Ouarterly of the Documentation Centre for the Promotion of Lnde- Pendent Czechoslovak Literature Havel: Cards on the Tahle Sympo
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~-1/11 Havel: Cards on the Tahle Symposium Prague-Vienna Havel: Neglected Generation Vaculík: Augusťs November Rupnik-Jungmann-Šimečka: lntellectuals and Power Portraits of the Defiant 11 Tatarka's 11Jottings 11 Eva Kantůrková's 11Jan Hus „central Europe11 Journal Jiří Theiner: ln Memoriam Samizdat Periodicals in Czechoslovakia, 1977-88 11 11Historical Studies Solidarity with I. Polanský Ouarterly of the Documentation Centre for the Promotion of lnde pendent Czechoslovak Literature DOCUMENTATION CENTRE FOR THE ACTA, Vol. 2, No. 5-8, Winter 1988 PROMOTION OF INDEPENDENT TABLE OF CONTENTS CZECHOSLOV AK LITERA TURE (ČSDS) Václav Havel: Cards on the table 1 Founding members: Jiří Gruša (Vice-chairman), František Janouch, Josef Jelínek (Secretary), Ivan Medek. CZECH OSLOVAKIA 1988 Jiří Pelikán, Vi lém Prečan , Karel Jan Schwarzen Czechoslovakia in the European context, berg, Pavel Tigrid, Jan Vladislav (Chairman) et al. 1918-1988 (Symposium „Czechoslovakia '88") 4 Jacques Rupnik: Intellectuals and power Academie Council: Professor H . Gordon Ski ll ing. Toronto in Czechoslovakia 11 (President), Professor Wlodimierz Brus (Oxford Václav Havel: A neglected generation 21 University) , Professor Robert Byrnes (Indiana Uni Ludvík Vaculík: Augusťs November 24 versity, Bloomington), Professor Marketa Goetz Stankiewicz (University of British Columbia, Van ARTICLES ON CZECH OSLOV AK couver) , Dr Eva Hartman LITERATURE n (Collegium Carolinum, Milan Jungmann: Sketeches for portraits Munich) , Professor John Keane (The Polytechnic of of the defiant 26 Centra) London), Professor Erazim Kohák (Boston Milan Šimečka: Tatarka's „jottings" 36 University), Professor Jacques Rupnik (Foundation Nationale des Sciences Politiques, Paris), Roger CRITIQUE, BOOKS AND JOURNALS Scruton (University of London), Professor Anton „Jan Hus" by Eva Kantůrková (M. Rejchrt) 41 Staudinger (Vienna University), Professor Josef The journal „Střední Evropa" 44 Škvorecký (U ni versi ty of Toronto) BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE CZECH OSLOV AK SAMIZDAT Honorary members: Václav Havel, Miroslav Kusý , Hana „Historical studies" 1978-1988 51 Panická, Dominik Tatarka, Mi lan Uhde, Ludvík Samizdat periodicals 1977-1988 64 Vaculík © Dokumentationszentrum zur Fórderung der unabhangi Jiří Theiner: In memoriam 83 Solidarity with Ivan Polanský 86 gen tschechoslowakischen Literatur e. V. , 1988 Grant in memory of Bedřich Fučík 90 © Translation copyright by A. G. Brain, except for the ar Vladimir Solovyov Prize awarded 91 ticle by Jacques Rupnik which was written in English , News about the Czech edition of and the article a neglected genera tion by V. Havel which Patočka's Works 92 was translated by Paul Wilson. ČSDS publi~ations 1986-88 93 Texts from ACTA may be reprinted after prior agreement and on condition that the source is given. ACTA. Quarterly of the Documentation Centre for Price: DM 40. Subscribers receive in addition a copy of the the Promotion of Independent Czechoslovak Lite publication „About Theatre" and of the pamphlet rature. The chief editor of ACTA is Jan Vladislav in ,,Democracy for Ali" . Collaboration with Jiří Gruša and Vilém Prečan· John Keane is responsible for editing the English ISBN: 3-89014-039-4 version. Production: Drnek+ Papier Meyer, GmbH Address: Dokumentationszentrum 8533 Scheinfeld, West Germany Schwarzenberg 6 D-8533 Scheinfeld The Central and East European Publishing Telephone: 09162/7761 Acta are published in Czech and English versions. Project, Oxford, contributed substantially to This English version of ACTA, No. 5-8, has 96 pa the publication of this present volume of ges, and went to press in December 1988. ACTA. Václav Havel CARDS ON THE TABLE For Czechoslovakia, 1988 was not just a year of had their fill of the governmenťs inability to solve several notable round anniversaries. lt was also the problems which it has heaped upon itself, and a year of great political importance for aur they are growing tired of their own cautiousness. country - as we have come to expect of years en But the regime has put its cards on the table ding in an eight. Admittedly there has been no too. Not only has it restructured itself in such dramatic turn of events, either for the better or the a way that absolutely nothing is now left to chance worse, but something did happen, nevertheless: - whereby it has destroyed any remaining illusion the cards were put on the table, so to speak. that society might have - it has even gone so far as At long last, people started to assert openly to demonstrate quite unambiguously - either that they no longer intend to put up apathetically through the use of water-cannon, further arrests, with the imposed status quo and that they have the bans of every kind, or hopelessly half-hearted re capacity to do something more for freedom than forms - that what really lies behind all its talk of just sympathising tacitly with Charter 77 when "restructuring" and "democratisation" is the pres listening to foreign broadcasts at home, swapping ervation of the existing totalitarian structures at samizdat literature secretly with their workmates, all costs. "There will be no dialogue", declared Mr or occasionally applauding some less inhibited Štěpán breezily from the platform on Wenceslas theatrical production within the darkness of the Square and he went on to show what he meant in auditorium. This was proved by the many thou eloquent fashion the following day when he took sands of citizens who had the courage to take part persona} charge of the (happily erratic) water in independent demonstrations. But there are cannon. There is only one possible interpretation other signs as well: everywhere people are talking of his words: abandon all hopes you may have of far more openly than before, even within highly any real shift or change of direction. official structures. More and more "licensed" ar The cards are on the table. How the game will tists, academics and journalists are beginning to proceed from bere on is anyone's guess. While it call a spade a spade regardless of possible conse is true that the water-cannon are not particularly quences. It looks as if the barrier which has been functional, it is equally true that civic awareness laboriously constructed between society and those will not suddenly start to function trouble-free citizens ready to speak their minds is beginning to after twenty years of neglect. So the game is not crumble and fall away. People would seem to have going to be an easy one - for any of the players. 1 What is most important is that the "game" has biguous declaration that there would be no place started at all: or more precisely, that it has entered at all in the new Hungarian constitution for a new phase - one in which it is impossible to a cla use stipulating the leading role of the Party. pretend that there is nothing to play for. In Czechoslovakia, this idea was proclaimed And as happens at such moments of truth, openly in October in the manifesto of the recent something has surfaced, as it always does when ly-created MOVEMENT FOR CIVIL LIBERTIES (HOS), sig a totalitarian system of a Communist type gets nificantly entitled DEMOCRACY FOR ALL. It is no coin itself into a crisis ( or alternatively, when it tries to cidence that it happened this year in particular: if reform itself). Its corner-stone and formal self-jus the time has come for putting cards on the table, tification: the notorious dogma of the leading role then this card - the last, but in its way the most of the Communist Party - a dogma that is incom important of all - had to be played too. patible with the democratic functioning of any The value of the DEMOCRACY FOR ALL manifes constitution - has been called into question. In to does not reside in the originality of its thinking. other words, the idea of PLURALISM has emerged, Most of what it says has Jong been taken more or the idea that no ideology, doctrine or political less for granted by all sensible people here (which farce should apriori and for all time (i.e. through does not mean to say that certain details of the constitutional legislation) dominate all others, but manifesto might not prove controversial). that everyone has an equal right to seek political lts value lies in the fact that it sets out all these power. different self- evident truths IN A SINGLE oocuMENT, There is nothing new about this, of course. As and does so PUBLICLY, AS A BASIS FOR POLITICAL ACTIV a result of the political ferment that we are wit ITY, and not as someone's private viewpoint. nessing almost everywhere in the Soviet bloc, the What HOS will develop into only time will idea of pluralism is emerging all around us. The tel1. Maybe it will quickly become an integral fea way the Communist leadership reacts to it varies ture of our country's life, albeit one not particular from country to country. Gorbachov speaks of ly beloved of the regime ( rather like Charter 77). "socialist pluralism" by which he most likely Perhaps it will remain for the time being merely means a plurality of views both within the Com the seed of something that will bear fruit in the munist Party as the leading farce, and outside it. dim and distant future. It is equally possible that When Rakowski talks about political pluralism, he the entire "matter" will be stamped on hard ( al probably has in mind giving opposition forces though criminal investigation has so far been in a few seats in the government and parliament as itiated solely into "the matter", and no one has yet a safety-valve for social discontent and a way of been charged or arrested in connection with it ). diverting attention away from his worst night But whatever happens, one thing is already clear: mare: trade-union pluralism.