing movements to music”, :–. aukka, P. Laukka, “Uses of music and psychological wellbeing among the elderly”, :–. McNeill, W.H. McNeill, . Cambridge, MA: Harvard niversity Press. Murcia, Kreutz, Clift and Bongard, C.Q. Murcia, G. Kreutz, S. Clift and S. Bongard, “Shall we dance? An exploration of the perceived benefits of dancing on wellbeing”, , :–. Nieminen, P. Nieminen, “Motives for dancing among Finnish folk dancers, competitive ballroom dancers, ballet dancers and modern dancers”, :–. Panagakos, A. Panagakos, “Downloading new identities: ethnicity, technology and media in the global Greek village”, , :–. Pauwels, A. Pauwels, “Maintaining the community language in Australia: challenges and roles for families”, , –:–. Pollack, G. Pollack, “International folk dance in Canberra, Australia”, , . Ritter and ow, M. Ritter and K.G. Low, “Effects of dance/movement therapy: a meta analysis”, :–. Tamis, A.M. Tamis, “Greek language and culture in Australia”. In , ed. A.M. Tamis, C.J. Mackie and S. Byrne. Athens: Greek Epigraphic Society. Tutton, R. Tutton, “‘They want to know where they came from’: population genetics, identity and family genealogy”, , :–. Warburton, Nicol and Bredin, D.E. Warburton, C.W. Nicol and S. Bredin, “Health benefits of physical activity: The evidence”, :–. Ward, T. Ward, “Sport and national identity”, , :–.

IDENTIT AND SOCIAL CONNECTION OF GREEK DANCING IN DIASPORA

Wright, O’Flynn and Macdonald, 2 J. Wright, G. O’Flynn and D. Macdonald, “Being fit and looking healthy: young women’s and men’s constructions of health and fitness”, :–.

os in ranslaion nsigaing h inguisic an Concpual nrsaning o ransla or lr uls o r Bacgroun

Michael Tsianikas and Irene Belperio

outh ustralia is home to a significant cohort of ostWorld War migrants from nonnglish seaking ackgrounds. hese migrants now constitute a sieale ortion of those years and older in the state. t has een well documented that migrants often reert to their first language as they age. he uality and efficacy of interreting and translating serices are therefore significant to the welleing of this grou. onseuently, this chater inestigates the eerience of older adults of Greek ackground with translated tet distriuted y local goernment. t concludes y suggesting that education lays an imortant role in migrant settlement and that language olicy cannot e searated from the wider cultural, social and olitical norms within which it oerates.

nroucion

t has long een recognised that translation is not simly a rocess of relicating one language to another. s ulaiman 2: argues, it inolves a rewriting: “[Translation] seeks to rewrite the ST [source text] ased on the sociocultural, ideological and literary constraints which lie behind the production of TT [target text]”. The quality of this rewriting often determines the efficacy of the translation. ranslation serices and translated tet are a ital element of serice roision and information dissemination in a multicultural society such as ustralia. Further, language is fundamental to the welleing of immigrant communities. t a road leel, the health and itality of immigrant grous are affected y the articular demograhic makeu of the migrant cohort, the host country’s systematic response and what are deemed “status factors”, which include the visibility

22 TSS of the immigrant language in the host country atoss, :. t an individual level, adermarcher and Feldman (2017:89) contend that, “Of particular importance, regardless of age, language spoken or cultural background, is the desire of most people to have the capacity to communicate clearly with others, including family, friends, community and service providers”. Additionally, as Lo Bianco (1987:11), the author of the ational olicy on anguages asserts, these needs become heightened in stressful situations, for example in medical and legal settings. urther complicating this experience is age and as o ianco : again observes: “The great bulk of the postwar migration group now finds itself as an aging population, frequently reverting to the use of the first language only”. onsequently, this chapter seeks to examine the experience with translated material of older adults of reek background who have limited schooling in reece or yprus and restricted nglish skills. The chapter analyses material distributed by South ustralian councils, including brochures, pamphlets and booklets that were translated into the reek language for this group. The four main aims of this work are to assess the quality of translated text whether reek translations are understood amongst the elderly reek population whether concepts in the nglish language provide meaning and understanding in the reek translation and the consistency and best utilisation of resources amongst South ustralian councils regarding reek aged care translated information. The chapter concludes by suggesting that a shift is necessary in relation to languages policy which acknowledges that translation and interpretation and the vitality of immigrant communities are a product of wider cultural, social and political forces and that these must be considered in the development of language policy and translating and interpreting guidelines.

Bacgroun

ustralia continues to have one of the highest rates of overseas born individuals in the world, with over half of this group coming from non nglish speaking countries. oreover, the rate of older individuals from nonnglish speaking backgrounds is growing adermacher eldman, :–. urther, it has been shown that language and cultural identity are fundamentally important to wellbeing amongst older people adermacher eldman, :. n regard to reeceborn individuals in ustralia, close to are now years or over epartment of mmigration

LOT TALATO TAT T LT A OTAL TA OF TALAT TT FO OL ALT OF BAO

itienship, 201) and at the 2011 ensus, in outh Australia specifically, the biggest cohort of reeceborn ere in the 70–79 year age group (ulticultural A, 201). t as partly in response to the difficult settlement eperience of these postar migrants that a shift occurred in the Australian immigration policy arena from assimilation to multiculturalism. By the 1970s, the eisting epectation that postorld ar migrants could assimilate into Australian culture and life and that this cohort ould acuire the necessary language skills to do so, had been shon to be erroneous (lavac et al., 2018:8). This group not only eperienced continued settlement challenges but it became apparent that greater intervention on behalf of government as needed to facilitate the transition to living in the host country and that the burgeoning ethnic associations and groups played an important role in the efficacy and uality of this settlement. n 197, multiculturalism as introduced as a ne social policy direction and replaced assimilation (epartment of ome Affairs, n.d.). According to ection of the multiculturalism is defined as:

… policies and practices that recognise and respond to the ethnic diversity of the outh Australian community and have as their primary obects the creation of conditions under hich all groups and members of the community may:

(a) live and ork harmoniously and (b) fully and effectively participate in, and employ their skills and talents for the benefit of, the economic, social and cultural life of the community and (c) maintain and give epression to their distinctive cultural heritages.

art of the policy shift to multiculturalism also involved the development of language policies and in 1987 the L as introduced. According to Lo Bianco (1987:2), ”The primary purpose of Australias languages policy is to make the nations choices about language issues in as rational, comprehensive, just and balanced a way as possible”. All states and territories in Australia have polices hich deal ith language, translation and interpreting services and produce policies and guidelines in this area

2 A TAA A

for local governments. owever, in the late s the influence of the began to diminish and lavac et al. suggest that language policy in Australia “in practice, has returned to being laissefaire and remained mostly monolingualist”. The limited findings from this study suggest that there does not appear to be a uniform approach to translation and dissemination of literature among local government areas and that this contributes to barriers in accessing translated material and in the uality of this information.

hos

The project was conducted in two stages in . The first stage involved collecting information from outh Australian councils. councils in metropolitan Adelaide and regional outh Australia with residents of ree bacground were sent letters inviting them to participate in the study. ouncils were ased to provide any information made available to its ree residents all ree translation material and the euivalent nglish version if available pamphlets in nglish regarding the services being provided accommodating the needs of older adults and any other information or activities that are organised by the council for residents of ree bacground. councils responded. The second stage comprised conducting interviews, in Greek with reeborn or ree ypriotborn individuals aged or above and residing in one of the local government areas from which information was received.

apl

The following table provides a summary of the information for older adults received from the councils. The material provided covered three main areas, namely aged care, advocacy, and leisure and other activities.

ee Australian ocal overnment Association, n.d. epartment of ocal overnment ffice of ulticultural nterests, unn et al., ulticultural ouncil of Tasmania, ictorian ocal overnment ulticultural ssues etwor unicipal Association of ictoria, .

T TAAT TAT T T A TA TA TAAT TT AT A

abl nformation for older adults aailale through local goernment

Council g car ocacy isurohr . Adelaide ulticultural lains ouncil rogram .Aleandrina ommunity ouncil uide leurieu amilies roect .ampellton s espite ity ouncil ecreation eitalisation .ity of nformation on ational Aged Adelaide aged care supplied are Adocacy y ederal tate rogram goernments Aged ights s espite Adocacy erice ecreation nc eitalisation .ity of nformation on Aged are To aret to urnside aged care supplied omplaints aret y ederal tate nestigation unch irary goernments cheme Trip s espite afeguard your alf ay us Trip ecreation inances Alliance eitalisation for the reention ystery of lder Ause Afternoon us Trip Aged ights Adocacy erice nc .ity of harles A Access to turt erices ights esponsiilities .ity of ommunity care oldfast ay serices leaflet languages

.ity of arion ommunity care eighourhood serices leaflet entre esletter languages .ity of ommunity care ommunity itcham serices leaflet ediation erice languages .ity of s espite ommunity are orood ecreation erices ayneham t eitalisation nformation for eters lients elease of tatistics ommunity are erices rocedures for omplaints ommunity are erices harter for ights esponsiilities All council generated .ity of ommunity care naparinga serices leaflet languages .ity of ulticultural layford rogram .ity of ort nformation on afeguard your Adelaide nfield aged care supplied inances Alliance y ederal tate for the reention goernments of lder Ause .ity of ort roduced on Augusta information on aged care .ity of s espite rospect ecreation eitalisation .ity of Aged ights ealthy Ageing alisury Adocacy erice Access erices

.ity of nley s espite ecreation eitalisation ommunity care serices leaflet languages .ity of ictor ommunity aror uide leurieu amilies roect .ity of est Aged are ommunity Torrens omplaints irectory council nestigation generated cheme latonas ree isiting Transport rogram iloenia .istrict Aged ocial ouncil of athering ooer edy .istrict pamphlets ouncil of transport serices analilla community transport for hristian hurches ommunity uide leurieu amilies roect .id urray nformation on ational Aged ouncil aged care supplied are Adocacy y ederal tate rogram goernments Adocacy roups ist council generated A Access to erices ights

esponsiilities A onfidential eedac orm .Ton of TA for lder aler Australians trength for ife pamphlets on leisureaailale facilities ulticultural rogram .Ton of s espite alerille ecreation eitalisation nglish language material ree language material nglish and ree language material

or the second stage of the study participants ere recruited from ethnic community groups in metropolitan Adelaide and through snoall sampling and came from the folloing four local goernment areas tale .

abl articipant local goernment area

ocal gornn ara aricipan nubr ity of est Torrens ity of naparinga ity of nley ity of arion

The same ilingual researcher conducted semistructured interies of approimately onehour duration ith these fifteen indiiduals ten omen and fie men. A copy of the interie schedule can e found at Appendi A. At the time of interie suects ere eteen and years old ith a mean age of . nterieees arried in Australia eteen and . Age on arrial ranged from to years ith a median age of siteen.

T TAAT TAT T T A TA TA TAAT TT AT A

een participants lied alone si lied ith a partner one interieee lied ith a daughter and one did not respond. leen of the participants had een employed in unsilled or the maority in factories to had semisilled occupations and to ere homemaers.

aa analysis

The data as analysed thematically. This method as deemed most appropriate ecause dierse theoretical perspecties inform the study and thematic analysis is not strictly determined y any one theoretical paradigm oell et al. . ne of the challenges of thematic analysis is maintaining consistency hen generating themes from the data oell et al. . onseuently a second researcher analysed the data and the identified themes ere checed y and discussed ith a third researcher.

suls

ailabl arial

A rief oerie of the information proided y council in Tale indicates a lac of consistency in relation to oth the type and uantity of material and the aailaility of these documents in languages other than nglish. ith regard to specific information the pulication distriuted y the epartment of uman erices as receied and read y a maority of participants in roughly eual numers of nglish language and ree language ersions. one of the interieees had seen or used the pamphlet. nformation on traelling aroad and on fraud targeted at seniors as non y a maority of participants. oeer in relation to seniors eperiencing scams not one of the interieees had read aout it through goernment information rather they had heard aout it from others or seen it on teleision. nly half of the group had heard of the “Mind your Mind” initiative, again some of this was vaguely known to some of them. Again approimately half had heard of the randparent hild are enefit scheme here the federal goernment assists ith the cost of childcare for grandparents ho are the

M main arers of their grandhidren and who reeive inome suort ayments ne resondent had earnt of this ayment from one of the soia grous she attended

ric nolg

he maority of interviewees were aware of the eistene of servies for oder eoe rou, ouni, Meas on hees and entrein were a identified as servie roviders owever, most artiiants were unae to give detaied resonses as to what these organisations did roimatey haf of a artiiants were aware that ouni an rovide information and servies for oder individuas and aout the same numer had utiised these servies o artiiants reorted there eing a reeseaing erson avaiae when visiting ouni and ony two interviewees had reeived transated materias hen ased if there was a differene etween oder individuas of ree aground and nonree aground a itte over haf of a artiiants fet that anguage was a signifiant differene, with others suggesting uture and reigion were aso different, and ony two interviewees feeing there was no differene nterestingy, among two resondents there was the sentiment of there eing ess aess to, and nowedge of servies amongst ree seaing oder eoe and in one instane the interviewee reied

normous he ustraian orn was more oortunities and is ooed after better than the migrants. That’s what I believe. That’s what I know. [Interview

his feeing of disrimination in reation to aessing servies artiuary, and autonomy and ageny more generay, is disussed more fuy eow

ric accss

or those artiiants who had aessed ouni servies or reuired some form of ouni assistane, the maority had visited the ouni aone and had driven themseves or those who had not, they were aomanied y a hid to assist with anguage and ommuniation he imiations of the referene of the artiiants to e aomanied y someone they trust and to at as an interreter wi e eamined further in the disussion setion

T I TTI ITITI T IITI T TI TT TT T

ithin this isssion regaring servie aess an istribtion o material there was also a sense o not knowing where to go or inormation an there being a istintion between the aabilit o straliaborn an reekborn inivials when navigating instittions an interating with servie roviers

The ones who are not o reek bakgron know where to go an ask or hel bt we reeks o not know where to go. [Interview

I wol tell the government that we the oler reek eole have been let ot of society. I believe that very strongly. I don’t expect that will ever change. The stralianborn eole not those who are itiens bease I am an stralian itien bt the reek migrants are treate ierentl an that ases the searation in soiet. The stralian knows the law better an knows all the inormation that o showe me in the booklets an i the go to an office to ask for help, they get better attention and that’s because: either rom the olor o or skin that or langage soken is not . [Interview

t o orse those who seak the langage well will know where to go or assistane an in ot inormation. [Interview

n also we are not able to in ot what we nee we alwas nee an interreter. [Interview

This eeling o isrimination an lak o agen an atonom oes not seem to have iminishe or these artiiants esite having live in stralia or the maorit o their alt lives.

ocial paricipaion an aily li

The vast maorit o interviewees artiiate in some te o ormal soial ativit rogram an these were b an large ailitate b reek organisations an hrhes. The vast maorit o artiiants were ha to artiiate in ativities targete at oler alts o reek bakgron an rn b ethni organisations. ne resonent attene two ierent ormal rograms one onl involving the reek ommnit an the other in whih inivials o reek an hiliine bakgron attene. he reerre the

I II I I latter because it gave her an opportunity to speak nglish and socialise outside of the reek counity. he activity progras were generally either health related, including soe for of exercise progra or a visit by a doctor to discuss coon health issues or involved a eal and socialising. he ost coon social activities on a daily basis involved interacting with faily, friends and neighbours. aily church attendance was also entioned by four respondents. hildren were the ain relatives discussed and all respondents indicated that they were happy with their relationship with their faily.

r proicincy

leven respondents indicated that they only had a priary school level of education in reece and two had copleted high school. onseuently, only one participant indicated that their Greek proficiency was “very good”.

nglish proicincy

iilarly, only one interviewee rated their level of nglish proficiency as “good”. The vast majority had very liited nglish language skills in the areas of reading, writing and speaking and two participants stated that they felt they had no nglish language proficiency. wo coon thees eerge fro the responses to this uestion. irstly, proficiency in language was accompanied by the notion of “getting by”. Interviewees had similar ways in which to express this. he uotes below are fro five participants who felt that they had overall liited nglish proficiency but enough for basic counication:

I get on. Interview

lowly, slowly I anage. Interview

nly to chat with the neighbours, I can anage that, at the shops I can buy what I need. Interview

ust a little to get by in conversation. Interview

nough to get by. Interview

T I TTI ITIGTIG T IGITI T TIG TT TT T G G

In each case of higherlevel nglish proficiency there was an accompanying sense of being independent in relation to commnication needs and not reiring additional services

Not bad. We are able to get by. We don’t require a translator so far. Interview

Average, we don’t require a translator so far. [Interview 10] I manage on my own. Interview

I can manage on my own. Interview

even respondents eplained that their children wold assist them when they needed help with langage and commnication and one stated that they wold bring someone with them to help if they needed to go to their local government offices. The remaining seven interviewees either did not provide a response or indicated that they did not reire assistance with nglish commnication needs.

iracy an coprhnsion

articipants were asked abot their nderstanding of key terms in health and services literatre provided by varios bodies inclding federal state and local governments and key stakeholders in the ageing sector sch as COTA. Some of the terms discussed were “dementia”, “positive ageing”, “volunteering” and “human rights”. All participants were able to provide a definition of dementia positive ageing and volnteering. owever some kind of definitions were largely sperficial and were generally not properly informed by a wider discssion with others in particular family members or healthcare professionals. In relation to hman rights for older adlts specifically respondents demonstrated varied levels of nderstanding showing some comprehension of the concept. or eample

veryone is hman. The rights of everyone even if they are Greek Trkish everyone has rights. Interview

‘Human rights’ is the things that the government offers to stralian citiens from the contry to their rights. Interview

ICHA TSIANIAS AN IN IO

It means those who help, hang on, no … What does it mean? [Interview 7]

‘Human rights for the elderly’ has to be when we are careful, to give respect to the person who is older. It’s like how I did towards my fatherinlaw for years, this is it. This is how understand it. [Interview ]

or me to have the right to say what I please, to epress my opinion. I do personally feel I have my rights, I am not embarrassed to say what I thin. [Interview 1]

nderstanding was especially limited when words were used in a technical sense and therefore carried meaning different from their usual context. This was the case for “services”, where the term referred to supports for older adults, and the phrases “protection of personal data” and “approach to personal information”. The eamples below illustrate interviewees’ attempts to make sense of these concepts using the more customary definitions

In another words, someone who will protect me To protect me personally Approach to personal information ersonal information is someone to inform me about the personal details. [Interview ]

In another words it is when someone tells you something and you understand it. [Interview ]

‘Protection’ (προστασία) data’ it is like to for someone to protect our personal matters. If I need assistance for someone to help me, but if I don’t need it, for now my wife and I are able to tae care of it. [Interview ]

It does not say protection from ‘whom’. I understand what protection means but it doesn’t say from whom to be protected, so I can give a better answer. ‘Approach’ means when you go somewhere, to ASK for personal information. ut if you as people not so educated, they do not understand what all these translations mean [Interview 1]

ST I TASATI? ISTIATI TH IISTI A TA STAI TASAT TT ATS K AK

ransla arial

The most problematic of translations in council documents were the use of the phrases “service quality standards” and “community aged care packages”. These were the least understood translations and the issue generally appeared to be in the use of words outside of their regular meaning. The most commonly and wellcomprehended translations involved the explanation of a medicine’s active ingredient and its brand. Some of this understanding appeared to come from the interviewees’ experience with this and not necessarily the uality of the translation. A number of interviewees commented on their knowledge of this prior to reading it. or example

I have heard of this before that medicines have two types the cheap one and the expensive one. [Interview ]

es, I know this because I know that there are many medicine and they have two names. [Interview ]

It must be noted that five participants utilised a reekspeaking general practitioner and reekspeaking pharmacist and were satisfied with the medical information that these providers explained in reek. An additional four interviewees had a reekspeaking general practitioner. The access to reek speaking healthcare professionals could also explain why this particular translated material was most commonly understood. Approximately half of all participants had received translated material and half had not. verwhelmingly when asked how the translated information could be improved upon, participants indicated that the translation needed to use simpler language. These are some examples of the responses received when participants were asked how pamphlets could be improved

The only thing I would want is that they be more simpler. I want simpler as much as they can because we are not educated and we do not understand them when they are written sophisticated. [Interview ]

TSS

To send them more simpler. That way we can understand them. therwise if they send us and it is written in “καθαρεύουσα” – what am meant to understand – t has to be written simpler and little … [Interview 2]

would comment that they are more plainly written simpler so we can read them. nterview

n terms of distribution ethnic clubs appeared to be useful sources of information. or example

ow that know the pamphlets are available at the reek rthodox ommunity it pleases me because know where to go to find information. nterview

nterviewees further suggested the following

t would help if they were available from the church or from the reek places we shop at … [Interview 11]

t would be good for information to reach people through the reek radio programs … [Interview 12]

hen the council sends me an account every or months they should put in an information sheet about services for the aged. That way people know where to go to find more. nterview

Send information to each household and inform people of the services and what council can help with. Council thinks they are helping but we don’t know what the services are. nterview

chnology

There is a growing commitment on behalf of the ustralian overnment to support and improve the digital literacy of older ustralians epartment of Social Services . urther it has also been noted that those and over from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds are less likely to use the internet igliorino –. n the current study no participants had a computer or used the internet. iven the very small sample sie generalisations cannot be made from the data collected. owever it remains an area which requires further consideration

I I III IIIC CC I C particularly in relation to the dierent C groups. urther while it is likely that this is a shortlived phenomenon with this particular cohort at this point in time nonetheless it remains an important and vital element o euity in service provision and it continues to be an underresearched policy area igliorino 2111.

iscussion

verall participants were aware o many services or older adults in outh ustralia however this understanding remained supericial. hey were generally well connected with their communities utilised ormal activity programs and maintained close relations with their amilies. his however was largely through ethnic association and churches. articipants had a number o avenues through which they received inormation such as via council and government material and rom amily riends ethnic organisations and media particularly radio. he broad eperience o interviewees was having “been able to get by”, this was in relation to navigating institutions and the wider public domain o ustralian society and in regard to their eperience with written and spoken nglish. here were three particular challenges in relation to language and its connected concerns that warrant urther discussion namely the eectiveness o the translated material itsel the use o ormal translation and interpreting services and eelings o agency and autonomy amongst the interviewees. hile this inormation is rom 212 and council and government material has changed the eperiences epressed by this group at this point in time remain relevant today. ne o the more signiicant concerns raised by the participants was the use o comple and technical language in the material provided by council and the need to simpliy this. he diicultly in comprehension or many C older adults with the more advanced level o nglish used in government and other documents and the use o contet speciic terminology was likewise relected in the generally poor understanding o more technical terms on behal o interviewees. his is unsurprising given the lack o advanced level education among the study sample. dditionally participants ocused on work and amily once in the host country and this

liite the otential or rther eational oortnities, whether in the ree langage or in nglish brie reiew o goernent an organisational translation gielines iniate that soe attet is being ae to aress the isse o langage oleity he itorian Government has provided guidelines on effective translation “etie Translations: Victorian Government Guidelines on Policy and Procedures” ie o ltiltral airs itienshi, whih aoate aongst a nber o other aroahes that translators learly ientiy the target aiene, nerstan the ost eetie eans o oniating with this aiene engage in onsltation an tilise “Easy English”. These gielines sggest that the tet itsel be brie, lear, aroriate an arate an that bilingal ersions o the oent be reate he oent also elains the way in whih translations an be ealate an ate an ensres that the olaints an eeba roess is lear h gielines are also aailable ro the eenslan oernent, or eale, an arios boies sh as the stralian nstitte o nterreters an ranslators it an egal i his sh by goernent is art o a wier lain angage oeent globally whih sees to aress the isse o the se o ole an inaessible langage on behal o goernent boies to roote eity an stie or itienry his oeent aoates or the se o langage whih is lear an rootes nerstaning rather than onsion oleo e onra, – oweer, rns an i ientiy a nber o hallenges with this ratie artilarly in the healthare setor irstly, they iniate that the athors o healthare aterial sally hae aane eation, an thereore, in it iilt to aat their nglish to the reisite leel eonly, ey ters an seialist langage is oten neessary in eial tet an eiing when to se this langage an when to oiy it an be robleati itionally, ining the orret tone an also be iilt, artilarly eterining a way to resent oiial inoration in a rienly, yet oral anner astly, the eaning o tet an oten hange when being translate into lain nglish rns i, – otential soltion to this roble whih oes not inole hanging the ei entirely is otline by rora et al

eartent o boriginal an orres trait slaner ltiltral airs, he stralian nstitte o nterreters ranslators n, egal i ew oth ales,

T TT VETGTG TE GT EPT ETG TTE TET E T GEE G

: ho suggest that information in relation to health and elleing can be provided in the client’s first language accompanied by pictures with consideration of cultural sensitivity as a means of ridging divides of relataility and comprehension. second important issue identified from the intervies as the lac of utilisation of formal interpreters and translators and the continued use particularly of children aove all daughters relatives and friends. This can result in potential prolems regarding the accuracy of translation issues relating to privacy and can create increased pressure on family memers especially daughters. adermarcher and eldman : maintain “fundamental to any successful service system is the availaility of a pool of accredited interpreters and translator”. However, a number of challenges have also een noted ith the use of formal interpreters. hile an interpreting service may e appropriate from a purely linguistic perspective cultural arriers may still eist for eample in relation to se adermarcher eldman :. urther there can e hesitation on ehalf of older adults of acground to enlist the services of a professional interpreter for privacy and confidentiality issues. ryer et al. : found in their study of stroe victims navigating healthcare information during rehailitation that some participants distrusted the professional interpreters and one participant as particularly concerned that the interpreter ould share information aout their condition to the rest of the community. This study lieise found that trust as an important element of the interpreterclient relationship and that children and relatives could help to ridge this divide. ryer et al. :– also oserved that informal interpreters are more accessile can help ith even routine matters and do not cost the client financially. ngelelli :– argues for the identification and support and of what the author claims are “circumstantial ilinguals” who are usually the children of adults of CALD background who act as informal interpreters and translators for much of their lives. Perhaps a comination of recognition of the importance and relevance of oth formal and informal interpreting and translating services ill ensure greater comfort accuracy and accessiility for individuals of acground to important material and information.

CHAL AA AD L

inally, study participants epressed a general feeling of disenfranchisement and ineuality in relation to being able to navigate the public domain of Australian society, including its institutions, and therefore in their access to services. his is unsurprising given the importance of language and communication to agency. ahadir asserts that

Language is a powerful weapon which speakers use to eert power, dominate, appease, and manipulate. self epresentation, i.e., speaking for a community or for oneself, and unification, that is, standing up as a community, is only possible by means of a common language.

Angelelli further maintains that language rights should be considered basic human rights because of the vital role that language has in an individual’s growth and development, and in the generation of feelings of pride and dignity. In fact, Angelelli (2011:238) asserts that “‘linguicism’ occurs when there are instances of discursive discrimination and marginalization based on language”. To recognise and dismantle such linguicism involves a recognition and reection of a fundamental assumption that the maority nglish speaking AngloSaxon community’s language, culture and values are neutral. All other communities, their languages and cultures are therefore eceptions to the norm. his perspective is then reflected in language policy and at the microlevel the approach to translation. ulaiman effectively maintains that the uality and efficacy of translation does not ust rest with the individual translator but is the product of the wider institutions and societies within which it is produced. uch a holistic approach to translation appears to be a potential way forward and a manner in which to eamine eisting practices under a more critical lens.

Conclusion

his discussion has sought to better understand the eperience of reece and Cypriotborn postwar migrants in relation to translated material disseminated through local governments in outh Australia. tudy participants were generally active and engaged with their families and communities, albeit largely within the ambit of ethnic organisations and churches they navigated the public domain of the wider society in a basic

ST I TASATI ISTIATI T IISTI A TA STAI TASAT TT ATS A way and received, and were aware of, a number of supports and services for older adults. Significantly, overall translated material was deemed to be too complex and interviewees generally preferred the use of simpler language. This is most liely a conseuence of the lac of advanced education among this cohort and the limited opportunities for further education in Greek and English on arrival and during settlement in Australia. urther, interpreting and translating was largely done informally, usually by children. articipants appeared content with this arrangement and the literature suggests that more could be done in this policy space to bridge the current divide between formal and informal language services. inally, wider feelings of disenfranchisement and discrimination were expressed by a number of participants in relation to access to and nowledge about services and conseuently the uality of treatment they received. This is an important finding. It suggests that language policy and guidelines cannot and should not be divested from the wider social, cultural and political norms which inform them. ulticultural policies which see to ensure that immigrants to Australia are able to participate fully in the life of the host country and within their own lives must operate within a policy and legislative paradigm that recognises the complex and multifaceted nature of settlement and responds with initiatives which are liewise connected and comprehensive. Importantly, when translation and interpreting are considered, there must also be an awareness of the level of proficiency migrants have in their first language. imited understanding in this language inevitably dictates the level of comprehension of the translated text. Such a perspective is not only necessary when considering language policy, but it must also inform the approach to education of immigrants on arrival and during settlement in Australia. A grounding in education and a comprehensive languages policy would help to ensure the tenets of multiculturalism are addressed and met and that immigrants to Australia are able to reach their full potential and fully participate in the life of their host country.

IA TSIAIAS A I I

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epartment of ome Affairs, n.d. Department of Home Affairs, “Australia’s multicultural policy history”, Australian Government. Available online at: https:archive.homeaffairs.gov.autravlifemulticulturalaustralias multiculturalpolicyhistory ate accessed: epartment of Immigration and Citienship, Department of Immigration and Citizenship. “Community information summary: Greeceborn”, Australian Government. Available online at: https:www.dss.gov.ausitesdefaultfilesdocumentsgreece.pdf ate accessed: epartment of Local Government and ffice of Multicultural Interests, epartment of Local Government and ffice of Multicultural Interests, “Multicultural planning framework for implementing the principles of multiculturalism locally. A guide for Western Australian local governments”, Government of Western Australia. Available online at: http:www.mhima.org.aupdfsWAmulitculturalplanningframeworkg uide.pdf ate accessed: epartment of Social Services, Department of Social Services, “Be connected — improving digital literacy for older Australians”, Australian Government. Available online at: https:www.dss.gov.auseniorsbeconnectedimprovingdigitalliteracy forolderaustralians ate accessed: unn et al., K. Dunn, S. Thompson, B. Hanna, P. Murphy and I. Burnley, “Multicultural policy within local government in Australia”, , :– . ryer et al., , C.E. Fryer, S.F. Mackintosh, M.J. Stanley & J. Crichton,“‘I understand all the maor things’: how older people with limited English proficiency decide their need for a professional interpreter during health care after stroke”, , :–. atoss, Hatoss, A, “Language acculturation and identity in the German community of rural south east Queensland”, , :–. lavac et al., J. Hlavac, A. Gentile, M. Orlando, E. Zucchi and A. Pappas, “Translation as a subset of public and social policy and a consequence of multiculturalism: the provision of translation and interpreting services in Australia”, , :–.

MICHAEL TSIAIKAS AD IEE BELPEIO

Legal Aid ew South Wales, Legal Aid New South Wales, “Guidelines on interpreting and translating”. Available online at: https:www.legalaid.nsw.gov.audataassetspdffileGuidelin esoninterpretingandtranslation.pdf Date accessed: Lo Bianco, J. Lo Bianco, , Multicultural Australia. Available online at: http:www.multiculturalaustralia.edu.audoclobianco.pdf Date accessed: Migliorino, P. Migliorino, “Digital technologies can unite but also divide: CALD communities in the digital age”, , :–. Multicultural Council of Tasmania, Multicultural Council of Tasmania, “Local government and best practice in multicultural policy and programs”. Available online at: http:fecca.org.auwpcontentuploadsPaperTas.pdf Date accessed: Multicultural SA, Multicultural SA, “Greece. A profile of Greeceborn South Australians”, Government of South Australia. Available online at: https:www.multicultural.sa.gov.audataassetspdffileGree ceDec.pdf Date accessed: owell et al., L.S. Nowell, J.M. Norris, D.E. White and N.J. Moules, “Thematic analysis: striving to meet the trustworthiness criteria”, :–. Office of Multicultural Affairs and Citizenship, Office of Multicultural Affairs and Citizenship, “Effective translations. ictorian Government guidelines on policy and procedures”, Victorian Government. Available online at: https:www.multicultural.vic.gov.auimagesstoriesdocumentsomac effectivetranslationsguidelinesonpolicyandpro ceduresonline.pdf Date accessed: adermacher and Feldman, H. Radermacher and S. Feldman, “Cultural diversity, health and ageing”. In , ed. K. O’Loughlin, C. Browning and H. Kendig: –. ew ork: Springer.

LOST IN TRANSLATION INVESTIGATING THE LINGISTIC AND CONCEPTAL NDERSTANDING OF TRANSLATED TET FOR OLDER ADLTS OF GREEK ACKGROND

Available online at: http:www.austlii.edu.aucgi binviewdbaulegissaconsolactsamaeaca Date accessed: Sulaiman, M.Z. Sulaiman, “The misunderstood concept of translation in tourism promotion”, , :–. Toledo ez and Conrad, C. Toledo ez and C.A. Conrad, :Informational pamphlets for asylum seekers in English”, , :–. Victorian Local Government Multicultural Issues Networ and Municipal Association of Victoria, Victorian Local Government Multicultural Issues Networ and Municipal Association of Victoria, “The role of local government in settlement and multiculturalism”, MyriaD Consultants. Available online at: https:welcomingcities.org.auwpcontentuploadsTheroleof localgovernmentinsettlementandmulticulturalism.pdf Date accessed:

ppni

nri usions (Translated here from Greek)

. General How old are you When did you come to Australia With whom do you live with Do you wor If no, when did you stop What wor did you do As an elderly person do you face any problems If yes, would you be able to tell us what these are

MCAE TSAAS AD EE EE

Do you kno of the services that provide assistance to elderly people like yourself Do you participate in an elderly social group f yes, could you please tells us of your eperiences there hat is your day to day life Do you have friends o often do you meet them Tells us a bit about your relationship ith your family i.e. children, relatives hat is your literacy knoledge hat level schooling did you complete in reeceCyprus hat is your knoledge of the English language

. Services — amphlets n hich council do you reside ave you visited the council for help Did you go by yourself o did you get there f you ent there by yourself, did you talk English f no, as there someone there to help you ith the language Did they give you material translated into reek f yes, did you read them Did you understand them f you did not understand them, did you discuss them ith someone else to understand them ith hom f you understood them, ho did you use them

. eneral uestions What is “dementia”? Please describe. hat is a “volunteer” lease describe. What is the meaning of “services” to you? hat are the services you can identify regarding aged people hat is the difference for elderly aged individuals of reek background and those of hom are not of reek background hat is your understanding of the phrase “positive ageing”? What does it mean “protection of personal data” and “approach to personal information”?

? P

o you no hat entrelin is? f yes have you used it before? o you no the entrelin phone number if you need to get in contact ith them?

. overnmental Pamphlets Have you seen this pamphlet before “Aged Care Complaints Investigation cheme”? If yes, have you utilised it before? What do you understand from the title of this pamphlet: “Aged Care Complaints Investigation Scheme”? Please read the first paragraph from the pamphlet: “The Aged Care omplaints nvestigation cheme investigates complaints and problems concerning the services for the aged people that are financed by the overnment of outh ustralia including the institutional care and the community care (care at home).” What did you understand from this and hat did you not understand a fe ords or all? Have you seen this publication “News for Seniors”? f not did you no you can receive this publication to your home? f yes do you read it? o you understand it? id you read anything on the scams of seniors? id you read anything about “Mind your ind”? id you read anything about randparent hild are enefit scheme? id you read anything about travelling abroad? id you read anything about university studies in third age?

. ouncil Pamphlets From the pamphlet “Home and Community Care”: • Please read the first paragraph: “The programme Home and ommunity are program provides services for residents ho are frail aged, or have a disability, and their carers.” • On page 7 reads: “Service quality standards”. What did you understand from this phrase? • On page 9 reads: “Unresolved complaints between two parties can be appealed by contacting the City of West Torrens’ Community Services anager andor appealing directly to an eternal complaints body.

MICHA TSIANIAS AN IN PIO

Information on eternal complaints bodies can be found on page of this book”. What did you understand from this paragraph? From the pamphlet “Community Aged Care Packages”: • What did you understand from this phrase? • What do you understand from the following: “The Community Aged Care Packages (CACPs) are planned and coordinated care services that assist older people who would qualify for low level care in a residential facility but prefer to remain living independently on their own or with their spouse or family.” Have you seen this pamphlet before: “Why are we offered a choice of medicine?” • What did you understand from this paragraph: “Most medicines have two names — the active ingredient name and a brand name. The active ingredient is the chemical in the medicine that maes it wor. The brand name is the name given to the medicine by its manufacturer.”

. How would you lie the pamphlets How many pamphlets are you receiving in ree? o you remember them? If you had previously received pamphlets in ree, were you satisfied with them? If not, how would you lie them to be written? Could you mention which ones were most useful for you? When you have received pamphlets in the past, have you been confused by the number, variety and information included in them? Is there any other comment you would lie to add about pamphlets?

9 rsonal arrais ar ro oris ro Bilingual r nglish igrans iing in ouh usralia

Maria Kambanaros

arratives are intricately intertwined with uality of life culture and social participation. This paper reports stories told by bilingual people describing the events or conseuences of a stroke on their lives. i immigrant participants (mean age years) who were less than four years poststroke spontaneously produced a narrative recounting their personal eperience of having a stroke in their native language (reek) and in their second language (nglish). tories from the two languages were taken at least ten days apart. All participants had learned nglish in early adulthood upon migration from reece to Australia and not through formal teaching but informally in the community. This group of immigrants had lived in Australia on average for years. arratives in the two languages underwent uantitative (length number of propositions) and ualitative analyses (ratings of coherence ratings of clarity). Most individuals produced coherent “tellable” stories despite disruptions in language because of strokerelated language deficits or aphasia. verall stories were better told (length compleity of content temporalcausal seuencing reference) in reek — their native language. The results have implications for policymakers providing health and welfare services to ageing immigrant populations. The findings are also relevant to other countries that have large immigrant populations of stroke survivors.

nroucion

n broad terms narration is the act performed by a speaker when telling a story of real or fictional events in some type of logical and chronological order. For the listener a narrative is understood if the speaker has conveyed the overall meaning, and the story “makes sense” as a whole (Olness &

M MO

nglebretson, ). Measuring narrative abilities offers information regarding language function at both the level of discourse (macrostructure) and the sentence and word levels (microstructure). oth macrostructure and microstructure levels are important for evaluating narrative competence across the lifespan (estby & ulatta, ). he abilities of a speaker to narrate a “tellable” story is also influenced by one’s life experiences, world knowledge and cultural heritage (liss & Mcabe, ivush et al., ). here is etensive evidence that people who have suffered a stroke and have aphasia eperience significant challenges with narration. phasia is an acuired language deficit usually as a result of stroke that affects comprehension and production of spoken andor written language. hallmark of aphasia is anomia, that is, wordfinding problems (ambanaros, ) evident in spontaneous communications (ambanaros, ). esearch studies reporting on the difficulties people with aphasia have with narration are referenced in three recent reviews addressing the linguistic level of analysis (ryant, erguson & pencer, ) the current theoretical and methodological challenges (innik astiannse & hle, ) and the uality of discourse information measures used in aphasia work (ritchard et al., ). On the whole, at the microstructure level, impaired narrative abilities have been linked to word level deficits (Marini et al., ) and breakdown of sentence structure (hitworth et al., ). n contrast, at the macrostructure level, people with aphasia tend to produce coherent narratives regardless of word and surface sentence structure deficits (Olness & nglebretson, Olness & latowska, ). espite a burgeoning literature eploring the discourse abilities of people with aphasia poststroke, only a small body of research has focused on competence in producing personal event narratives. ersonal (event) narratives are stories a person constructs from memory about an eperienced event. n this case, the narrator is familiar with the event(s) and characters and has easy access to the content and relevant details (ivush et al., ). urthermore, during the telling the narrator often uses evaluative statements and nonverbal epressions that reflect their thoughts and emotions about the eperienced event and what makes the story worth sharing (Olness & latowska, ). abov and aletky () refer to personal narratives as “the paradigm of human communication” acknowledging their important status in everyday life. n fact, one would

struggle to recall a typical day in which a personal story relaying an event is not shared lness latowsa, , whether short eg, a few sentences about what happened at the maret or long eg, a significant lifeturning event such as the birth of a baby t is assumed by the speaer that the hearer does not now the events, subseuently actions are described causally or are rationally connected estby ulatta, ivush et al, or the listener, a coherent narrative must include details referring to the , , , and , details of the event abov, his is termed the “referential function” of the narrative n the other hand, when the narrator expresses their thoughts, emotions and evaluations about what happened ivush et al, , this refers to the “evaluative function” of the narrative abov, t a philosophical level, being the narrator of a personal event presupposes the awareness of oneself as the and estby ulatta, ompetence in producing personal narratives is considered important for a speaer’s social and psychological wellbeing as it gives them the opportunity to “make sense” (again) of the experience during the telling orsten et al, ersonal narratives are closely intertwined with cultural identity liss cabe, , and are considered “the point at which the individual and culture intersect” (Fivush et al., 2011:323). enerally, in health care settings, personal narratives are considered clinically important as stories are used to inform practice and build rapport between the clinician and the patient all owell, ersonal event narratives are also considered ecologically salient tass since through everyday experience, contextual details, person revealing characteristics and information about feelings and meanings are shared all owell, lness latowsa, n this wor, personal event narratives were elicited by probing from long term memory the experience of having a stroe sually, stroe symptoms come on very suddenly, leaving the survivor awestricen wondering where “it” (the stroke) came from (theninirard, here is no doubt that the experience of stroe is a lifechanging event, and uniuely experienced by each survivor troe narratives have been shown to be important tools for reflecting on, understanding and sharing the experience and in particular

for working through identity (re)negotiation (orsten et al., 201 rmstrong latowska, 200) after the stroke event. owever, there is no research exploring stroke narratives in the two languages of ilingual people with aphasia. his is remarkale given the large numers of ilingual andor multilingual speakers worldwide with aphasia, and the considerale literature on assessment and treatment considerations relevant to this population (see oral onnor, 2013).

Bacgroun o h suy

he focus of the present study is on ilingual immigrants with aphasia, a vulnerale social group whose 1 or mother tongue is a heritage language in the country of residence. ll participating ilingual people with aphasia resided in ustralia and were nonnative speakers of nglish who produced stroke stories in their native language reek (1) and their second language nglish (2). he personal stroke stories recounted y the ilingual individuals with aphasia were analysed at the microstructure level (for length and propositions) and for macrostructure (coherence, clarity, preservation of temporal causal relations, reakdowns in reference). Finally, given the suggestion y Schroeder and Marian (2014:115) that “the linguistic structure and cultural associations of the particular language a ilingual is using determine what is encoded during an event and how memories are reported”, prompted the comparison of the ilingual stroke narratives for semantic content, mainly if more memories (information) was accessed and encoded in the native heritage language, reek, compared to the less proficient 2, nglish.

sarch usions

he aim is to exclusively examine ilingual stroke narratives for their referential language (i.e., clear statement of events), and how language is used to highlight important information in each language (1 and 2) ased upon the work of lness and latowska (2011). he research uestions to e addressed are threefold. o ilingual immigrants with strokerelated aphasia:

23 S S: SS M S MMS S S

1 produce coherent and clear narraties in oth 1 (ree) and 2 (nglish) 2 sho siilardierent use o stor eleents (eg, teporal causal structure, reerence and code sitching) in 1 (ree) s 2 (nglish) narrate ore inoration (eents) in a ore proicient 1 (ree) s a eaer 2 (nglish)

aricipans

he stroe narraties ro si ilingual ree–nglish speaing indiiduals ith luent, anoic aphasia (our ales and to eales, aged eteen 0 and 4 ears) ere used in the stud eographic inoration is reported in ale 1

– y the author’s institute committee on

ographic inoraion

–

hat situations articiants soe ree anor nish articiants ere orn in reece an ha een iin in ustraia on aerae or years rane – years hey ha a acuire nish as a secon anuae ater uerty or in eary authoo rane – years o ae uon miration to ustraia articiants ha attene schooin in reece rane – years reeain imite eucation not eceein senior hih schoo o iniiua as eucate in ustraia shoin that nish as earnt inormay ha remori emoyment sis that i not reuire ecetionay hih conitie an inuistic sis e actory orer tai rier aiter an a enoye istenin to stories ut aso tein stories to amiy an riens in ree an nish iinua eoe ith ahasia ere marrie an ie at home ith their souse ut one ere marrie to a ree orn in reece he ree anuae as reominanty use in the home an ith immeiate amiy ut not ith ranchiren an at cutura eents or reiious settins nish as reominanty use in aiy actiities outsie the home such as shoin car an home maintenance anin meica an heath issues tain ith ranchiren an neihors etc articiants consiere themsees uent seaers o nish as it as use on a aiy asis era oth ree an nish ere use on a reuar asis in their aiy ies anuae roiciency as assesse inirecty y means o a sereort in resonse to a seratin anuae scae use in reious research y the author amanaros an teenrue ach articiant as reueste to rate their roiciency usin a ie oint scae o oor air oo ery oo to eceent in the ooin moaities unerstanin communicatinseain reain ritin he case history an seratin scaes ere necessary to etermine hether the iinua eoe ith ahasia ere uent iinuas rean oststroe that is ere seain oth anuaes on a reuar asis amiy inormant was asked to verify subjects’ language abilities or oth anuaes rior to the stroe aso n sum a iinua eoe ith ahasia in the current stuy ha a uent ahasia ase on cinica assessment usin stanarise anuae assessments in nish an ree that cou e est characterise as anomia ranin rom mi to moerate in oth anuaes

liciaion o sro narrais

articiants were asked to tell te story of teir stroke in reek and nglis at least ten days apart by the author using the prompts “Tell me about your stroke. What happened?”, “Take your time” and “Try to remember as much as you can” for both languages. The languages were counterbalanced between articiants ie tree articiants told teir stroke story first in reek and later in nglis and te reaining tree articiants did te reverse troke narratives were elicited in te oe in eac case using a “willing listener” approach wherein participants produced their stories sontaneously wit inial interrution by te clinician esonses were audiorecorded and transcribed verbati

nalyss or lngh conn an srucur

troke narrative transcrits were analysed for lengt content and structure in eac language as well as on all ualitative easures reorted below by tree indeendent evaluators wo were native seakers of reek and nglis resectively and ad soe foral linguistic training ata were analysed descritively witout any statistical analyses strictly following te ublised rocedure outlined by latowska and colleagues latowska et al ualitative analyses were used to deterine te level of coerence and clarity using a oint scale for eac nalysis of coerence and clarity for eac stroke narrative was subjectively based in reek and nglis o classify as coerent te overall seantic eaning and “wholeness” of the narrative ad to be reserved for te listener to ake sense of te narrative n contrast, stroke narratives were classified “not coherent” when the narrative did not ake sense to te listener articularly in cases were te seaker ad difficulties wit referential asects of te narration and teoralcausal organisation iilarly a stroke narrative was “clear” when overall eaning of te stroke story was intact troke narratives tat were vague or off toic were rated as “not clear”. Furthermore, a 3oint scale was develoed to describe reservation of teoral causal relations and a oint scale for te nuber of disrutions of reference lso given tat stroke

T FT T T F T T T samples were produced in the two languages and that both languages are activated during language processing chroeder arian, a code switching category was introduced to uantify instances of codeswitching either from to or vice versa using a point range . n addition, a point content rating scale was developed to evaluate the similarity of information reported in vs. stroke narratives , , , . Finally, reek narratives were compared to nglish narratives to determine where significant differences in event recall occurred across the languages.

liabiliy

Three independent evaluators for each language, native speakers of either reek or nglish, rated the narratives for length, content and structure see above. ointbypoint interrater reliability ranged from to across areas reported above. These were independent udgements that were compared. n the case of disagreement, consensus was reached after discussion or decided upon by the author.

suls

arrative competence of bilingual people with aphasia was evaluated based on personal stroke stories told in reek and nglish. verall, bilingual people with aphasia produced a sufficient amount of language as measured by the number of propositions in the stroke narratives for each language. ropositions were calculated as a semantic unit consisting of a main predicate with its argument lness, atteson tewart, . troke narratives in reek had a mean of 3.3 propositions range – and in nglish a mean of propositions range –. esults of a Wilcoon test of dependent samples revealed nonsignificant differences between and narratives for length .3, p.3. enerally speaking, bilingual people with aphasia produced longer stroke narratives in their native language, with the eception of one participant who produced a longer narrative in nglish propositions vs. reek 3 propositions. y and large, there was a wide range in the number of

rall cohrnc an clariy

rsraion o poralcausal rlaions

Braon in rrnc

Co siching

The example below is from participant DK’s L1 (Greek) narrative children’s visi DK’s Greek stroke story was rated as demonstrating a high amount of code

Το first time δεν ήρθα εδώ Τα παιδιά μου ήταν όλα εκεί και κάνανε worry Έγινε mistake … wrong Εγώ δεν το ξέρω τα παιδιά μου το λένε τώραμε λένε mummy hard me to say because you have a little bit … you lost it

L T T TK T LGL GKGL GT LG T TL

did not come here the first time ll my children were there and they were worrying. There was a mistake … wrong. I do not know but my children tell me now …

n the case of DK but also all other participants the codeswitching behaviour observed in the context of aphasia was not pathological but typical of the linguistic and cultural group the bilingual people with aphasia are members of

Conn o bilingual sro narrais

The similarity in content of bilingual stroke narratives in Greek (L1) and nglish (L) are reported in Table

abl ated similarity in content between L1 (Greek) and L (nglish) stroke narratives and additional relevant information or events provided exclusively in L1 (Greek) and not in L (nglish)

Conn raing iional inoraion proi o ns in aricipan L Described physical symptoms related to stroke experienced in church (throat arm tremor) eported drinking water after the symptoms Told his wife he was not feeling well DK Described waking up husband eferred to tablets she was on eported carrying medication with her in ambulance Described the weather (t was raining) eported where she waited for the ambulance (on her house veranda)

T eorted that his wie had rung him during his stroke eisode I escribed the I rocedure escribed heart eamination one eorted on the number o strokes she had suered so ar Told her husband she was not eeling well escribed not being able to moe her arm eorted on the length o stay in hosital weeks name o hosital eorted on the length o stay in rehab weeks name o rehab centre escribed her current symtoms ingers being numb ommented on the outcome o hysio treatment no changedierence eorted on the number o heart attacks she had reiously suered an bilingual content rating o stroke narratie oint scale identical in ery similar in somewhat similar in not similar in number o additional inormation.

erall narraties in the two languages were ealuated in the range o “somewhat similar” to “very similar”, but most bilingual eole with ahasia roided additional inormation in reek ranging rom – eents not reorted in nglish. The additional inormation reorted coered the ollowing areas i strokerelated inormation e.g. hysical symtoms medical rocedures ii healthrelated issues e.g. medication and iii other e.g. the weather at the time.

iscussion

he arratives o biliual immirats with ahasia were evaluate or lobal oheree, larity, temoralausal seuei, a reeretial lauae i both their ative lauae ree a their seo lauae lish base uo wor ioeere by latowsa a olleaues less latowsa, , rmstro latowsa, latowsa et al, latowsa et al, or mooliual seaers o lish with ahasia aitio, a oeswithi ateory was iororate i the arrative aalyses ive the biliual status a ultural ietity o both the eole with ahasia a the liiia author olleti the stories ivush et al, hroeer aria, lso, the series o evets reorte by biliual eole with ahasia i their stroe arratives or eah lauae were evaluate or similarity or ot o semati otet, a ay aitioal meaiul evets reorte i the ative lauae ree but ot lish were reore t is imortat to ote that ree was better reserve i all ases ater stroe a was osiere by most artiiats their omiat lauae his is the irst researh o arrative ometee i biliual ahasia, with a artiular ous o immirats who resie i a outry where their mother toue or ative lauae has the status o a heritae lauae, a aess to health servies ater stroe reuires roiiey i the lish lauae the whole, stroe arratives i both the lauaes o biliual eole with ahasia ha a suiiet amout o lauae to mae the story “tellable” to the listener. Some bilingual eole with ahasia roue lo arratives while others roue shorter stories or the maority o biliual eole with ahasia , loer stroe stories were roue i the ative lauae, ree omare to lish, but the oosite was also observe or oe iiviual his ii o iiviual ierees i amout o lauae roue is i lie with what is reorte o the wie rae i leth o stroe arratives roue by mooliual eole with ahasia latowsa et al, ith rears to the irst researh uestio oeri oheree a larity, this rou o biliual immirats, with mil to moerate aomi

S S SS S S S S ahasia roue oherent an lear narraties in both their natie language ree an their seon language nglish esite isrutions brought about b orretrieal eiits tial o anomia. n general stroe narraties ere more oherent an learer in ree omare to nglish but this ining as not uneete sine the ree language as better resere or most artiiants seeral ears ater stroe an is urrentl onsiere their ominant language esite resiing in ustralia an liing in an nglishominant soiet. he ining that bilingual eole ith ahasia sho no maor iiulties rouing oherent narraties in both their ree an nglish is line ith hat has been onsistentl reorte b latosa an olleagues or monolingual nglish seaers ith mil–moerate ahasia. he results o the seon researh uestion on the use o stor elements in an are isusse belo in relation to i the use o temoralausal seuenes ii the egree o isrutions in the use o reerene an iii oe sithing behaiours emonstrate b bilingual eole ith ahasia hen narrating their stroe stor. ll bilingual eole ith ahasia in this stu emonstrate narratie ometene in an beause o resere temoralausal struture o the stroe stories logial beginning mile an en that ostere oerall oherene. here ere no ierenes beteen ree an nglish or the use o temoral ausal seuenes reealing that this nonlanguage seii element as resere in both languages o bilingual eole ith ahasia ater stroe. eerene seii haraters an their atiities as resere in the maorit o stroe narraties in but in onl one narratie in . al o the artiiants emonstrate a mil breaon in reerene in narraties hile to artiiants emonstrate a moerate breaon in reerene or both languages. reaon in reerene as most obious hen more than to haraters ere mentione or inormation unrelate to the stroe stor e.g. reurbishing a house b ominate the narratie. t is ellestablishe rom the monolingual ahasia literature that most eole ith ahasia hae iiulties ith reerene hen rouing narraties lness latosa . he inings regaring reerene in this stu suggest irst that reerential language an be an area o iiult or bilingual eole ith ahasia artiularl in their

Conclusion

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MARA KAMBANARS

Laboy, W. Labov, . xford: Blackwell. Laboy and Waletsky, W. Labov and J. Waletsky, “Narrative analysis”. In , ed. J. Helm: –. Seattle: University of Seattle Press. Linnik, Bastiannse and Hhle, A. Linnik, R. Bastiannse and B. Höhle, “Discourse production in aphasia: a current review of theoretical and methodological challenges”, , :–. Marini, Andreeta, del Tin and Carlomagno, A. Marini, S. Andreeta, S. del Tin and S. Carlomagno, “A multilevel approach to the analysis of narrative language in aphasia”, , :–. lness and Englebretson, G.S. lness and E.F. Englebretson, “On the coherence of information highlighted by narrators with aphasia”, , :–. lness, Matteson and Stewart, G.S. Olness, S.E. Matteson and C.T. Stewart, “‘Let me tell you the point’: how speakers with aphasia assign prominence to information in narratives”, , :–. lness and Ulatowska, G.S. lness and H.K. Ulatowska, “Personal narratives in aphasia: coherence in the context of use”, , :–. lness and Ulatowska, G.S. lness and H. Ulatowska, “Aphasias”. In . Perspectives in Pragmatics, Philosophy and Psychology Series, ed. L. Cummings: –. Cham: Springer. theninGirard, C. theninGirard, “A personal narrative: living with the experience of aphasia, verbal dyspraxia and foreign accent syndrome”, , :–. Pritchard, Hilari, Cocks and ipper, M. Pritchard, K. Hilari, N. Cocks and L. Dipper, “Reviewing the quality of discourse information measures in aphasia”, , :–. Schroeder and Marian, S. Schroeder and V. Marian, “Bilingual episodic memory: how speaking two languages influences remembering”. n , eds. R. Heredia and J. Altarriba: –. New ork: Springer. Tamis, A.M. Tamis, “The Greek language in contact with English in Australia”, , :–. Ulatowska, Reyes, lea Santos and Worle, H.K. Ulatowska, B. Reyes, T. lea Santos and C. Worle, “Stroke narratives in aphasia: the role of reported speech”, , :–.

PERSONAL NARRATIVE ATER STROKE: STORIES ROM BILINGUAL GREEKENGLISH IMMIGRANTS LIVING IN SOUTH AUSTRALIA

Ulatowska, Reyes, Santos, Garst, Vernon and McArthur, H.K. Ulatowska, B. Reyes, T.O. Santos, D. Garst, J. Vernon and J. McArthur, “Personal narratives in aphasia: understanding narrative competence”, , :–. Westby and Culatta, C. Westby and B. Culatta, “Telling tales: personal event narratives and life stories”, :–. Whitworth, Claessen, Leitao and Webster, A. Whitworth, M. Claessen, S. Leitao and J. Webster, “Beyond narrative: is there an implicit structure to the way in which adults organize their discourse?”, :–.

rAustralian Women’s Love ory o rrain an ransnaionalis

Konstandina Dounis

This paper sees to showcase the various facets of love, romantic and otherwise, eplored by reeustralian women writers in their poetry and prose. t reinforces the paramount significance of contetuality in relation to women’s experiences if verbal privilege is, indeed, going to have the effect of breaing through communityengendered silences. To that end, being cognizant of the sociohistorical contet of these poems, particularly those of firstgeneration women writers of the s, s and s, gives to these wors a certain resonant depth, thus saving them from the charge of being merely facile fancies. urther, this paper sees to demonstrate that those writings emanating from their secondgeneration daughters reflect persistent intersections with a eenly eperienced transnationalism, the traversing of terrain, in all its tangible and intangible compleity, a central feature throughout.

arious facets of love, romantic and otherwise, have been eplored by reeustralian women writers in their poetry and prose. This thematic focus — particularly when embraced by firstgeneration writers — inevitably initiates various levels of surprise in the reeustralian community. ts systemic patriarchy, carried through successive generations by the currents of diaspora, ensures that firstgeneration reeustralian women writers, and even their secondgeneration daughters, have been viewed through a prism of unstinting conservatism, their image confined to that rarefied, essentially aseual, domain of “devoted wife and mother” and “good Greek daughter”. part from establishing that reeustralian women writers actually do engage in the writing of love poems, this paper also sees to demonstrate that reeustralian women writers’ portrayal of “love” in their poetry and prose reflects persistent intersections with a eenly eperienced

transnationalism, the traversing of terrain, in all its tangible and intangible complexity, being a central feature his experience of transnationalism as it pertains to their romantic relationships conoins first, second and third generation women alike who are connected through this millennium’s globalisation here is another consideration predicated on any consideration of the literature discussed here or elucidation, turn to the clarity and conviction of drienne ich he following poem is from the series entitled, “North American Time”. It reinforces the significance of contextuality in relation to women’s experiences if verbal privilege is ever going to break through the silence

uppose you want to write of a woman braiding another woman’s hair — straight down, or with beads and shells in threestrand plaits or corn rows — you had better know the thickness the length the pattern why she decides to braid her hair how it is done to her what country it happens in what else happens in that country

ou have to know these things ich,

ich stipulates that the minutiae of this particular preoccupation must be researched and comprehended as a matter of urgency — “you have to know these things” he direct addressing of the reader underscores the imperative endemic to the undertaking ontexts, whether physical, political, social or cultural, must be given their due weight — “how it is done to herwhat country it happens in”

ou ave to no tese tins

eing cogniant of the sociohistorical context of GreekAustralian women’s love poems, particularly those of firstgeneration writers of the s, s and s, gives to these works a certain resonant depth, thus saving them

AUSTRALIAN WOMEN’S LOV T TAIN AN TANNATINAI

from the charge of being merely facile fancies. A characteristic case in point is the following early poem by katerini paloukas

utside your house you sit and sew while I pass by forlorn why don’t you turn to look at me my love for you I’ve sworn.

You don’t turn round, you just don’t care you don’t see me at all steel bars could bend before you deign to look beyond your wall.

ive me your hand, your lovely hand so soft and oh so white and comfort this poor heart of mine that loves you with all its might.

I throw a daisy up to you its petals, golden charms, and if you love me as I love you come fall into my arms.

A lyrical piece in both the reek version and the nglish translation, it has been set to music and echoes the techniues of reek folksong. It appears to be a simple poem about unreuited love however, a consideration of its historical and cultural contexts yields nuances which, while imperceptible upon first reading, emerge later. Rich’s assertions that we must know things happen to women and these things happen take an interesting turn here. iven the biographical details of the vast maority of firstgeneration women writers, it is safe to assume that the setting here is a village in reece. The timeframe is more than likely during the s, the postwar period which allowed a certain freedom of movement unencumbered by the fear of curfews and enemy reprisals at

katerini paloukas, “On the Balcony”Trans. . ounis, , reek Μια Πιερίδα στο Νότο. This poem has been set to music by reekAustralian academic and composer, avlos Andronikos and included on the , elbourne . Andronikos . Adam, song .

ONSTANINA OUNIS

least, for the men. The ingrained atriarchy ensured that the women’s lot was just as oressive, and one oressor was transosed y another. The seaer is a male — ovious in the ree version — ecause a woman eternalising such desires ac then would have een considered to e transgressing the ervading moral code. ere we have a woman writer ortraying a lovelorn male assing y a home where the oject of his desire sits sewing ehind a stone wall, refusing to succum to the flirtatious advances of her admirer. The very fact that the young woman is ortrayed as erennially sewing is a reflection of the deserate economic need of the times. She is more than likely “sewing to educate brothers younger than her”, to uote a line from another oem. The licence that such intertetual mirroring affords, gives credence to this as a ossile scenario. To sustain this seculative interretation to its ossile conclusion in the sociohistorical framewor of the time, if the young woman did, in fact, “fall into his arms”, her oor economic status would no dout imede any ossiility of marriage. This would occur unless the male in uestion dislayed uncharacteristic valour and was reared to relocate oth himself and the oject of his desire far away from the suffocating ree village terrain as eisted u until the s. Many years later, Litsa Nicolooulouogas, in rose oem form, recollects a youthful romantic encounter. Buoyed y the distance of time and hysical landscae, she recounts the consummation of that desire. The ittersweet sadness of the final declaration leaves no dout that the union was short lived. ad the man een deicted as eing of uestionale character, the memory of their fleeting union would not have remained as a “sacred charm” in the woman’s heart. Given the war, overty and the dowry system, the searation was liely to have been engendered from “without” rather than from “within”

The young woman is uneasy, waiting for her lover. At dus she is jolted y the sound of his footstes. Nervous, she nears the door and oens it, welcomes him inside, eager to sense the freshness, the joy of Sring.

Konstandina Dounis, “For my Mother”, 200. rom what I have een told y my arents and the select others in my acuaintance who married for love, Greece’s large urban centres – such as Athens and Thessalonii, for eamle – rovided some ossiility for refuge. But, more often than not, it was the ossiility for freedom inherent in transnational crossings that loomed as the only viale solution. See ounis, –.

GKAUSTRALIAN WOMEN’S LOVE POETRY: OF TERRAIN AND TRANSNATIONALISM

The young man enters and gives her love’s first kiss and she feels the beginning and the end intermingle as one her heart takes flight and everything inside her dances.

hat first kiss has everremained a sacred charm within her.

Once “we know these things”, these seemingly simle oems transform into a collective document of Greek village women’s oppression. They go some way to elain the thousands of young Greek women acked off to traverse the seas alone, headed for marriage with a man they had never met but whose deserate loneliness in the foreign land and desire for a wife meant he waved his customary right to demand a dowry. f ostwar transnational movements enhanced the cultural translantation at the heart of diasora currents from one generation to the net, they also ensured that the seeds were sewn for the deviation from traditional cultural mores. Stuart all describes these diasoric identities as “not grounded in the archaeology, but in the of the past”, and ualifies this remark

he diasora eerience as intend it here is defined, not by essence or urity, but by the recognition of a necessary heterogeneity and diversity…diasora identities are those which are constantly roducing and reroducing themselves anew, through transformation and difference. all, 2

onsider Dina manatides’ poem, “To Love”, dedicated to her husband, Kyriakos manatides

ou came and Sring smiled warmly. ou soke and the dew kissed a flower. ou laughed and the music became a magical symhony.

itsa ikolooulouGogas, “Eros”, rans. K. Dounis, 2002 Greek Ζωγραφιές Ζωής. Stuart Hall, 1999:224. For further elaboration around this notion of: “fluidity of constructed styles and identities”, see Steven Vertovec obin ohen, ntroduction i–. For a more secific focus on the ostwar Greekustralian community, see icholas Doumanis, –.

ONSTANDINA DOUNIS

You passed by and our Silence drowned out other voices.

And what if you hadn’t come?

If you hadn’t come we would have never seen the Spring. We would have never felt the dew. We would have never understood the music. We would have never known Silence’s secrets.

You came … and we lived. Amanatides, 211: 42

Amanatides was born and raised in the Greek township of Meligala, an area that suffered carnage of epic proportions during World War II and the Greek ivil War. arely had these two tragic events ended when she lost her beloved mother, followed by her father’s passing shortly after. The dearth of any sort of possibility for future aspirations being realised in her homeland resulted in her migration to Australia to oin her brother, who had migrated several years before. Arduous manual labour in numerous factories ensued, the only respite from the bleakness of her daily routine being the poems which she occasionally sent to the GreekAustralian newspapers in circulation during the 19s. Through these sporadic publications she came to the attention of her future husband. Their love of words formed the basis of an unbreakable bond that has lasted until the present day. After a life of relentless hardship and intermittent horror, this union saw her embark on a married life filled with support and encouragement for her literary endeavours. No wonder she writes of her husband in words that radiate an affirmation of life, with verses that reflect the oy of creation in all its manifestation. In this contet, the final declaration — “you came and we lived” — is no eaggerated romanticism. On the contrary, the writer acknowledges her emergence from

See Helen Nickas, “Interview with Dina Amanatides”, , 1992:192–19. For a more detailed delineation of these publications in community newspapers in the 19s, see anarakis 19: 229. See onstandina Dounis, “Introduction”, in Dina Amanatides’, 21:1–1.

AUSTRALIAN WOMEN’S LOVE POETRY: OF TERRAIN AND TRANSNATIONALISM

the shroud of death in her homeland, to the oy of life’s possibilities in her new, adopted country.

ros an lae

A few firstgeneration women writers have engaged with love poetry that is erotically charged, and their passion is reflected in metaphors of urgency, radiating colour and teture. ach poem reflects the territory that the writer navigated in their migration. nsurprisingly, asso alamaras, who settled for two decades in the rural isolation of animup in Western Australia, produces verses whose power emanates from the beauty of nature

So this simple cord that binds your body from the hip to the very armpit, lightly kisses the nipple of the breast, the sensual branch, binding my passion to you like tendrils round a thorn bush new shoots of love the miracle of your kiss.

In contrast, Antigone Kefala’s piece touches on themes pertaining to the diasporic eperience in the early years of nonEnglish speakers’ migration, inevitably entailing difficulties in communication, stark feelings of alienation and debilitating “bending over silences”. The metaphor of “unwanted luggage” rounds off Kefala’s meditation

I think of nothing but you. I reinvent obsessively your presence, day by day. I see nothing but you, your lips constantly moving without sound, I bend over the silence

To get a sense of Kalamaras’ affinity with the Australian rural landscape see, Helen Nickas, “Interview with Vasso Kalamaras”, , –. asso Kalamaras, “Loving”, , .

KONSTANDINA DOUNIS

trying to grasp the secret resonance. I wait at the window the night still with moonlight. Why have you left me this unwanted luggage

Tina Giannoukos’ “Sonnet XIII” contains the essence of a love affair informed by traectories of difference, the nature of which is further highlighted against the backdrop of the allencompassing inclusivity suggested by the terse summation of: all lovers are linked. The ensuing positioning of the word “liturgy” is interesting because it entails a further “referentiality” enhanced through the prism of the poet’s particular linguistic and cultural background. That is, this word can be perceived within the formulary of hristian religious worship however, it is also a Greek word meaning “the usual manner in which certain things function”. These superimposed shades of meaning give a further compleity to this love, the permeable parameters of which allow transgression, the cited violation coming in the form of linguistic disharmony. The disengagement between the lovers is rendered complete with the powerful image “in dialogue, we discover the monologue”, and is finally rounded off with a plaintive musical echo from long ago, underscoring the pain of love’s loss from time immemorial:

All loves are linked. The liturgy of this affair, heretical, permits violation. In dialogue, we discover the monologue. My words slip between idioms. I am in drag. The monasticism of your love whets the tongue, and a startling ecessiveness emerges. You are right to limit the alphabet of my love. The vowels of moaning proliferate. Polyphony disturbs your spare musicality. are is the sound of your pain. No one

Antigone Kefala, “Letter”, , :.

GKAUSTRALIAN WOMEN’S LOVE POETRY: OF TERRAIN AND TRANSNATIONALISM

can play this harmony of silence and complaint y favourite instrument, right now, is the lyre of lament

umerous firstgeneration writers, particularly those venturing into prose in their later years, eplore the possiilities of romantic love among men and women in their age group In ionysia ousouraTsoukala’s “The Haunted Bridge” the widow at the centre of her short story finds love again while tending to her husband’s grave in the Greek section of the cemetery. hat started as a friendly echange through a shared sense of grief develops into deep affection and — with their children’s blessing — asoula and the widower, icola, decide to marry hotos of their respective late spouses grace the walls of their shared home, and they oth agree that that should e uried with them when the time comes, ut their union has given them much oy and lessed relief from the spectre of loneliness in their twilight years hat makes an impression on the narrator is that asoula looks years younger than when she first met her a few years ago She has the look of a woman who has finally — in old age and at the opposite end of the earth to the village she was orn in — has een ale to determine her own fate and marry a man of her choosing ousouraTsoukala, – If love of family features, so too does the love of friends The following poem y ota Krili reflects the power of friendship to elevate a mood The cultural metaphor is shared in the reading of poetry in the mother tongue

ou came tonight, unepected without knowing that it was my irthday ou read the poems of asos and the sorrow that was clotting inside me, melted our talk tonight, a lullay in my silent suffering and your presence like an angel’s in my numed life

12 Tina Giannoukos, “Sonnet XIII”, , Yota Krili, “Visitor”, ,

KONSTANDINA DOUNIS

However, in the case of Greek immigrants who ventured to these shores in the hundreds of thousands in the s and s, friends assumed a crucial role. Most people, at least initially, came here alone — with neither spouse, nor parents or siblings. They were alone in a strange land, without access to the dominant language and with meagre access to their loved ones back in their homeland. Friends became their family in the Antipodes, so much so that their children called every adult either “aunty” or “uncle” irrespective of actual blood ties. Because grandparents were absent from the postwar migratory years in the diaspora, etended family epanded rather than vertically.

omle lansaes

Second and thirdgeneration GreekAustralian women writers have produced a large body of love poems, their increasingly obvious ease in epressing their passion for the obect of their desire an eample of their ease in diaspora’s generational journey. The poems are generally in English, and the writers’ facility in this linguistic landscape reflects their intimate situation in the physical landscape. Melissa Petrakis’ poem “I Have Loved Him” is as much about her love affair with her partner as it is about her affection for the city of Melbourne, so lovingly is it described. Helena Spyrou’s “Looking to Catch the Air” is a poem of successive images, rendered through the prism of memory, that centre on a love lost and resought with feverish intensity. The colours and sounds of the city, infused with the haste of the teeming throng of commuters, form a sort of blurred backdrop to the singleminded purpose distilled in this desire to reconnect with the “distanced lover”. The references to “trains, blinds and red towers” convey a strong sense of Melbourne’s inner suburbs, and the

See Anastasios Myrodis Tamis, :– G. GeorgiouYiannis, :–. For individual testimonies, see Vivienne Morris, . There was a funny scene, the humour of which was based on the misconceptions that this ritual of so naming gives rise to, in Tes Lyssiotis’ play, “I’ll Go to Australia and Wear a Hat” This, as yet unpublished play was first performed at La Mama Theatre, Melbourne, May– une . Melissa Petrakis, “I have Loved Him”, , :.

GEEAUSTRALIAN WOMEN’S LOVE POETRY: OF TERRAIN AND TRANSNATIONALISM

successive images are vivid and textured through the familiarity that one’s place of birth renders possible. Second and thirdgeneration daughters have written many poems that are erotically charged. Salome Argyropoulos captures the joyousness of a seual encounter in the following poem. The “fire of the gods” at the end is a sort of obliue nod to her pagan ancestors, although it leaves no doubt that their patriarchal constrictions have been abandoned for the ehilaration of this physical union

Touch me with your soft hands silently beckoning me for a taste of that sweet smelling love like thick nectar. Tell me boldly with a flash of your eyes not to go and I will gladly stay to anoint your beautiful body with a love eternal like the fire of the gods.

As the title suggests, Koraly Dimitriadis’ collection is composed of a series of provocative and graphic love poems. They eplore the breakdown of the writer’s marriage, the utter disappointment of her parents at her perceived failure to hold her marriage together for the sake of diasporic community honour, and her subseuent euphoria at being free, at last, to live her life as she wishes. Her seual liaisons — alternately fulfilling and disastrous — are nonetheless on her terms, and the accumulated lessons learned fortify her sense of self imitriadis, . The poems are also firmly planted in the Australian landscape. This is nowhere better eemplified than in the poem “aylesford”, the name of the idyllic ictorian town famous for its spas and picturesue surrounds. There, the poet and her husband retreat in a bid to save their marriage for the sake of their little girl. Adrienne Rich’s insistence on the importance of contet echoes here. aylesford had never been an area that was freuented by firstgeneration GreekAustralian immigrants, particularly in the early days of their migration, because they

Helena Spyrou, “Looking to Catch the Air”, , . Salome Argyropoulos, “Spiral Love”, , .

KONSTANDINA DOUNIS

generally preferred coastal regions that reminded them of reece. y placing the town’s name in the title of the poem, the poet is drawing attention to this particular landscape as her destination of choice now that she in the painful process of asserting her right to live her life on her terms. The terrain, both physical and emotional, of the reekAustralian community has become much too restrictive in scope the wider Australian community offers a vast place of choice and new possibilities Dimitriadis, :. In her short story “Pandora’s Box Reopened” Chrisoula Simos declares that “in contrast to my mother, I grew up in a generation that had not only the hope, but the expectation that they would explore their sexuality, perhaps find romantic love, and have a partnership of equals”. In Angela Pippos meets the “ideal future soninlaw”, the educated reekAustralian, eorge. After a few dates, however, he all but disappears — no calls, no text messages, no emails, nothing. She goes through a period of sadness and introspection and then decides to take the road that many secondgeneration reekAustralian women have taken: she leaves for a trip to Greece, specifically her parents’ ancestral island of Ithaca, where the beauty of the countryside and the everpresent male attentiveness make her feel desirable and alive Pippos, :–. As Anastasia Panagakos perceptively notes:

Young people with a diasporic consciousness do not necessarily dwell on feelings of loss and exile like their parents. The traditional nostalgia bestowed by parents competes with fantasies of beaches, romance, chic fashion and an imagined reek culture. Panagakos, :

This phenomenon of going to the ancestral homeland has long been a feature of this country’s GreekAustralian reality, particularly from the s onwards. The mass migration of the s and s, and the hard work that accompanied it, eventually resulted in a certain degree of monetary comfort that allowed for a trip back home. These trips then became a prominent feature of the lives of secondgeneration offspring, who were inevitably mesmerised by the allure of the reek landscape. The visual impact was heightened by the fact that it was rarely mentioned at community gatherings, where the focus of conversation was often painful memories of the war years Damousi, . After growing up listening to

Chrisoula Simos, “Pandora’s Box Reopened”, , :–.

GRAUSTRALIAN WOMEN’S LOVE POETRY: OF TERRAIN AND TRANSNATIONALISM

many unutteraly sad stories of hunger and deprivation and general leakness, the reathtaking effect of the first glimpse of the idiosyncratic lue of a Greek sea and sky was a feast for the senses. In “Peloponnese Sunset”, Angela Costi encapsulates the essential eroticism inherent in this landscape, relentlessly intoxicating the visitor until landscape and desire are one

ow can you e lonely, you make love to this environment, the hills have slopes you can swoon on they have views you can open your thighs to they have enetian structures ready for you to take with one open gasp, they have seas that melt your gae, the colour of lilac if it was lue and lack crosses on white churches reminders of sacred sensuousness reminders of honey skinned almond eyes the touch of madness and of chance. Costi,

Is it any wonder many secondgeneration GreekAustralian women, who went to Greece on a holiday, ended up in a relationship there. any of these relationships resulted in these women relocating to Greece permanently. Apart from the intoxicating landscape, there was another, much more prosaic reason for this phenomenon. he girls growing up in the s and 70s in Australia’s Greek diasporic communities were repressed y the social mores that the parents held from prewar, rural Greek life. he patriarchal system meant that going out was difficult, forming romantic relationships impossile. Back in Greece, however, the people left ehind, particularly those who had relocated to the large metropolises of Athens and

or an overview of this phenomenon of girls from the Greek gloal diaspora visiting Greece, many on a regular asis – some even moving there permanently, despite eing orn elsewhere – see Georgina solidis, –196. As Tsolidis notes, “these women have identities that are not constrained y national oundaries and move within and etween communities, as these exist transnationally”. or a detailed analysis of this phenomenon as it pertains to the GreekAmerican experience, see Anastasia . Panagakos, , where she conoins the exceedingly personal with sociological research. Panagakos cites her ody as the locus of her connection with Greece: “nowhere else in the world could I e recognied as my father’s daughter y my looks alone”, 2003:.

ONSTANDINA DOUNIS

Thessaloniki, had oed on. They ere rateully eracin ore lieral ays o thinkin and liin. For secondeneration reekAustralian irls, oin to reece on their on as, literally and etaphorically, a reath o resh air. They ent out ith a eneance and ored roantic entanleents, unencuered y the dreaded adonitions they ere used to in Australia. Predictaly, these relationships ere soeties happy and lon lastin, and other ties, unhappy and short lied. In , or exaple, eana Vithoulkas oes throuh the entire spectru o possiilities. Fiore has a nuer o relationships durin her soourn in reece, ranin ro the truly horrile, throuh to a happy encounter ith a an ho proes her eual in ters o intellience and outlook and ith ho she could actually conteplate a uture, played out aainst a loal teplate Vithoulkas, 2003:31–319. The riht o second and thirdeneration reekAustralian oen to explore their sexuality, aniests in their ritins exclusiely in the doain of heterosexuality. A “ood reek girl” as expected to repay the sacriices that her irsteneration reek iirant parents ade y not conerrin counity shae on the throuh ehaiour that transressed the strict patriarchal paraeters that the reek inority indset had transplanted from Greece’s village terrain to Melbourne’s urban landscape. A “ood reek girl” was expected to marry — a certainly, a an preeraly — hae children, and conduct herself with propriety at all times. A “good Greek girl” did not declare hersel to e lesian As Panagakos’ points out in her research on the reekAerican diasporic experience, the essential indins o hich could readily e perceied as applicale to the reek Australian experience, there are:

… several unwritten rules enforced by social codes. Full inclusion into the ellenic ounity is ased on certain key attriutes: one ust e o reek ancestry, heterosexual, and reek Orthodox hristian. Lackin een one o these characteristics eans that to aryin derees one is socially unacceptale and ill not hae access to certain areas o counity life … I did not encounter any openly ay or lesian eers althouh there ere soe ruors circulatin as to ho iht e a closeted hoosexual i.e. achelors in their late 30s or 0s ho did not see interested in arriae. The copulsory heterosexuality o the ellenic ounity sees to drie ays and lesians aay ro the counity and ost likely ro their ailies as ell. Panaakos 2003:29

293

GAUSTRALIAN WOMEN’S LOVE POETRY: OF TERRAIN AND AAIAIM

Maria Katsonis’ recently published memoir Το Καλό Κορίτσι (the Greek meaning “the good girl” is the only GreekAustralian woman writer who came to my attention as having addressed her identity as a lesbian in her published writings. After enoying a very close and loving relationship with her father throughout her childhood and teenage years things started to unravel during her studies at university

A rite of passage for most Australians the act of leaving home rocked the family foundations. uring my second year at uni I told my father I was moving out as I needed my independence. He screamed at me, ‘How could you humiliate me like this?!’ he veins on his face popped with rage as he hurled slurs of disgrace and the deep shame I brought upon the family name. In his world, good Greek girls didn’t leave home until they got married … ‘Only a prostitute) would leave’, he spat at me. is savage barbs pierced my heart the hurt and anger fusing to form an impenetrable barrier between us. It took some months before our estrangement yielded to an uncomfortable truce and coexistence. atsonis

Once again, I turn to Anastasia Panagakos’ perspective for an illuminating summation

An idealied notion of Greek womanhood is a key marker of inclusion or exclusion. Female bodies come to represent the final barrier to culture loss real and imagined in the diaspora. omen proected as selfsacrificing mothers and devoted wives provide stability for an ethnic group increasingly challenged by dominant culture values loss of the mother tongue and intermarriage. When a woman’s behavior falls outside the normative range of gender practices the integrity of the community is seen as threatened. Panagakos

Katsonis certainly fell “outside the normative range of gender practices” when she bravely informed her father that she was gay the brutality of his response — beating her till she fell unconscious — going some way to explaining why no other woman writer has publically declared her sexual orientation as lesbian through her writings. Maria Katsonis’ father was not a monster in relation to other GreekAustralian fathers and atsonis herself goes to great lengths to not portray him as such in the pages of her memoir. e was a product of his times and those “times” allowed many Greek Australian men in the GreekAustralian community of the s s and

KONSTANDINA DOUNIS

s — the years of the minority mindset) to etend emotional and physical brutality towards their wives and daughters with impunity, as a sort of birthright to which their gender entitled them. Whatever the contet, however, the resultant reaction was a despicable one, and Katsonis depicts it with unflinching honesty.

I would like to conclude with a consideration of the most recent publication by Ekaterini Mpaloukas titled (). It is in chapbook form, consisting of five vignettes, each one focusing on a widow living in the small village that Mpaloukas hails from in northern Greece. The contrast with her poem, “The Balcony” could not be more marked. In “The Balcony”, the writer assumes a male persona and does not deviate from the folksong conventions of the day that constitute her literary prototype. Now — some fifty years later — Mpaloukas not only confidently uses her own voice, eploring different literary structures in the process, but takes as her subect matter those forgotten women in Greek rural environments who move in the shadowy periphery of village life. As I state in the Translator’s Note (:):

Ekaterini Mpaloukas’ , entailing five successive vignettes, is a significant publication for a number of reasons. Firstly, these finely wrought snapshots constitute a collective tribute to a once popular Greek dialect, spoken in the writer’s ancestral region of Pieria, that has all but disappeared from the Greek vernacular. Secondly, they focus on the lives of the women who are invariably left behind when their husbands pass away. Ekaterini Mpaloukas gives these women a voice that is rich in humour, nuanced in perception and, at times, achingly painful. Freed from the constraints of the blackclad stereotype, these women emerge as attractive, feisty and opinionated. The fact that these vignettes were written on the other side of the world, in the , reflects the diasporic connections endemic to Australia’s Greek community and highlights the importance of collective memory in documenting eperiences pertaining to both Greece and Australia.

She has each widow recount her memories of her married life, each snapshot entailing various degrees of romance and passion. The resultant

GEEAUSTRALIAN WOMEN’S LOVE POETRY: OF TERRAIN AND TRANSNATIONALISM

portrait is funny and provocative in its refusal to adhere to the predictability of conservativism

… He drank so much that he would have hallucinations. He’d imagine the caf owner in a dress, the bailiff in a bra, and that the king passed by with a sack slung over his shoulder. Come on, he’d say to me, bring two glasses and let us toast each other. hat could I do? I’d bring two glasses. And he would say to me, do you see this tsipouro f course I can see it ell, we have five senses one is for grabbing things so we know what they are, the second is for drinking, one for smelling, one for seeing, and the fifth one is for clinking our glasses so we can hear what the drink is. Is it or isn’t it so That’s how it is, Konstandi, exactly as you say. The minute he saw that I agreed and never crossed him, he would become enraptured with me and then … How could I ever forget him e was insatiable. If only he were still alive. I couldn’t care less how much he drank. ere and there I bring some tsipouro to his grave but I drink it on my own. ometimes I even sit on his grave in case he rises out of it Mpaloukas, –

When Mpaloukas wrote “The Balcony” it would never have occurred to her to have it translated into English. There was no need because its proected audience was the GreekAustralian community of the s, which was characterised, at that time, by a minority self and other perception, thereby ensuring its insularity astles Miller, . In , not only did Ekaterini Mpaloukas have her stories translated into English before the ink had dried on her original Greek versions, but she had two separate books printed, one in Greek and one in English, the latter print run being larger to cater for her everincreasing Englishspeaking readership. At her festive book launch — amply reflecting her warm disposition — the audience was eually divided between members from the Greek Australian community and the wider Australian one. ith these tets, a

This took place on May , at the Greek entre, Greek rthodo ommunity of Melbourne and ictoria.

KONSTANDINA DOUNIS sort of diasporic apotheosis has been attained: the local and the global have intersected. Panagakos observes that “participation in activities that do not pass through the homeland, and are developed beyond the control of the homeland, indicate the formation of new power relations in the reek diaspora” (2003:139). Rather than reekAustralian women writers waiting for validation from their homeland, they have created a dynamic base in their adopted homeland and are using their hardwon freedom to confer validation upon their marginalised sisters left behind in their isolated villages, in ancestral terrain. …

Amanatides, , D. Amanatides, . Trans. K. Dounis. Brighton: Owl Publishing. Andronikos, P. Andronikos, CD. Melbourne: P. Andronikos and S. Adam. Castles and Miller, S. Castles and M.. Miller, , th edn. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Clogg, R. Clogg, ed., . London: Macmillan. Cohen, R. Cohen, . London: Routledge. Costi, A. Costi, . Melbourne: Five Islands Press. Damousi, . Damousi, Shadow of War: Australia’s Greek . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Dimitriadis, K. Dimitriadis, . Warriwood: Outside the Box Press.

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oais 1999 N. Doumanis, “The Greeks in Australia”. In he Greek iasora i the wetieth etur ed o: – odo: aia ois 2009 ois oes for other rihto: ive rove bishi ois 2010 K. Dounis, “Reviei ad esitati reeAustralian Women’s Writing”. In Australia ade: a ultiultural eader ed a ad ara: 1–9 de: de iversit ress eorioais 201 eorioais he Cypriot Greek Orthodox Community “Apostolos Andreas” Sunshine: an Exceptional Organization of the Greek Diaspora ras ois iiasto: oh iais iaoos 200 iaoos a ier it ebore: ive sads ress a 1999 S. Hall, “Cultural Identity and Diaspora”. In iratio iasoras ad rasatioalis ed ertove ad ohe: 222–23 heteha: dard ar aaaras 190 aaaras adsae ad Soul: GreekAustralia oes ras ido ad aaaras aish: aaaras aarais 19 aarais ed Greek oies i Australia: a raditio of rose oetr ad raa de: straia atioa iversit ress apardis ad ais 19 apardis ad ais eds Afstraliotes ellees: Greeks i Australia orth ebore: iver eie ress atsois 1992 atsois he Good Greek Girl Το Καλό Κορίτσι addito: etra ress eaa 1992 eaa Asee rsievie: ae ad reoer rii 2003 rii rith rihto: bishi aioto 200 aioto rasatioal Suets: Ats of iratio ad ultures of rasatioalis etwee Greee ad Aeria hiao: hiao iversit ress orris 2010 orris ortraits of ellees i Atiodes o 1 ras ois ardais ad orris ebore: iviee orris biatios

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MousouraTsoukala, D. MousouraTsoukala, rom the loer of the East and from the Antipodes. Melourne: Tsonis. Mpaloukas, E. Mpaloukas, A oman from ieria in elourne. Athens: Goostis Pulishing. Mpaloukas, E. Mpaloukas, he idos and the Dear Departed. Trans. K. Dounis. Pises Pulishing Nikas, H. Nikas, igrant Daughters. righton: Ol Pulishing. Nikas, H. Nikas, others from the Edge. righton: Ol Pulishing. Nikas and Dounis, H. Nikas and K. Dounis, eds., etelling the ale oetry and rose y Greek Australian omen riters. righton: Ol Pulishing. NikolopoulouGogas, L. NikolopoulouGogas, mages of ife. Melourne: Tsonis. Panagakos, A.N. Panagakos, omancing the omeland: ransnational ifestyles and Gender in the Greek Diaspora. Unpulished PhD Thesis, Uniersity o Caliornia. Palaktsoglou, M. Palaktsoglou, “The ‘invisible’ immigrants: Greek immigrant women in Australia –1972)”. In Crossing oundaries: Greek extual and Cultural anscapes Special ssue of odern Greek Studies Australia and e ealand, ed. M. Tsianikas, N. Maadad, G. Coualis and M. Palaktsoglou: –. Adelaide: The linders Uniersity o South Australia. Pippos, A. Pippos, he Goddess Adantage. Melourne: Tet Pulishing. Rih, A. Rih, he act of a Doorframe. Ne York: W.W. Norton Company. Tamis, A.M. Tamis, he Greeks in Australia. Melourne: Camridge Uniersity Press. Tastsoglou, E. Tastsoglou, ed., omen Gender and Diasporic ies: aor Community and dentity in Greek igrations. Lanham: Leington ooks. Trakakis, N.N. Trakakis, ed., Southern Sun Aegean ight: oetry of SecondGeneration GreekAustralians. North Melourne: Aradia.

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Tsoliis, 29 G. Tsolidis, “Living Diaspora Back Home — aughters o Greek migrants in Greece”. In omen Gender and Diasporic ies: aor Community and dentity in Greek igration, e. . Tastsoglou: 11–19. anham: eington ooks. ertove an ohen, 1999 . ertove an . ohen, es., igration Diasporas and ransnationalism. heltenham: war lgar. ithoulkas, 2 . ithoulkas, oe egins ith an A. Melbourne: Penguin.

Patricia Riak

Te aricle analses e Dance o Isia as perormed dring e sacramens o Marriage and Hol Orders in e Greek Orodo rc. Te paper is concerned i rial process merging o ilical e and sacramenal dance. Te paper eplores sacramenal rial and dance a is insiionalised rog e pariarcal cosmolog o e Greek Orodo rc. Te perormance o e Dance o Isaia ill e analsed dring Hol Matrimony and Holy Orders defining “rites of passage” that move initiates oard a religios cange o sas — o o one religios sas and in o anoer. Te rc perpeaes ese religios perormances rog rial in order o deine canging religios ideniies rooed in e insiion o e rc. Te paper is concerned i e coalescence o rial process — ilical e and sacramenal dance — in order o ndersand rial iniiaion seings o e rc.

nterior of a ree Orthodo hrh here the saraments of Holy Matrimony and Holy Orders are performed evised y the athor from her ethnographi fieldnotes

O M H OHOO HH

see also iagram for the detail presented elo

he hrh defines the osmi and hristologial sarament of Holy Matrimony as a “dyadic unity” of man and women so that God’s image in man is ahieved hen the to eome one he nity of male and female epresses the poer of the Holy Spirit and man’s nion ith od t is throgh hrist that reoniliation eteen man and oman an e ahieved sine the all ahieving grae and revealing paradise ion – hs the tradition is one that the sarament of marriage defines the hman ondition as “fallen human nature” and “glorified human nature” through ess hrist in hristian marriage ion Hoever ion mentions that man’s natural egoism for sexuality and offspring becomes “Eros” when he loves another and ros then eomes oth relationship and noledge his love is then selftransendent as revealed y the ross of hrist his relationship, Zion notes, is personal or “hypostatic” which then makes it possile for man to ommne ith family that then flfills the tre image of love for Christ and his church. This is the transformation of “natural Eros” to “true Eros” or “true freedom” (Zion, 1992:135). he first stage of Holy Matrimony is the ervie of etrothal that emphasises the importane of salvation efore the marital ople is lessed ith the matrimonial rings the priest hants to prayers he first prayer alls for a holy inorporation and lessing of the ople as ordained ith an eternal love shared ith the Holy rinity he seond prayer nites the ople as one throgh the Holy rinity hen the priest taes the rings he first blesses them by making the sign of the cross with the bride’s ring over the groom and the groom’s ring over the bride saying a blessing three times to oth – that one is etrothed to the other in the name of the Holy rinity vdoimov efore the ervie of roning taes plae the priest ass od to onfirm the promise of their etrothal t is also mentioned that “woman” is a “helper” to man for the procreation of the hman rae The priest also describes the couple as “servants” who come after other servants in the history of etrothal for the ingdom of od throgh the Holy rinity Haraas mentions that od is the athor of marriage and that od oins the sposes together — not only throgh a theologial position t as an affirmation of the holiness of the married state Haraas Haraas frther states that the role of od is epliit hen the priest says

“Blessed are You, O Lord our God, oly Celebrant of mystical and pure marriage”. At the joining of the couple’s hands, which can be considered the “epicletic moment” of the sacrament of Holy Matrimony, the priest prays as he oins the hands of the couple:

oly God, who fashioned man from dust and from his rib fashioned woman, and oined her to him as a helpmate for him, for it was seemly unto our Maesty for man not to be alone upon the earth, do ou ourself Sovereign ord, stretch forth our hand from our holy dwelling place, and oin together (hen this is said, the priest oins their right hands) this our Servant (ame) and our Servant (ame) for by you is a wife oined to her husband. (arakas, 25:11)

The second stage of the sacrament is the Service of the Crowning where the priest signifies that the holy union be “fruitful” with children and the home. The priest then recites a prayer that describes God as a fashioner as he transformed the rib of dam into a wife:

t is stressed that it is not good that man should be alone. et us make a helper fit for him. Taking one of his ribs, Thou didst fashion woman and when Adam saw her he said: ‘This is at last bone of my bones and flesh of my flesh she shall be called oman, because she was taken out of Man’.

The priest then takes the crowns and recalls the martyrs or witnesses of Christ saying the servants of God are crowned to each other in the name of the oly Trinity. The Crowns are a biblical symbol of victory over death. The priest then chants:

o you not know that in a race all the runners compete but only one receives the prie So run that you may obtain it. Every athlete exercises selfcontrol in all things. They do it to receive a perishable wreath, but we are imperishable (1 Cor. 9:2–25). o not fear what you are about to suffer. ehold, the devil is about to throw some of you into prison, that you may be tested, and for ten days you will have tribulation. e faithful unto death, and will give you the crown of life. (ev. 2:1)

The crowns bestowed upon the couple take the couple to martyrdom through marriage as a ritual ourney during the singing of the troparion of the oly Martyrs. t is a foundational theme within the rthodox liturgical setting. et, the fundamental liturgical meaning of the blessing is giving

LO AAMT A A TH OTHOO HH thanks to od for the union of the couple and a public sign within the church that it is a union approed by od ion, ::

Be subject to one another out of reerence for hrist. ies, be subject to your husbands, as to the Lord. or the husband is the head of the wife as hrist is the head of the church, his body, and is himself its aior. As the church is subject to hrist, so let wies also be subject in eerything to their husbands. Husbands, loe your wies, as hrist loed the church and gae himself up for her, that he might sanctify her, haing cleansed her by the washing of water with the word, that he might present the church to himself in splendor, without spot or wrinkle or any such thing, that she might be holy and without blemish. en so husbands should loe their wies as their own bodies. He who loes his wife loes himself. or no man eer hates his own flesh, but nourishes and cherishes it, as hrist does the church, because we are members of his body. ‘For this reason a man shall leave his father and mother and be joined to his wife, and the two shall become one flesh’. (Ephesians :–

rom the ucharist, there is a connection that incorporates the ingdom of od and marriage where the phesians in phesians emphasise the obligation of the marriage bond and the indissolubility of the alliance as legal concepts Harakas, ::

On the third day there was a marriage at ana in alilee, and the mother of esus was there esus also was inited to the marriage, with his disciples. When the wine failed, the mother of Jesus said to him, ‘They have no wine’. And Jesus said to her, ‘O woman, what hae you to do with me My hour has not yet come’. His mother said to the servants, ‘Do whatever he tells you’. ow si stone jars were standing there, for the ewish rites of purification, each holding twenty or thirty gallons. esus said to them, ‘Fill the jars with water’. And they filled them up to the brim. He said to them, ‘Now draw some out, and take it to the steward of the feast’. So they took it. When the steward of the feast tasted the water now become wine, and did not know where it came from though the serants who had drawn the water knew, the steward of the feast called the bridegroom and said to him, ‘Every man seres the good wine first and when men hae drunk freely, then the poor wine but you hae kept the good wine until now’. This, the first of his signs, esus did at ana in alilee, and manifested his glory and his disciples belieed in him. ohn :–

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The change of water into wine at ana points to a transfiguration of the old into the new, a passage from death to life. Harakas mentions that Christ’s public ministry was inaugurated with the miracle of transforming water to wine as one of the petitions puts it, calling the congregation to pray “That this marriage may be blessed as was that of Cana in Galilee”. This affirms the propriety of marriage. Harakas also mentions that in yantine marriage rituals, the hristian spouses are seen as joining the whole line of holy married figures in sacred history. The prayers envisage a parade of married persons beginning with Adam and Eve and including both Old and New Testament couples and at the end of which the church places the marriage of those whose marriage is taking place. The couple is also made part of the history of salvation, when prayers are offered that od preserve them as he protected “Noah in the ark, Jonah in the whale and the Three Holy ouths from the fiery furnace”. The prayer also connects the bridal couple to the discovery of the True ross by St. Helena and the Forty Holy artyrs who received crowns from heaven. Harakas adds that it is clear that this prayer functions to associate not only marriage but the specific married couples of the history of salvation, reassuring the sanctity of the married state (Harakas, . The crowning rite indicates that prayers and liturgical actions are connected intimately to the Holy Trinity. After the Amen, the riest holds up the rowns and says three times: “The Servant of God (Name) is crowned for the servant of od (Name, in the Name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit Amen”. The fourth stage of the wedding ritual is the ommon up – that was once Holy ommunion. The priest asks od to bless the ommon up so that the marital couple may drink from it three times through the Holy Trinity. A chant from the Psalms is spoken “I will drink from the cup of salvation; I will call upon the name of the Lord” (Psalm 116:13). Harakas argues that although this refers to participation in the Eucharist by the marital couple, its association with the ommon up as a shared cup of ordinary wine continues the affirmation in principle that marriage and salvation are mutually eclusive (Harakas, . The fifth stage of the matrimonial ritual incorporates the Dance of saiah. After having drunk from the ommon up three times, the groom and the bride begin the Dance of saiah. After circling the oyal Table three times, the priest stops them and takes the crown of the groom and says “Be exalted O ridegroom and be blessed like saac and multiply like Jacob, walking in peace and keeping God’s commandments in righteousness”. He then takes the crown off of the bride and says “And you O Bride: Be exalted like Sarah,

LIGIOS SACANTS AN ANC IN TH G OTHOO CHCH and exult like ebecca and multiply like achel and reoice in your husband, fulfilling the conditions of the law, for this is wellpleasing to God”. The ance of Isaiah is performed as a way of preserving sacred unity during Holy atrimony. The Bible is taken from the oyal Table and held by the priest and the couple guided by the priest perform the ance of Isaiah as a triple procession. ith every circle completed, the performance stopped three times, signifying that the word of God is at the center of their lives as they take their first steps as a married couple. Symbolically Christ is at the centre of the performance represented by the Bible; firstly resting on the oyal table and then held by the priest as he guides the triple procession. The symbol of the circle represents religious eternity and that marriage is a lifelong commitment. As an expression of oy and celebration the choir chants:

O Isaiah dance your oy, for the irgin was indeed with child; And brought to birth – a Son, mmanuel, ho came both as God and man; ayattheawn is the name he bears, And by extolling Him, e hail the irgin is blessed Hear s you martyred Saints, who fought the good fight, gaining crowns ntreat the Lord to shed His tender mercy on our souls. Glory to You, O Christ our God, Your Apostles’ proudest boast and treasure of Your Martyrs’ joy, Who to all proclaimed the Consubstantial Trinity Sacrament of Holy atrimony. (Harakas, :1)

The hymns during the ance of Isaiah refer to the prophet Isaiah prophesising the birth of Christ. They also refer to the Apostles and early Christian martyrs bearing witness to Christ and his Bible by their preaching and teaching – even at the sacrifice of their own lives (Isaiah :1). The prophesy of Isaiah speaks of “God with us” – mmanuel. God is with the new couple as they have invited him into their marriage by receiving the holy sacramental blessing. The mention of the prophecy is also a reminder of the miraculous way the holy word – the true icon of God – took flesh from a virgin. The incarnation reaches into the very depths of human existence, making the whole of human life an epiphany of the eternal. Just as it is because of the Incarnation that icons may be written, so husband and wife can be icons by conceiving Christ in their hearts. inally, the prophecy is a reminder of fruitfulness — the fruitfulness of ary as a result of the agency

AICIA IA

of the oly pirit, and the fruitfulness of the ouple as a result of their cooperation with God. This circular procession, a solemn “dance of joy”, is an iage of life in Christ. usband and wife take their first steps as a arried ouple in the Churh, following a path arked by the good news of the ible. he Greek word artyria eans to witness. he newly arried ouple is alled to witness the oing of the ingdo of God, whih ae about through the birth of the son of God fro the irgin Mary. he joy that is elebrated through this uniting of an, woan and Christ is to parallel the joy that Isaiah had when he said, “I will greatly rejoice in the Lord, my whole being shall exalt in my God” (Isaiah 61. When the triple proession of the ane of Isaiah is opleted, the bridal ouple return to their plaes. he priest then takes off their rowns and gies his blessing to the. he priest prays asking God who ae to Canna and blessed there the arriage feast to also bless his serants who through his diine proidene are now united together in oly Matriony. he proession before the rowning therefore signifies an entrane into the ingdo of Christ – huan loe will auire a totally new diension by being identified with the loe of Christ for his hurh. he losing prayer says “Receive their crowns into Thy Kingdom, preserving them spotless, blameless and without reproach unto the ages of ages”. arakas entions that the ane of Isaiah is the ost striking illustration of the affiration of the santity of the arital union. e desribes the ane of Isaiah as a liturgial proession around the oyal able and in front of the ionostasis ion sreen. e states that there hae been offered arious interpretations of this ritual but what he says is lear is that the iruloution led by the priest soeties holding the ible alls for hyns that onnet the naes of Isaiah, the irgin Mother and her on anuel, who ae as both God and an, the holy artyrs and the apostles to the arriage and to the arried ouple. e adds that the ouple is surrounded by diine and holy persons, affiring the santity of their new union arakas, . he priest ends with referene to God blessing the arriage feast of Cana in Galilee and to reeie these rowns into is ingdo. here is also a referene to the God Crowned Constantine and elen dokio, .

itton entions that Anient Greek proessional danes seeed to hae inoled less epressie oeent and represented ore of a feale harater itton, .

RLIGI RT I T GRK RT R

(see also iagram 1 for the detail presented below

ajor rders of the hurch are defined through esus hrist who ordained the Twelve postles to spread the word of hrist and perform major ordinations of bishophood as well as baptising hristians. n apostle was sent out to proclaim the ible through preaching, teaching and bearing witness to the Kingdom of God through miracles coming through the oly pirit. The apostolate had a sacramental responsibility through esus who conveyed to them the oly pirit, through which the invisible power and authority of his ministry would be forever united to their mission, visibly. s eye witnesses of the death and resurrection of hrist, they became confessors of the truth of the ible and received the authority to manifest the invisible presence of the risen hrist in their respective ministries. The highest visible action of this ystery was the authority to preside over the Eucharist (the celebration of the Lord’s Supper in Holy Communion) and to administer membership into the ody of hrist through aptism, as well as oversee the other acraments of the hurch. owever, as this generation of the postles die, the authoritative witness of the risen hrist had to be transferred from one generation to another. The church had to preserve the purity of this witness to the faith. ust as esus appointed or ordained his apostles, the apostles in turn ordained their successors through the sacrament of hirotonia or ordination. rdination is a sacrament of the church acting through the oly pirit to transfer the apostolic ministry to successive generations. Their successors were the bishops, presbyters and their assistants the deacons. These three orders of clergy are called oly rders (araas, . s its name signifies oly rders is the appointment by God to organise the leadership of the church of hrist. The sacrament was carried out through the Apostle’s prayer and the “laying on of their hands” upon the head of the ordained. Through the “laying on of the hands”, the Holy Spirit descends upon the candidate for oly rders, sanctifying him to administer the sacraments and to guide initiates toward salvation. The first initiates that were ordained by the postles were seventy bishops (araas, . The Gree word for bishop (episopos means overseer. The oly rders are a calling to “oversee” the teaching and sacramental presence of Christ in the church. The bishop is seen as the father of the local church – he manifests

ATCA A

the place of Christ in the church, and carries in his ministry the doctrinal and sacramental fullness of the ible. These ishops then appointed the Holy rans of priest and deacon, and gave them the authority to perform the duties of bishops, only they cannot ordain. These rans cannot ordain because of the Holy ight of the Telve Apostles to ordain. The priest as appointed to preside over the Eucharist and the sacraments in the local church (ith the eception of ordination itself) in the absence of the bishop. The local priest is the bishop’s representative in the Eucharistic Assembly of the local Church. The philanthropic ministry and the assisting of the bishop andor priest in the ivine Liturgy ere entrusted to the deacons ho ere specifically ordained for this ministry (the deacon cannot preside over the Eucharist in the absence of the bishop or priest). eacons can perform liturgy on their on but they typically assist the holy rans of priest or bishop (Haraas, ). uring Holy rders ordination occurs on three occasions hen lay person is ordained to deacon, hen deacon is ordained to priest and hen priest is ordained to bishop.

The clerical titles are atriarch. This is the title borne by the heads of certain autocephalous (selfheading – i.e., independent) Churches. At the present time the heads of the Churches of Constantinople, Aleandria (ope and atriarch), Antioch, erusalem, ussia, Serbia, ulgaria and omania bear this title. The heads of the other Churches are entitled Archbishop (i.e. reece, Albania, and Cyprus) or etropolitan (oland, Cechoslovaia and the rthodo Church in America CA). The head of the autocephalous Church of eorgia is entitled the atholicos. etropolitan, Archbishop originally a etropolitan (from metropolis) as the ishop of the capital of a province, hile Archbishop as a more general title of honor given to ishops of special eminence (e.g. ishops of long tenure), the Church of ussia still generally uses these titles in the original ay, but the ree Churches (ecept erusalem) give the title etropolitan to every iocesan ishop and grant the title Archbishop to those ho formerly ould have been styled etropolitans. Thus, an Archbishop no rans above a etropolitan in the ree Churches, but in the Slavic Churches tie ran of etropolitan is preeminent. Archimandrite originally this title as given to a on supervising several monasteries or ho as the superior of an especially important monastery. o it is usually given as a title of honor for distinguished riest mons. Abbot (Hegumen or gumen) originally a riestmon ho as the Superior of a monastery as entitled Abbot (a practice strictly adhered to by the ree Church), but in the ussian Church, this is more often a title of honor given to riestmons. n the ussian Church, an gumen rans belo an Archimandrite. Archpriest, rotopresbyter these are titles of honour given to nonmonastic riests, and are generally euivalent to that of Archimandrite. Hieromon a Hieromon is a on ho happens to be a riest. Hierodeacon a Hierodeacon is a monastic eacon. Archdeacon this is a title of honour

E AAE A AE E EE

rinations to the aor rers alays occur urin the course of the ivine itury A collee of bishops at least to or three is necessary to consecrate another bishop A bishop is oraine in the Altar oom in the mist of the conreation before the sinin of the risaion oly o hus the reain of the ible is one alreay ith his blessin he priest is oraine after the sinin of the herubic ymn before the sanctification of the oly ifts he rite of orination to the eaconate is less solemn an taes place before the sinin of the Lord’s Prayer, when the sanctification of the oly ifts has alreay taen place since the eacon only assists at the performance of the sacraments an oes not perform them As all clerics are initiate to the priesthoo in the church a ocumentation of this orination ill ensue he orination of a priest is conucte by a bishop alon ith to priests assistin him one of hich is the first or senior priest urin the ivine itury after the completion of the herubic ymn folloin the reat Entrance the to priests eit an brin the eacon before the bishop hey stan on the oleas facin the bishop ho stands in the Royal Doors. The first or senior priest exclaims “Command” and the second priest exclaims “All command” and the first or senior priest eclaims “Command, holy Master, the one who is now being presented to you”. The bishop then exclaims three times “In the name of the Father, the Son, and of the Holy Spirit. Amen”. The deacon addresses the bishop and the bishop then counsels the eacon Afterars the eacon is brouht into the Altar oom an le to perform the ance of saiah hile bein hel by the to priests aroun the oyal Altar As the ance of saiah beins the bishop is seate at the oyal oors facin the conreation in the ave he to priests hol the initiate on each sie an uie him aroun the oyal Altar three times for the triple procession Every time he completes a circle he kisses all four corners of the Royal Altar and the bishop’s hands. After he has complete the ance of saiah the to priests tae him bac out to the oleas here he is taen to the left of the iconostasis screen an isses all the icons on this sie of the iconostasis screen he to priests then tae him to the oyal Altar here the bishop is no stanin an aaitin him hen the initiate encircles the oyal Altar three times for the triple procession the clery chants

iven to monastic eaconsusually those attache to a ishop rotoeacon this is a title of honor iven to nonmonastic eacons usually those attache to catherals or to ishops

PATRICIA RIA

Hear us, you martyred Saints who hae fought the good fight and receied crowns, entreat the Lord, to hae mercy on our souls. lory to you, Christ our od, the Apostles boast and pride, the Martyrs ferent oy whose preaching is the consubstantial Trinity. Isaiah dance with oy, for the irgin is indeed with child and brought forth a son, mmanuel. ho came both as od and man, DayattheDawn is his name, and by magnifying him, we call the irgin blessed.

hen the two priests bring the initiate to the bishop, the initiate kneels down and holds the Royal Altar with his right hand. He then places both his hands on the Royal Altar and his head upon his hands. It is at this point that the two priests let go of him and remain kneeling close to the ordained. The bishop who is standing next to the deacon places his front estment on the head of the ordained and atop his hand and makes the sign of the cross three times over the deacon’s head. After the first or senior priest proclaims, “Let us be attentive!” the bishop with his hand on the head of the deacon recites the prayer “The divine grace, which always heals that which is infirm and completes that which is lacking, ordains the most deout deacon name to the office of priest. Let us, therefore, pray for him, that the grace of the All Holy Spirit may come upon him. The clergy in the Holy of Holies exclaim three times ‘Lord have mercy’”. The bishop then recites a prayer:

od without beginning or end, ho are before eery created thing, and ho honors with the title of Presbyter those whom ou deem worthy to sere the word of our truth in the diine ministry of this order. ou, the same soereign Master, presere in purity of life and in unswering faith this man whom ou hae been pleased to ordain through me by the laying on of hands, graciously imparting to him the great grace of our Holy Spirit, making him wholly our serant, wellpleasing to ou in all things, and worthily exercising this great honor of the Priesthood which ou conferred upon him by the power of our wisdom. For ours is the kingdom, and the power, and the glory, of the Father, the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, now and always, and to the ages of ages.

At the end of the prayer the chanters chant “Amen” and the first or senior priest recites the following petitions in a low oice while the clergy in the Holy of Holies slowly respond “Lord, have mercy”. The first or senior priest then recites a prayer

L AAT A A T T

n peace let us pray to the Lord. or the peace from above and the salvation of our souls, let us pray to the Lord. or peace in the whole world, for the stability of the holy churches of od, and for the union of all, let us pray to the Lord. or our Archbishop ame, and our ishop ame for his priesthood, sustenance, soourn, peace, health, salvation, and for the wors of his hands, let us pray to the Lord. or the servant of od ame of the new presbyter, who has now been ordained a presbyter, and for his salvation, let us pray to the Lord. That od who loves manind will grant to him a pure and blameless priesthood, let us pray to the Lord. or this parish and this city, for every city and country, and for the faithful who live in them, let us pray to the Lord. or our deliverance from all tribulation, wrath, danger, and necessity, let us pray to the Lord. elp us, save us, have mercy on us, and protect us, od, by our grace. ommemorating our allholy, pure, most blessed, and glorious Lady, the Theotoos and everirgin ary, with all the saints, let us commit ourselves and one another and all our life to hrist our od.

Once the prayer is complete, the chanters chant “To You, O Lord” and the bishop exclaims “For to You belong all glory, honor, and worship, to the ather and to the on and the oly pirit, now and always, and to the ages of ages”. The Chanters then chant “Amen”. While the first or senior priest intones the petitions, the bishop reads the following prayer with his hand still on the ordained deacon’s head:

od, great in might and inscrutable in wisdom, marvelous in counsel above the sons of men: ou the same Lord, fill with the gift of our oly pirit this man whom it has pleased ou to advance to the degree of riest that he may become worthy to stand in innocence before our altar, to proclaim the ospel of our ingdom, to minister the word of our truth, to offer to ou spiritual gifts and sacrifices to renew our people through the font of regeneration, that when he shall go to meet ou, at the second coming of our great od and avior, esus hrist, our onlybegotten on, he may receive the reward of good stewardship in the order given to him, through the plenitude of our goodness, for blessed and glorified is our allholy and maestic name, of the ather and the on and of the oly pirit, now, and ever and to the ages of ages.

ATCA A

The chanters then chant “Amen” and all in the church stand. The bishop proclaims the newly ordained priest “Axios!” orthy to hich the congregation also responds “Axios!” The bishop will hold up each item of the ordained priests’ new vestments totaling three and again proclaim “Axios!” to the congregation. Each time this is done by the bishop, the congregation responds with “Axios!” This is done because the rite is one of od and has to be accepted by the people of od. The ordination continues as the three estments are placed on the ordained priest by the bishop. Ordination as described for the ordination of the first seen deacons in the Acts of the Apostles, as an action of the hole Church, as the ody of Christ, through the prayer and affirmation. Today, ordination occurs in all three orders, as it did in the beginning, not as a priate appointment but as an action performed in the iine Liturgy, and affirmed hen the congregation proclaim Axios The fact that eery Orthodox bishop, priest and deacon can trace bac their priesthood to the Apostles through Apostolic uccession, is a ery significant testimony to an undiided church that has alays existed since apostolic times araas, :. After the ordained priest has been dressed in his ne estments, the ordained priest stands beside the bishop at the oyal oors, together facing the congregation ith the first or senior priest next to the bishop and the second priest next to the ordained. After the consecration of the ucharist, the bishop places the body of Christ into the ne priests hands ith the following admonition “Receive this Divine Trust, and guard it until the econd Coming of our Lord esus Christ, at hich time e ill demand it from you”. At the conclusion of the Liturgy the first or senior priest approaches the congregation in order to read the prayer before the Ambo and the nely ordained priest to say the final litany, these actions being the first external signs of their ministry. n all cases of ordination to the Major Orders, there is a “laying on of the hands” on the head of the initiate, and the grace of the Holy Spirit is invoked. A priest ho intends on being ordained to bishop cannot marry. A layperson must marry before being ordained as a deacon or a priest because they must assert to the church that they do not ant to continue to the oly an of bishop or high priesthood. ach of these is defined by its on ordinance performed by a bishop. There are “two lifestyles” that define the cleric in the astern Orthodox Church: one is “sacramental marriage” and the other is “monastic life” aim, :. acramental marriage for the diaconate, presbyterate and the episcopate is possible as the oo of enesis defines the oman as being

REOS SARAMETS AD DAE THE REE ORTHODO HRH

of the man. Adam conceives of Eve as an innermost component of himself before the all of humanity and after the law of humanity was created to restore harmony and life in communion. The all occurred when Adam and Eve were spiritually immature and so this restorative church law embraces the clergy in the “microchurch” of the family, where they live daily through the recurrence of communion with the Holy ifts and nourish true Eros ajim, . ajim goes on to mention that an everyday life in marriage is seen as a “royal priesthood” and a “holy nation” and that the Holy Spirit dwells in this royal priesthood and that each “microchurch” family receive the ifts of the Holy Spirit. The microchurch then is part of the church or “mega church” and reflects “oneness” in that it is an organic unity; it is “holy” because it is a community of saints, the sons and daughters of God’s household; it is “apostolic” because it builds itself upon Jesus Christ and on the teachings of the Apostles and; “catholic” because its members are united in a community that gathers in unity ajim, . t is the duty of the married cleric to translate his spiritual experience of family or “micro church” to the church or “megachurch” or congregation. With regard to apostolic succession, all but aul and ohn were married men ajim, . or ajim, monastic life is clerical life that is represented through celibacy to the church and hence ingdom of od. The choice of clergy to devote their life and soul to od, as explained through the ew Testament, defines that celibacy anticipates an angelic life. Saint asil the reat was the first legislator of monasticism and called for the formation of monastic worshipping communities to rekindle brotherly mutuality and so monks entered the community of the monastery living an ascetic life, that is, a monastic life within the monastery. The ascetic life separates the monk from clergy because unlike clergy, monks are not elected and ordained to perform the apostolic mission in the public world, that is outside of the monastery. nlike the clergy, monks live in seclusion of the outside world and this is what defines the ascetic lifestyle. n this way, the monk devotes his life to od to achieve deification or theosis ajim, . n both sacraments, sustaining Holy Matrimony and Holy Order a member of the church can only perform the Dance of saiah three times. f a hristian marries, they can only perform the Dance of saiah another two

Evdokimov explains that the sacred act of anointing or the sacrament of chrism was extended to all Christians. A Christian is called “a priest of the royal priesthood” and this anointing or chrism is the belonging to the priestly people. Thus, being a priest in this sense means being a priest of Christ and that the difference is not of “being” but of “function” hence the difference between “lay” (layperson) and “cleric” (Evdokimov, 1985:86).

ACA A times. A deacon has married; he has danced it once during oly atrimony and can only dance it twice in oly rders, which means that the highest rank attained in oly rder is riesthood. owever, an unmarried eacon can perform the ance of saiah three times for oly rders and attain the ranking of bishop. Thus, Greek “holy men” will enact a sacred dance of the church when initiated through holy rank. owever, they may also choose to dance in the instance that they marry which will only enable them to achieve the holy rank of priesthood. riests and deacons are divided into two distinct groups – the married (white robed or parochial) clergy and the monastic (or black robed) clergy. he monastic clergy are by nature unmarried, but one seeking ordination to the ranks of the white clergy may now choose to be celibate (unmarried) or married, but must make the choice prior to ordination since under Greek rthodox Canon aw one may not marry after ordination. A celibate priest or deacon may not later marry and a married priest or deacon whose wife dies may not remarry. Also, one who has been divorced may not be permitted to be ordained. ishops are drawn exclusively from the ranks of the monastic clergy, although a celibate or widower may be consecrated bishop after having taken monastic vows. he ance of saiah is a triple procession performed toward the end of both oly atrimony and oly rders as a performance marking the change in religious status for an initiate of the church. uring oly atrimony it is performed encircling the oyal able. he bridal couple drink from the Common Cup, and prayers express exaltation and salvation. uring oly rders, it is performed around the oyal Altar after the new priest has been dressed in religious vestments. he bishop who ordained the initiate, proclaims them worthy, marking exaltation and salvation. or the initiates of both sacraments, the Dance of Isaiah acts as “a procession of first steps” where the initiates proceed into new religious statuses hence lifestyles defined by the church for both married and priestly members. erforming the ance of saiah during both sacraments also establishes a sacred solidarity for the oly rinity by the symbolic use of the number three. or oly atrimony it is a triple procession and with every circling priest who is guiding them forward in the procession. he sacred significance of the number three is also seen in other sacred practices of oly atrimony such as drinking from the Common Cup three times, the switching of the crowns on the heads of the bride and the groom three times during the Crowning ervice. Also according to rthodox Canon aw, members of the church are only allowed to perform the ance of saiah three

IGI T D D I T G TD times for oly atrimony. or oly rders, the sacred significance of the oly Trinity is firstly represented in three maor categories of cleric within the church deacon, priest and bishop and, that the Dance of Isaiah is performed for all three categories during ordination. The sacred significance of the number three is also obsered when the bishop proclaims the ordination three times when he makes the sign of the cross three times on the deacon’s head just before “the laying on of the hands” to ordain. hen the deacon is ordained a priest, the word ios or worthy is epressed by the bishop to the church congregation three times and the church congregation answers the bishop by replying with the word ios three times after three estments are placed on the ordained priest by the bishop. The Dance of Isaiah is also performed as a triple procession during ordination for oly rders. The difference is that during oly atrimony the marital couple is guided by one priest while during ordination for oly rders the ordained priest is guided into the triple procession by two priests. During oly atrimony it is one priest that guides the marital couple during the triple procession and during oly rders an initiate for ordination is led during the Dance of Isaiah by two priests. omen cannot be ordained in the astern rthodo hurch so the Dance of Isaiah can only be led by religious men. During its performance for oly atrimony, the female follows the male and the male in turn follows the priest. This filing order represents patriarchal cosmology especially with regard to the woman being last in line for the procession because she was born of man and fashioned through the rib of dam to be a helper to man, as a wife. oman is also second in line when the ommon up is gien to the marital couple to drink from during the serice of the ommon up. This paper has gien definition to a sacred performance known as the Dance of Isaiah. The form of the dance is a triple procession that is circular like secular Greek dances symbolising solidarity. oweer, the scope of the paper is to offer a definition of this triple procession through biblical and canonical interpretations of the church which incorporates it as a religious epression for initiation practices of the Greek rthodo hurch.

doio aul doio he Sacrament of oe: the uptial ystery in the ight of the Orthodox radition. rans. .. ythiel and . teadan and foreord by . Clement. Crestwood, New York: St. Vladmir’s Seminary Press. itton J.W. Fitton, “Greek dance”, he Classical uarterly –. araas S.S. Harakas, “Covenant marriage: reflections from an Eastern Orthodo ersective”. In Coenant arriage in Comparatie erspectie ed. . itte and . llison –. rand aids ichigan .. erdans. aji Michel Najim, “The two ways of the East: the marital status of clergy”. In ested in Grace: riesthood and arriage in the Christian East ed. .. llen. roolyn assachusetts oly ross rthodo ress. ion illia asil ion Eros and ransformation: Sexuality and arriage: An Eastern Orthodox erspectie. anha aryland niersity ress of erica

Panagiota Daouti

The urose of this work is to resent the image of ruins in Greek estheticism, as it aeared in the last decade of the nineteenth century and the first decade of the twentieth century in Greek literature. This research will e mainly focused on the works of Nikolaos Eiskoooulos, Constantinos Christomanos and Platon odokanakis, who are the writers mostly connected to the estheticism in Greek literature. The image of ruins, literally or metahorically used, has different functions in their works as it either evokes the glorious distant ast, or it reflects the inner world and the intimate thoughts of the main characters. uins ecome the means to eerience a historical reality, to eress melancholy or even emotional and siritual devastation. Moreover, this work resents the interrelation that eists etween the Euroean esthetic Movement in literature and estheticism as it aeared and evolved in Greece, inointing at the same time the assimilation of the Euroean characteristics of estheticism in Greek literature.

The urose of this work is to resent the image of ruins in Greek estheticism, as it aeared during the last decade of the nineteenth century and the first decade of the twentieth century in Greek literature. This research is mainly focused on the works of Nikolaos Eiskoooulos, Constantinos Christomanos and Platon odokanakis, who are the writers mostly connected with estheticism in Greek literature. More recisely, in 1893 Nikolaos Episkopopoulos with his short story “Ut dièse mineur” inaugurates a different style of writing which reveals a close resemlance to the Western Euroean estheticism and comes in distinct contrast with the literary roduction of his time in Greece. In , Platon odokanakis publishes “Ο Θρίαμβος” (“The triumph”) that seals the brief appearance of estheticism in Greece. Greek esthetes eing vastly educated and wanting

NT UT

to differentiate themseles from their contemporaries that were mostly connected to ithographia searched for new ways of epression and they consecutiely turned their attention to European estheticism which first appeared in rance durin the first decades of the nineteenth century and then in Enland t heralded both a new iew of life that is the idea of treating life “in the spirit of art”, and a thorough meditation of art, regarded as autonomous and indifferent to the moral or philosophical alues that it could convey; “art for art’s sake” (Johnson, 1969:1, 16). One of the fundamental terms of estheticism was eauty which enclosed numerous connotations alter ater the most prominent eponent of the aesthetic iew of life in the preface of he enaissance: Studies in Art and oetry stresses the futility of definin beauty and underlines the importance of impressions that a person receies and enoys from literature and the arts

Beauty … is relative; and the definition of it becomes unmeaning and useless in proportion to its abstractness To define beauty not in the most abstract but in the most concrete terms possible to find not its uniersal formula but the formula which epresses most adeuately this or that special manifestation of it is the aim of the true student of aesthetics (ater 183 198i)

This special manifestation uniue in its substance functions as a frament of the abstract notion of beauty that finds its epression throuh the particular impressions that are caused to the senses by a work of art or reek esthetes beauty is multifaceted creatin an amalamation of sensuality morbidity artificiality and eeriness This kind of eclectic approach which combines many heteroeneous aspects transcends the established conception of beauty connected to morality laton odokanakis in his autobioraphical work Το Φλογισμένο Ράσο (he Cassock in lames 1911)1 while epressin his thouhts about art hihlihts the connection between deceit and beauty: “Deceit is the rule of Art and deceit itself is beauty” (Rodokanakis, 1911:79). This doctrine is hihly connected to scar Wilde’s artistic views as presented in his extended article “The Decay of Lying”:

1 t first appeared in the newspaper Ακρόπολις in 198 (1198–198) The first edition of the book was in 1911 ll the etracts of reek esthetes’ works have been translated into English by the author of the paper

TE AE O R REE AETET: EO TE DTAT AT AD RELET TE A EOTO

The only form of lying that is absolutely beyond reproach is lying for its own sake, and the highest development of this is … Lying in Art. Just as those who do not love lato more than Truth cannot pass beyond the threshold of the Academe, so those who do not love Beauty more than Truth never know the inmost shrine of Art. … The final revelation is that Lying, the telling of beautiful untrue things is the proper aim of Art. (Wilde, 191 :19– 19)

Besides Beauty, Aestheticism is highly attached to form, as its main exponents show their preference for the ornate and polishedrefined writing style. oreover, form is not alienated to matter, as form and matter can act upon each other. This unity in the works of art made Walter ater highlight the supremacy of music, in which form and matter are indistinguishable. The importance of form while writing is meticulously described by Edgar Allan Poe in “The Philosophy of Composition”, where he presents the stages of writing he aen e declares his intention to show that the composition is based on neither intuition nor accident, but it proceeds step by step and it gradually comes to its completion following the precision of a mathematical problem.

“And all the arts in common aspiring towards the principle of music; music being the typical or ideally consummate art, the obect of the great Andersstreen of all art, of all that is artistic, or partakes of artistic ualities. All art constantly aspires toards the condition of music. or while in all other kinds of art it is possible to distinguish the matter from the form, and the understanding can always make this diction, yet it is the constant effort of art to obliterate it” (Pater, [1873] 1980:10–16). As oe stresses the great importance of form, he resembles the rench poets of the arnassian chool, who sought for control and precision, showing their opposition to the omnipotence of emotion as depicted in the Romanticism. or the general characteristics of the rench arnassian chool and its connection to the Aestheticism see arl Beckon, 199: xxiii–xxv. “Nothing is more clear than that every plot ... must be elaborated to its dnouement before anything be attempted with the pen. t is only with the dnouement constantly in view that we can give a plot its indispensable air of conseuence or causation, by making the incidents, and especially the tone at all points, tend to the development of the intention. … select The Raven as most generally known. t is my design to render it manifest that no one point in its composition is referable either to accident or intuition — that the work proceeded step by step, to its completion with the precision and rigid conseuence of a mathematical problem” (oe, 16:16).

PANATA AT

Poe’s poetic theory had influenced Charles Baudelaire whose work had a great impact on winburne. n his long essay entitled illiam lake: A Critical Essay (188, winburne claims that the value of a work of art has no connection to instructiveness or morality. ven though art can have moral effects, these are probably caused by accident, as the artist’s intention is the supremacy of form itself:

trip the sentiments and reclothe them in bad verse, what residue will be left of the slightest importance of art nvert them, retaining the manner of form (supposing this feasible, which it might be, and art has lost nothing. ave the shape, and art will take care of the soul for you. (winburne, 188:87–88

Although Swinburne’s view is too formalistic, Aesthetes are highly attached to form and their works are ratified by the eclectic use of words and the preciousness of style. reek Aesthetes intend to create a work of art, where form and matter are highly connected (Arampatidou, 01:3, recalling Pater’s idea that in actual experience of works of art, form and matter cannot be easily divided and that the more difficult to separate them the better is the work of art. The image of ruins, as presented in the tets of reek Aesthetes, has mainly two different functions as it either evokes the glorious distant past or it reflects the inner world and the intimate thoughts of the main characters. As for the first function, the research is focused on Rodokanakis’ autobiographical work he Cassock in lames (1911, where the writer describes his failed attempt to become a priest and the period of time he lived in the Theological School of Chalki in the Princes’ Islands in the Sea of

uins are scarcely connected to the old religion, which has been replaced by Christianity. n odokanakis’ De rofundis (a compilation of prose poems first published in 1908 the prose poem “avens” eposes the rivalry between Paganism, which is reflected on the fossilised marbles of the Parthenon, and the new religion depicted by the black ravens, which has seied upon the old one. The old religion is also related to an ancient temple in Rodokanakis’ prose poem “istory”, in which a shadow meets the narrator as he walks in the ruined temple of lympian eus that was once dedicated, as the narrator underlines, to a now forgotten god. Nevertheless, in Rodokanakis’ prose poem “Catacombs”, the underground tombs once created to immortalise the memory of the first Christians, are now left ramshackle and dilapidated. This is also the case in his prose poem “eniores”, in which a couple living during the period of the Crusades are now lying in a dark, humid crypt and the once glorious and omnipotent symbol of Christian cross remains abandoned and neglected.

T IA RINS IN R ASTTICIS IN T ISTANT PAST AN RCTIN T AN TIN

armara. Before being enclosed in the Theological School, he visits Constantinople, where he starts his wandering as this place is highly connected to the astern Roman mpire and to Byantine gloriousness. hile strolling around the city, his thoughts turn back to the time of the Byantine mpire and as he walks down the ancient streets, he hears the footsteps of Caesar coming back as a great conueror after the winning war against the andals. As the narrator continues to roam about the city, he stares at the ancient walls in amaement. The ruined crenellations in the existing parapet walls with the broken marble inscriptions and his visit to the church of agia Sophia, not only kindle his imagination but also make him feel disillusioned as the resurgence of the glorious past is impossible

I felt that the unsolved ordian knot tightened my mind while my bloody fingers were trying desperately to rescue it from fierce choking ... As I walked out the church I let myself be driven by my heart, because my emotion had prevailed over my strength. Rodokanakis, – In Rodokanakis’ short story “Στιφάρχης” (“Stipharchis”) the castle of Trikala in Thessaly becomes the means for the narrator to contemplate the triumphant distant past and compare it with the humiliating present period, which has lost the splendour of its ancestors’ feats and achievements

or the gloriousness of the distant past that remains intangible but inert, see Rodokanakis’ prose poems “The ion of Chaeronea” and “Sisyphus” in De rofundis. Both of them portray the immortality of the illustrious past that brings disillusionment and disenchantment as its resurgence seems infeasible. hen the writer went to the Theological School of Chalki, he also imagined himself being in the reat Church, among famous Byantine mpresses such as Theodora, oe and udokia. In this autobiographical work, the writer describes the ruins of an ancient windmill, where he used to spend his free time during the months he stayed in the Theological School of Chalki. This ruined and desolated windmill reflects the narrator’s inner world before taking his final decision to abandon the clergy and become a writer Rodokanakis, . The word Stipharchis means the person who is the leader of a mass military formation phalanx. It derives from the noun στίφος a mass body of well deployed army troops and the verb ἄρχω be the leader, lead or command a group. Rodokanakis’ short story “Stipharchis” was first published in a book with other short stories under the title he Scarlet ose in .

IT TI

I hae always liked to gae at the modern cities from the top of a castle, as they lie in its feet worshiping in a state of humiliation the lustrous past of the stone ramparts. It was this kind of pleasure that I felt, when I first climbed on a rampart of the yantine castle. (Rodokanakis, b

hile being absorbed in thought, the narrator obseres two hawks and their tone of oice brings to mind the war cry of his ancestors, who went up and down fighting in the stone stairs and the fortification of the castle. s his mind is saturated with images of the past, he compares himself to the hawks, which turn into knights who fight for the rescue of the city in the castle. ecoming a knight himself, he annihilates the time as nna alaiologina, the ueenconsort of the espotate of pirus wages war against him. hen this fantasy fades away, he feels as if he submerged into a world that does not eist anymore, but the process of emergence proided him with the necessary knowledge to conceie the deeper meaning of this uniue eperience

hen this fantasy faded away during sunset, I was left all alone on the ramparts, in the ruins and in the grandeur of the memories that were coming out like the apours of the earth near a olcano. (Rodokanakis, b

This eperience made him realise his superiority and imbued him with the feeling of pleasure to plunder, raage and deastate. eing influenced by ietzsche’s philosophical views, he desires to be one of the strongest people in the world, who can desolate cities and eterminate weak people. ore freuently reek esthetes resort to the image of ruins in order to present the main characters’ inner world. ore precisely, in Episkopopoulos’ short stories the image of ruins is mostly connected to oldage, loelack of loe and death. In the short story “Οι Θεοί” (“The

For the influence of Nietzsche’s philosophy on Greek Aesthetes see Lena Arampatzidou, –. esides the fie short stories that hae been analysed in this paper, piskopopoulos uses ruins in another two short stories. In “Τα Δάκρυα της Γης” (“The tears of the earth”), the image of ruins is connected to the eternity of the human melancholy and in “Ο Νεκρός” (“The dead”), ruins reflect the narrator’s loss of happiness and his disillusion as he decides to stay alone in life. In the short stories in uestion, ruins are ust used in order to put

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gods”) an elderly man contemplates the ancient ruins of ome, which ecome not only a symol of eternity and revival of old civilisations and moral values, ut also the symol of the eternal religion, and worship of the gods of all periods of time Although the narrator is against all kind of superstitions and human deceit, he finds y chance an old almost ruined statuette which he and his wife worshiped as the god of their happiness his shattered statuette due to its secrecy and its provision of purity and lissfulness makes the narrator wonder if it is the one and true God, the creator of human eings he ruins of ome and the almost destroyed statuette correspond to the pursuit of pure religion, which is timeless and nameless, having as its main goal to render man virtuous In Episkopopoulos’ “Ο Θρήνος του Δειλινού” (“The lamentation of the nightfall”), ruins are associated with old age, lack of love and loneliness An elderly man hearing the ells of the church recalls all the women he had met during his life time e meticulously descries a woman, who was proaly a figment of his imagination, as eing incorporated into the image of the flowering nature oreover, her lively figure is formed in the glory of the Acropolis, the solemnity of the ancient decapitated columns and the grandeur of the monuments he narrator having touched her only once in a dream, laments her noneistence, as she ecomes a ghost that haunts his thoughts he futility of his life depicted on the ruins that ecome the relic of the elusive image of the intangile woman, forces him to admit that his soul has ecome a cold cemetery where the shadows of the past reign The function of the image of ruins in Episkopopoulos’ short story “Από την Αγάπη στο Θάνατο” (“From love to death”), seems to e connected

emphasis on the situation descried, ut their function is not as crucial as the five short stories analysed here The short story “The Gods” first appeared on 15/02/1902 in the journal Παναθήναια Γ΄ ctoer –arch – n , it was included in efloudas ed, – t should e highlighted that almost all short stories written y Nikolaos Episkopopoulos were gathered in Nikolaos Episkopopoulos, – t was first pulished with the title “Οι Λιτανείες του Λυκόφωτος” (“The litanies of the twilight”) in the newspaper Τὸ Ἄστυ on n , it was included with the title “Ο Θρήνος του Δειλινού” (“Lamentation of the nightfall”) in the ook Τα Διηγήματα του Δειλινού he Short Stories of the ightfall and in Episkopopoulos, – See also Episkopopoulos’ “Songs of songs” where the narrator compares a woman’s grace and splendor to the eauty of the arthenon and the ancient marles t was first pulished in the ournal Το Περιοδικόν μας 2, , – t was also included in efloudas ed, –, and in Episkopopoulos, –

o od g d o o o s s so sented in “The o o gl”. An old man contemplating the Acropolis dg ss dss s dd o go d sdss g oso og s so o d o o s gd d s d od and died. The old man finally realises that their life was “the symbol of true blessedness”, whereas his life was marked by his long quest of noble ideals, dd o g o o d oos d so s ds g o d gs o s sssd dss In Episkopopoulos’ short story “Ο Ήλιος στα Χιόνια” (“The sun in the snow”), o d o o o o os sod d osss g d gd o so s g osd ogsssd gs o o s s s o s s o os og do accentuating the woman’s old g oss s o o s d g o g od o s she has lost her beauty and liveliness: “In front of that ruin with the hideous d s s g o os od od d d s g o d g upon him” (Episkopopoulos, 1953:277). His love turns into hatred and he dds o g o g o s so so d o s od o s sog ds o do d dsso In Episkopopoulos’ “Βενετία η Τρελή” (“Crazy Venice”), s d o o o d d s og o dg o osos o s o d oos dd o d so s o d dsso d dso dsd s os o oss s dd s o d os d

od s ss o s o d o os s o sd o o s d dg og o soo d dd s d s s d

s s sd o Το Περιοδικόν μας 1, – s dd ods d – d sooos – s s sd Εθνικόν Ημερολόγιον Κ. Φ. Σκόκου o s osdo –

T IA I I ATTII: I T ITAT AT A TI T A TI

the gondolas, which were the relics of a triumphant and defiant life, they had an impact on their soul. piskopopoulos, a:)

They decide to die after their secret union in a humid crypt in order to immortalise their feelings and to evade an impending emotional void. The decadent image of enice with its temples and edifices creates the morbid frame of the imminent death of the young couple. The interrelation that eists among youth, ruins, love and death is also apparent in Rodokanakis’ short story “Το Βυσσινί Τριαντάφυλλο” (“The scarlet rose”). A young couple after visiting the afni onastery, heads for the desolated chapel of aint ikolaos, where their secret union takes place:

They got out of the church and they headed for the derelict chapel of aint ikolaos. They were buried for some moments in the moist and dark crypt with the square deal wainscots that were full of the bones of the dead monks and without even realiing it there emerged innumerable secret commands as if they were dug out of the bowels of the earth. odokanakis, b:)

Their death is imminent as they are drowned in the sea, which becomes their watery grave. The ruined and desolated chapel becomes the transient statemeeting point between love and death and it materialises the devastated inner world of the main characters. In Christomanos’ Το Βιβλίο της Αυτοκράτειρας Ελισάβετ, Φύλλα Ημερολογίου he ook of Empress Elisaeth ages of a Diary, ruins are presented as the reflection of the emotional world of mpress lisabeth. uring their stay in orfu, the narrator and mpress lisabeth visit alaiokastritsa where an old monastery is located. They try to define the word alaiokastritsa, which is also the name of the monastery and they come to the conclusion that the name was given due to an old yantine castle built during the yantine espotate of pirus. hile staring at it, the narrator addresses the mpress telling her, that in the past, princesses with

The first part of the short story “Το Βυσσινί Τριανράφυλλο” (“The scarlet rose”) (which was not included in its final form) first appeared in the newspaper Ακρόπολις – ). Its final form was published from to in the ournal Παναθήναια ΚΔ΄ April –eptember :–, –), and the first edition of the book was in .

I I purple veils and elts oven ith pearls sent their sihs and moans o despair eyond the Ionian ea e impliitly reveals the psyholoial situation o the mpress as her lie is sealed ith rie and sorro lisaeth responds usin the ords o a riter ho sa anels passin throuh the castle flying like birds. She ironically interprets the writer’s opinion about the ruined astle, shoin at the same time her onsent to hat the narrator had previously supported hile oin to the old monastery they alk near the sea and the mpress noties some roks in it that look like stone astles ull o sorro and distress, havin allen don to et droned hey inally reah the monastery, hih as dilapidated as as everythin around it espite its desolation and isolation, it ould enerate the intense eelins o eternity and omnipresene, hih ere also evoked y the imposin monuments o hurh arhiteture, making both the narrator’s and Elisabeth’s soul turn back to the distant past In one o their last alks, they visit the illa o overnor apodistrias, hih as let in omplete devastation he siht o aandonment and solitude evoke harmin sadness and tait pleasure depitin the intimate thouhts o the to main haraters lisaeth epresses her ontentment underlining that she wishes “the whole world would be as enchanting as the ruins of that place”, recalling Burne Jones’ painting “Love among the ruins”, which “evokes the same emotions, although its musiality is more lugubrious” (Christomanos [1908] 1929:214). Both Elisabeth and the narrator disover and interpret their innermost thouhts hile athin the ruins, hih also help them materialise the astrat notion o rie and desolation reek esthetes ere inluened y the nlish theoretial essays onernin the undamental elements o esthetiism, suh as the supremay o eauty, the siniiane o orm and the ertainty o the immediate eperiene he imae o ruins as presented in reek esthetiism is linked to the senses and the emotional eperiene ore preisely, reek esthetes reer to the ruins so as to rake up the splendour of their ancestors’ achievements and the glory of the past. Ruins become the means to ride the distane eteen past and present reatin a timeless reality not overned y the lo o time urthermore, the imae o ruins is reuently used to reveal intimate thouhts and state o mind, ivin shape to the obscurity of the human inner world. Although ruin’s appearane in the orks o reek esthetes is ruial or the story evolution, its use is limited esthetes oten reer to ntiuity or the yantine mpire, ut they preer to desrie temples, statues or yantine astles and hurhes that are

E AE RS REE AESECS: E E SA AS A RELEC E A E

strong, sturdy and undamaged (Beauty as wholeness).19 oreover, as they show their predilection for artificiality, and preciosity, they etensively describe fine gems, wealthy clothes and elaborate artefacts. owever, they usually resort to ruins when they want to intensify the transition between love and death or lack of love and loneliness, which also depends on the age, as either elderly people, who did not find love, were left alone, or young people, who were in love, decided to die in order to immortalise their feelings. Even though the image of ruins is not widely used by reek Aesthetes, its fragmented presence can transcend reality and lead to multifaceted connotations.

Arampatidou, 2012 Lena Arampatidou, Aestheticism: he Greek ersion of the oement. hessaloniki: etheis. Beckon, 199 arl Beckon, Aesthetes and Decadents of the s: An Anthology of ritish oetry and rose. Chicago: Academy Chicago ublishers.

19 See the description of edifices of Rome in Episkopopoulos’ short story Καλιγόλας (“Kaligolas”) and the description of temples and statues in his short story Διαγόρας (“Diagoras”) or the description of statues and columns of Achilleion, Empress Elisabeth’s palace in Corfu, in Christomanos’ he ook of Empress Elisaeth ages of a Diary. his predilection for wholeness recalls Hegel’s theory about wholeness as the ultimate end of art and his view of the classical temple as a whole: “In every expression, every turn of phrase, it [art] hints only at the idea and soul of the whole. nly in this way does the ideal of beautiful style maintain itself this style is not harsh or severe, but is already mellowed into the serenity of beauty. o epression, no part of the whole is forced each member appears on its own account and enoys an eistence of its own and yet at the same time it resigns itself to being only one factor of the whole. … he fundamental character of the whole and its simple details shines with complete clarity to every feature it controls the individuality of the design in ust the same way, in which, in the classical ideal, the universal substance remains powerful enough to master and bring into harmony with itself the contingent and particular sphere in which it has its life” (egel, [18] 19:18, ).

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Cassagne, Albert Cassagne, La théorie de l’art pour l’art en France chez les Derniers oantiues et les reiers éalistes aris : Champ allon. Christomanos, Constantinos Christomanos, ο Βιβλίο της Αυτοκράτειρας Ελισάβετ Φύλλα Ημερολογίου. he oo o press lisaeth aes o a Diar Athens: Eleutheroudakis. Episkopopoulos, Nikolaos Episkopopoulos, “Οι Λιτανείες του Λυκόφωτος” [“The litanies of the twilight”], Τὸ Ἄστυ, . Episkopopoulos, Nikolaos Episkopopoulos, “Ο Ήλιος στα Χιόνια” [“The sun in the snow”], Το Περιοδικόν μας 1, , . Episkopopoulos, Nikolaos Episkopopoulos, “Από την Αγάπη στο Θάνατο)” [“From love to death”], Το Περιοδικόν μας 2, , . Episkopopoulos, a Nikolaos Episkopopoulos, “Βενετία η Τρελή” [“Crazy Venice”]. In Εθνικόν Ημερολόγιον Κ. Φ. Σκόκου 1902, vol. , Athens: A. Konstantinidou. Episkopopoulos, b Nikolaos Episkopopoulos, “Οι Θεοί” [“The gods”], Παναθήναια Γ΄ (ctober –arch ), . Episkopopoulos, ikolaos Episkopopoulos, Τρελλά Διηγήματα raz hort tories. Athens: efeli. Episkopopoulos, ikolaos Episkopopoulos, Τα Διηγήματα του Δειλινού Άσμα Ασμάτων he hort tories o the ihtall — on o ons, ed. A. achinis. Athens: Hestia. Episkopoulos, ikolaos Episkopopoulos, Διηγήματα hort tories, ed. . Athanasopoulos. Athens: Kostas and Heleni Ouranis’ Institute. armer, Albert . armer, Le oueent sthétiue et “Décadent” en Angleterre (1873 . aris: ibrairie Ancienne Honor Champion. aunt, illiam aunt, he esthetic denture. ondon: enguin ook. Hegel, eorg ilhelm riedrich Hegel, esthetics — Lectures on Fine rt. rans. . . Knox, vol. . xford: xford niversity ress. Hui, Andrew Hui, he oetics o uins in enaissance Literature. ew ork: ordham niversity ress.

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ohnson, oger ohnson, estheticis — he ritical dio, ed m orth orshire ethen o td ait, assandra ait, D and the ictorian Fin de icle ender odernis Decadence amridge amridge niversit ress edger and hrst, all edger and oger hrst, eds, he Fin de icle eader in ultural istor c ford ford niversit ress edger and raen, all edger and ott raen, eds, ultural olitics at the Fin de icle amridge amridge niversit ress arshall, ail arshall, ed, he aride opanion to the Fin de icle amridge amridge niversit ress ater, [] alter ater, he enaissance tudies in rt and oetr, ed ill aland niversit of alifornia ress oe, Edgar Allan Poe, “The Philosophy of Composition”, Graham’s Magazine , ra, ario ra, he oantic on Trans avidson ford ford niversit ress ra, ario ra, La hair la ort et le Diale dans la Littérature du e icle le oantise oir Trans T asali aris enol odoanais, a laton odoanais, De roundis thens estia odoanais, Platon Rodokanakis, “Το Φλογισμένο Ράσο” [“The cassock in flames”], Ακρόπολις, – odoanais, Platon Rodokanakis, “Το Βυσσινί Τριαντάφυλλο” [“The scarlet rose”], Ακρόπολις, – odoanais, laton odoanais, Το Φλογισμένο Ράσο [he assoc in Flaes] thens estia odoanais, a Platon Rodokanakis, “Το Βυσσινί Τριαντάφυλλο” [“The scarlet rose”], Παναθήναια ΚΔ΄ (April 1912–etemer , –

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Rodokanakis, Platon Rodokanakis, he are se Athens eis achinis, Apostolos achinis, Η Πεζογραφία του Αισθητισμού [he rse rs esheiism] Athens estia mall, an mall, ed, he eshees re ondon Rotledge and egan Pal inrne, Algernon Charles inrne, iiam ae riia ssa ondon ohn Camden otten inrne, [] Algernon Charles inrne, ems an rse gernn hares inrne ntro R Chrch ondon ent ons td ilde, [] Oscar Wilde, “The decay of lying”, mee rs sar ie ntro olland ondon Collins eflodas, telios eflodas ed, ΝιρβάναςΧρηστομάνοςΡοδοκανάκης και Άλλοι — Βασική Βιβλιοθήκη, ol , Athens Aetos

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