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The Czech Parliament and EU Affairs Martin Hrabálek, Masaryk University and Alexander Strelkov, Phd Student, Maastricht University
OPAL Country Reports The Czech Parliament and EU Affairs Martin Hrabálek, Masaryk University and Alexander Strelkov, PhD Student, Maastricht University To cite this report: M. Hrabálek & A. Strelkov (2012), OPAL Country Reports: The Czech Parliament and EU Affairs, weblink September 2012 OPAL Country Report on the Czech Parliament, September 2012 OPAL Country Report on the Czech Parliament1 Martin Hrabálek, Masaryk University and Alexander Strelkov, PhD student, Maastricht University 1. General Position of Parliament in the Constitutional Balance of the Member State: Constitutional and institutional factors This section looks at the role of Parliament in the political system, to help us understand the relative power position of the legislature. What is the type of government in the political system of your member state? 1.1 (i.e. parliamentary or semi-presidential) The Czech state is a parliamentary republic. From 2013 direct elections of the president are to be introduced. This doesn’t affect the competences of the president, which stay mainly symbolic, but can arguably increase the legitimacy of the post. This argument might be underlined by the fact, that the post has been occupied by two very strong personalities since 1993 – Václav Havel and Václav Klaus, that both expanded the influence of the office beyond the institutional framework. An introduction of direct elections also required a constitutional amendment that has been adopted by the two chambers of the Czech republic in July 2012. None of the political parties seem to have defined their candidates for the presidential post before the amendment was adopted. The measure to introduce direct presidential elections was much contested by the members of the expert community. -
The Czechoslovak Exiles and Anti-Semitism in Occupied Europe During the Second World War
WALKING ON EGG-SHELLS: THE CZECHOSLOVAK EXILES AND ANTI-SEMITISM IN OCCUPIED EUROPE DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR JAN LÁNÍČEK In late June 1942, at the peak of the deportations of the Czech and Slovak Jews from the Protectorate and Slovakia to ghettos and death camps, Josef Kodíček addressed the issue of Nazi anti-Semitism over the air waves of the Czechoslovak BBC Service in London: “It is obvious that Nazi anti-Semitism which originally was only a coldly calculated weapon of agitation, has in the course of time become complete madness, an attempt to throw the guilt for all the unhappiness into which Hitler has led the world on to someone visible and powerless.”2 Wartime BBC broadcasts from Britain to occupied Europe should not be viewed as normal radio speeches commenting on events of the war.3 The radio waves were one of the “other” weapons of the war — a tactical propaganda weapon to support the ideology and politics of each side in the conflict, with the intention of influencing the population living under Nazi rule as well as in the Allied countries. Nazi anti-Jewish policies were an inseparable part of that conflict because the destruction of European Jewry was one of the main objectives of the Nazi political and military campaign.4 This, however, does not mean that the Allies ascribed the same importance to the persecution of Jews as did the Nazis and thus the BBC’s broadcasting of information about the massacres needs to be seen in relation to the propaganda aims of the 1 This article was written as part of the grant project GAČR 13–15989P “The Czechs, Slovaks and Jews: Together but Apart, 1938–1989.” An earlier version of this article was published as Jan Láníček, “The Czechoslovak Service of the BBC and the Jews during World War II,” in Yad Vashem Studies, Vol. -
Operation “Tomis III” and Ideological Diversion. Václav Havel in The
Promising young playwright Václav Havel in Schiller-Theater-Werkstatt, West Berlin, 1968 60Photo: Czech News Agency (ČTK) articles and studies Operation “Tomis III” and Ideological Diversion VÁCLAV HAVEL IN THE DOCUMENTS OF THE STATE SECURITY, 1965–1968 PAVEL žÁČEK Václav Havel attracted the interest of the State Security (StB) at the age of 28 at the latest, remaining in their sights until the end of the existence of the Communist totalitarian regime in Czechoslovakia. The first phase of his “targeting”, which ran until March 1968 and was organised by the 6th department of the (culture) II/A section of the Regional Directorate of the Ministry of the Interior (National Security Corps) in Prague, under the codename “Tomis III”, is particularly richly documented. This makes it possible to reconstruct the efforts of the pillars of power to keep the regime going in the period of social crisis before the Prague Spring. Analysis of the file agenda and other archive materials allow us to cast light on the circumstances of the creation of a “candidate agent” file on Havel, which occurred at the start of August 1965, evidently as the result of poor coordination of individual StB headquarters – and which 20 years ago became the subject of media controversy.1 First interest national economy […] GROSSMAN deliv- perfect fascism, and all those present In the agent report of collaborator ered a matching analysis of the situa- chimed in. […] The Source said that “Mirek” (Pavel Vačkář, b. 1940)2 of 24 tion, explained the emergence of liberal- he had met nobody at na Zábradlí who June 1964, the superintendent of the ism after “Stalin’s fall”, and spoke about was at least loyal to the government, 6th department of the (culture) II/A sec- a revolt by artists against rigid and non- either among the friends that visited tion of the Regional Directorate of sensical Socialist Realism […] Havel lat- the theatre or actors and staff them- the Ministry of the Interior (KS-MV), er described with a smile preparations selves… Capt. -
Introduction 1. Samuel P. Huntington, “Civilian Control of the Military: A
Notes Introduction 1. Samuel P. Huntington, “Civilian Control of the Military: A Theoretical State- ment,” in Political Behavior: A Reader in Theory and Research, ed. Heinz Eulau, Samuel J. Eldersveld, and Morris Janowitz (Glencoe: Free Press, 1956), 380. Among those in agreement with Huntington are S. E. Finer, The Man on Horseback: The Role of the Military in Politics (New York: Praeger, 1962); Bengt Abrahamsson, Military Pro- fessionalization and Political Power (Beverly Hills: Sage, 1972); Claude E. Welch Jr., Civilian Control of the Military (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1976); Amos Perlmutter, The Military and Politics in Modern Times (New Haven: Yale Uni- versity Press, 1977), and in The Political Influence of the Military (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980). Chapter 1 1. Samuel P. Huntington, The Soldier and the State (Cambridge: Harvard Univer- sity Press, 1957), 3. 2. Samuel P. Huntington, “Civilian Control of the Military: A Theoretical State- ment,” in Heinz Eulau, Samuel J. Eldersveld, and Morris Janowitz, eds., Political Be- havior: A Reader in Theory and Research (Glencoe: Free Press, 1956), 380. 3. Among those in agreement with Huntington are S. E. Finer, The Man on Horse- back: The Role of the Military in Politics (New York: Praeger, 1962); Bengt Abrahams- son, Military Professionalization and Political Power (Beverly Hills: Sage, 1972); Claude E. Welch Jr., Civilian Control of the Military (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1976); Amos Perlmutter, The Military and Politics in Modern Times (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977), and in The Political Influence of the Military (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980). -
The Troublesome Concept of Sovereignty – the Czech Debate on European Unity 1 MATS BRAUN
722L The Troublesome Concept of Sovereignty – the Czech debate on European Unity 1 MATS BRAUN Abstract: How the European Union is conceptualised in the national and public polit- ical debates restricts the European policy options available to that state. It is therefore of interest to see which conceptions of the EU dominate in a country, and to understand how these can be identified and interpreted. This paper outlines a framework for discourse analysis and then applies it to the Czech public discourse on the European Union. I de- scribe how the debate can be analysed according to three different ideal types of legitima- tion, based on 1) an instrumental rationalisation, 2) a “we feeling”, 3) a “good argument”. I argue that any single actor will likely use arguments drawing upon all three levels, and I conclude that the Eurosceptics (Euro-realists) associated with the Civic Democratic Par- ty came to see EU membership as a “marriage of convenience”, a necessary evil, because their arguments went in two incompatible directions. According to the third ideal type, they had to favour membership as good for the national interest, in economic terms. Si- multaneously, this conflicted with the other two levels due to their belief that the EU is a threat to national sovereignty, and their conception of the nation state as the only legiti- mate arena for democratic decision-making. Advocates of membership, such as Prime Minister Špidla, had a more inclusive conception of the EU, enabling the argument that the EU strengthens nation states in globalising times. Key words: discourse analysis, legitimacy, European integration, the Czech Republic INTRODUCTION In this article I approach the question of how to identify and interpret con- testing conceptions of the European Union in political and public discourses. -
Czech Republic
Czech Republic Lists of candidates 21 seats Křesťanská a demokratická unie - Československá strana lidová (KDU-ČSL) – Christian and Democratic Union – Czechoslovak People’s Party (EPP) Svoboda Pavel Hladík Petr Hořínek Michal Šojdrová Michaela Novotný Jan Haverová Martina Zdechovský Tomáš Odstrčilová Zdislava Holejšovský Josef Hulicius Eduard Heller Šimon Málek Jan Jílková Marie Budil Ivo Adensamová Fay Přádka Miroslav Kumstýřová Zdenka Ulrych Vít Jirsa Jiří Vencl Jiří Hladký Jan Šustr Pavel Svoboda Tomáš Lajkep Tomáš Vysloužil Petr John František Matek Štěpán Steiner Leo Tradice, Odpovědnost, Prosperita 09 (TOP 09) – Tradition, Responsability, Prosperity 09 (PPE) Niedermayer Luděk Polach Marek Bubeníková Ludmila Pospíšil Jiří Mikulecký Luděk Souček Oldřich Polčák Stanislav Kyliánová Zuzana Janoušek Aleš Šarapatka Bořivoj Cogan Rudolf Gábor František Štětina Jaromír Kočandrle Jiří Feigler Michal Sršeň Radim Ifrah Reda Popov Simeon Czernin Tomáš Pavlíčková Klára Šigut Zdeněk Majíčková Ivana Burian Michal Kalousek Josef Straka Bohumil Merta Josef Šanc Ivo Velička Tomáš Česká strana sociálně demokratická (ČSSD) –Czech Social democrat Party (PES) Keller Jan Osvald Petr Kalistová Kateřina. Sehnalová Olga Vorel Lukáš Drobek Aleš Poc Pavel Zemánek Jiří Bocianová Kateřina Poche Miroslav Kaucký Lukáš Hermannová Monika Seidl Zdeněk Technik Radim Andělová Alena Falbr Richard Šáda Petr Kolman Petr Brzobohatá Zuzana Váhalová Dana. Vodsloň Zuzana Mynář Vojtěch Scherfer Radek Tomková Ivana Rouček Libor Balabán Miloš Straka Jan Občanská demokratická strana (ODS) – Civic Democrate Party (AECR) Zahradil Jan MEP Tošenovský Evžen MEP Zamrazilová Eva Vlasák Oldřich MEP Hejtmánek Pavel Nguyen Cong Hung Musil Aleš Stárek Jakub Kropáčová Marcela Trylčová Radka Šulc Jan Seitz Václav Kollmann Marcel Šindelář Petr Vítek Lukáš Hynek Josef Kulhánek Rudolf Kovačíková Darina. -
UNIVERZITA KARLOVA V PRAZE Český Stranický Systém a Jeho Vývoj
UNIVERZITA KARLOVA V PRAZE FAKULTA SOCIÁLNÍCH VĚD Institut politologických studií Michael Rozsypal Český stranický systém a jeho vývoj po roce 1989 Liberální strany v českém stranickém systému Bakalářská práce Praha 2012 Autor práce: Michael Rozsypal Vedoucí práce: Mgr. Jan Charvát, M.A., Ph.D. Rok obhajoby: 2012 Bibliografický záznam Rozsypal, Michael. Český stranický systém a jeho vývoj po roce 1989: Liberální strany v českém stranickém systému. Praha, 2012. 52 s. Bakalářská práce (Bc.) Univerzita Karlova, Fakulta sociálních věd, Institut politologických studií. Vedoucí bakalářské práce Mgr. Jan Charvát, M.A., Ph.D. Abstrakt Práce se zabývá vývojem českého stranického systému po přechodu k demokracii po roce 1989. Výzkum se zaměřuje především na vývoj liberálních stran a jejich ukotvení v českém stranickém systému. Liberálním stranám se v České republice dlouhodobě nedaří udržet vysokou přízeň voličů. Cílem práce je analyzovat vznik, vývoj a případný rozpad liberálních stran a zodpovědět otázku, proč se strany nemohou etablovat ve středu politického spektra. Výsledky sněmovních voleb pravidelně ukazují, že je zde prostor získat 7-15% hlasů především z řad střední třídy, intelektuálů a městských voličů, přesto se žádnému subjektu v polistopadovém vývoji nepodařilo tuto podporu udržet déle než jedno volební období. V práci je popsán vznik a vývoj liberalismu ve světě i v českých zemích, je popsáno jeho zařazení v pravolevém dělení politického spektra i rozdíl mezi politickým a ekonomickým liberalismem. Páteří práce jsou výsledky voleb, především těch sněmovních, s čímž souvisí vývoj českého stranického systému. Vlastní kapitola je věnována liberálním stranám v minulosti i současnosti a v závěru práce je odpovídáno na v úvodu položené výzkumné otázky. -
Democratizing Communist Militaries
Democratizing Communist Militaries Democratizing Communist Militaries The Cases of the Czech and Russian Armed Forces Marybeth Peterson Ulrich Ann Arbor To Mark, Erin, and Benjamin Copyright © by the University of Michigan 1999 All rights reserved Published in the United States of America by The University of Michigan Press Manufactured in the United States of America V∞ Printed on acid-free paper 2002 2001 2000 1999 4 3 2 1 No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, or otherwise, without the written permission of the publisher. A CIP catalog record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Ulrich, Marybeth Peterson. Democratizing Communist militaries : the cases of the Czech and Russian armed forces / Marybeth Peterson Ulrich. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index. ISBN 0-472-10969-3 (acid-free paper) 1. Civil-military relations—Russia (Federation) 2. Civil-military relations—Former Soviet republics. 3. Civil-military relations—Czech Republic. 4. Russia (Federation)—Armed Forces—Political activity. 5. Former Soviet republics—Armed Forces—Political activity. 6. Czech Republic—Armed Forces—Political activity. 7. Military assistance, American—Russia (Federation) 8. Military assistance, American—Former Soviet republics. 9. Military assistance, American—Czech Republic. I. Title. JN6520.C58 U45 1999 3229.5909437109049—dc21 99-6461 CIP Contents List of Tables vii Acknowledgments ix List of Abbreviations xi Introduction 1 Chapter 1. A Theory of Democratic Civil-Military Relations in Postcommunist States 5 Chapter 2. A Survey of Overall U.S. -
Pavel Tigrid
PAVEL TIGRID “Pavel Tigrid was a person that united – in a particular way – principles with politeness, decency, open-mindedness, and a sincere interest in the opinions of the other. I feel that Pavel Tigrid goes on living not only as a name, idea, and a principle, but also as a challenge – a challenge for all of us to try to combine open-mindedness, curiosity, decency, and a gentleman’s manners with principles.” Václav Havel Pavel Tigrid, born Pavel Schönfeld, was a Czech opinion journalist, writer, and politician. He was born on 27th October 1917 in Prague into a Jewish family. His father baptised him as a Catholic. The family roots of Pavel Schönfeld were linked to writers Antal Stašek and Ivan Olbracht. He attended a grammar school in Prague, and studied at the Faculty of Law at Charles University. During his studies, he started to be interested in journalism, publishing his first articles in the Student’s Magazine. The First Exile In March 1939, Tigrid went into exile for the first time – to London. At the beginning, he lived by manual work, being a warehouseman and a waiter; from 1940, he worked as a BBC broadcaster, and, later, as an editor of Voice of Free Czechoslovakia, a radio programme of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile. As editors were required to get pseudonyms – in order for their Protectorate relatives to remain safe – he changed his surname to Tigrid. He got inspired by the memory of his school years, when he distorted the name of the Tigris River into Tigrid. After the war, he had the surname confirmed officially. -
The Jewish Museum in Prague
osobní, že bez dodatečné informace bývají větši- inscription of the names of the husband and wife Severočeským muzeem. Přednesené příspěvky history of Jewish communities in the area v Čechách dodnes skoro neznámé. nou jen obtížně rozpoznatelné. To je také důvod, (Fritz and Irma) and the wedding date byly zaměřeny na dějiny Židů v Čechách ve 20. occupied by Nazi Germany in 1938. The first part Výstava v Galerii Roberta Guttmanna, proč se ve specializovaných sbírkách téměř neob- (28 February 1926) on the back. All that is known století a na otázky výzkumu dějin židovských obcí of the proceedings includes chronological studies která potrvá až do 20. ledna 2008, před- jevují. Muzeu se nedávno podařilo získat darem of the original owners is that they perished during na území zabraném nacistickým Německem on topics from the First World War period through stavuje Feiglovu tvorbu v roce 100. výročí dva takovéto svatební přívěsky. Jedná se o porce- the Second World War. Both of these items v říjnu 1938. V první části sborníku jsou chronolo- to the end of the 1950s; the second part contains první výstavy Osmy a také 70 let po uměl- lánové střípky, zasazené do zlaté obruby s ouš- substantially enrich the Museum’s collection. gicky seřazené studie zpracovávající historická articles with a regional focus. The final paper cově poslední výstavě v Praze. kem. Na zadní straně jsou vyryta jména manželů témata od doby 1. světové války do konce 50. let deals with the Jewish history of Liberec. Na osobnost a tvorbu Bedřicha Feigla „Fritz“ a „Irma“ a datum svatby „28. -
The Czech Republic – Target of Russian Propaganda
Foreign Policy Council საგარეო პოლიტიკის საბჭო The Czech Republic – Target of Russian Propaganda Grigol Julukhidze An independent, non-profit think tank based in Tbilisi, Georgia Author: Grigol Julukhidze Editor: Giorgi Koberidze Technical Editor: Ekaterina Galiorjan Project Coordinator: Irakli Chkonia Publication # 5 © Foreign Policy Council, 2019 Jano Bagrationi St. 6, Tbilisi 0160, Georgia (+995) 579760570; (+995) 595172374 [email protected] The Czech Republic – Target of Russian Propaganda All rights reserved and belong to Foreign Policy Council. The opinions and conclusions expressed are those of the author/s and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Foreign Policy Council. Copyright © 2019 Foreign Policy Council 2 Executive Summary Despite the fact that Russian propaganda is already a global challenge and threats the entire democratic world’s political stability, there are several regions, where Kremlin's disinformation campaign is particularly powerful. Such geopolitical area is the Visegrad Group – one of the main spheres of Russian interest. First of all, because of the fact that historically Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, and the Czech Republic were important elements of Russian sphere of interest and later significant subjects of the Soviet Union’s foreign policy. It is also worth mentioning that the Visegrad Four (V4) perspectives may provide Russia with additional instruments for increasing its influence both in the region and the entire European Union as well. Many Russian politicians are still unable to adapt to the post-socialist order, formed after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the disappearance of the abovementioned countries from the orbital influence of Russia. In a word, after several years of passivity the Russian Federation is still active in the Eastern and Central Europe and achieves significant success. -
Vztah Státu Ke Kultuře
Charles University in Prague Faculty of Philosophy & Arts Department of Cultural Studies THE APPROACH OF THE STATE TO CULTURE, CULTURAL POLICY OF THE COUNTRIES OF EUROPE (Updating of Selected Aspects) Intended exclusively for use by the MC CR Prague, March 2004 Collective of Authors: Mgr. Liana Bala PhDr. Václav Cimbál Doc. PhDr. Martin Matějů Gabriela Mrázová PhDr. Zdena Slavíková, CSc. PhDr. Martin Soukup Mgr. Barbara Storchová Mgr. Anna Šírová-Majkrzak PhDr. Zdeněk Uherek, CSc. PhDr. Josef Ţák 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS: 1 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................ 4 2 THE MODERN WORLD AND CULTURE ................................................................. 6 3 UNESCO AND CULTURAL DIVERSITY ................................................................. 12 4 DIVERSITY AND CREATIVITY ............................................................................... 15 5 THE CULTURAL POLICIES OF SELECTED COUNTRIES OF EUROPE ........ 19 5.1 SUMMARY OF THE CULTURAL POLICIES OF SELECTED COUNTRIES OF EUROPE ........ 40 5.2 ON THE PRIORITIES OF THE CULTURAL POLICIES OF THE COUNTRIES OF EUROPE ....... 47 6 CASE STUDIES ............................................................................................................. 49 6.1 THE CULTURAL POLICY OF AUSTRIA ........................................................................ 49 6.2 FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY – FOREIGN AND EDUCATIONAL POLICY ................ 56 6.3 SLOVAK REPUBLIC ...................................................................................................