Dynamics of a Working Democracy Representative Politics in a Goa Constituency Examining the micro politics of a single constituency, this study tries to explore the relationship between the empirical and the theoretical in a working democracy. By detailing the dynamics of electoral and party politics in the context of a constituency which suffers from a “development deficit”, the study examines the place of political leaders, party strategy, political ideology, political rhetoric, youth participation, voter loyalty, identity mobilisation, etc, in the democratic process. To engage with these issues of democracy-in-practice the study has chosen to look in detail at the case of political nomadism (defections) in the constituency and to see how both, the political institutions set up to regulate it and the political calculus of parties, have responded to such behaviour. By using an ethnographic approach and an attitudinal survey, the study raises questions related to representation, institutional regulation, and the tension between act and rule utilitarianism in a working democracy for the public discourse in India. PETER RONALD DESOUZA, SUSHMA PAWAR, SOLANO DA SILVA, EDZIA CARVALHO I vote in the 2005 by-election. We need to understand why Fernandes Introduction won and why he lost. Doing so will help us get a sense of the micro politics of a working democracy, the electoral and party oinguinim is the 40th assembly constituency (AC) in the dynamics and their implications for the representative structure state of Goa. This AC was created in 1989 by dividing of the democracy. This paper is based on two studies, an atti- the Canacona AC into two: Canacona and Poinguinim. The tudinal survey and an ethnographic study, which were carried P 3 AC has 21 polling stations (PS) and is divided into four panchayats: out under the aegis of Lokniti. They were conducted in the Poinguinim, Loliem,1 Cotigao and Gaondongri. Since its cre- constituency after the results of the 2004 by-elections (see the ation, Poinguinim has witnessed six elections: four assembly appendix for the survey and ethnography methodology). elections and two by-elections. These two by-elections were held recently in the space of eight months, October 2004 and June II 2005. Both the by-elections were caused when the sitting MLA Social Profile of Poinguinim Isidore Fernandes resigned from the legislature and re-contested each election on a different party platform. In what follows we shall present a brief social profile of the Fernandes has been a prominent figure on the political land- constituency. Poinguinim is located in the southernmost part of scape of Poinguinim. He has contested five of the six elections Goa and falls in the Canacona taluka. It is considered to be one of that have been held in Poinguinim and has won three consecutive the least developed regions of Goa. Official statistics for Poinguinim elections each on different platforms: 1999 as an independent, were not available but Canacona’s statistics show that the literacy 2002 as a Congress candidate and 2004 as a BJP candidate.2 rate in Canacona is 67.70 per cent (80.75 per cent males, 54.38 While such political nomadism is not atypical in Goa, we have per cent females), the lowest in Goa.4 The Poinguinim sample chosen to study it because of three implications for democratic survey conducted by Lokniti showed that 16 per cent of the politics. The first is the role that institutions play in disciplining electorate of Poinguinim was illiterate. It is estimated from the political behaviour. The 91st amendment to the Constitution electoral rolls that 79 per cent of the electorate are Hindus and sought to do just that. Hence the 2004 by-election should be seen 20 per cent are Christians.5 The Lokniti survey also closely as the first attempt in India, after this amendment was enacted, matches this religious composition (see the appendix). In terms to bypass its spirit if not its letter. The second is to understand of the scheduled tribes (STs), other backward classes (OBCs) how the voters see such nomadism within the dynamic context and scheduled castes (SCs), the sample comprised 30 per cent of an electoral and party system. Explaining both Fernandes’ wins STs, 12 per cent OBCs and 2 per cent SCs. The remaining Hindus and losses would help us do that. And the third is to examine comprise of brahmins (7 per cent) and other castes (29 per cent). the implications of such behaviour for representative democracy. The ST population consists predominantly of velips, gaonkars According to the 91st amendment, Fernandes’ act of resigna- and kunbis/gawda6 of whom the velips are the most numerous. tion from the party, on whose ticket he was elected to office, The major OBC groups include the pagi (traditional fisherfolk) let to his disqualification as an MLA. He was thus required to and naik communities. In terms of the electorate’s age profile, re-contest the vacant seat, which he did, switching from the 15 per cent are youth between the age group of 18 and 25 years, Congress to the BJP, and surprisingly defeating his Congress 32 per cent between 26 and 35 years, 23 per cent between 36 opponent, in a bipolar contest, by an impressive 21 per cent and 45 years, 14 per cent between 46 and 55 years and 16 per margin in the by-election of 2004. He tried repeating this feat cent of the electorate between the age group of 55 years and above. eight months later by switching back to the Congress but this Of Poinguinim’s four panchayats, Loliem has the largest time he lost to his BJP rival by a margin of 8 per cent of the electorate (35.6 per cent) followed by Poinguinim (31.3 per cent) 1574 Economic and Political Weekly April 22, 2006 and Gaondongri (22.4 per cent) while Cotigao is the smallest set the grounds for the subsequent divergence between a bahujan panchayat (10.8 per cent).7 Cotigao is also the least developed party (MGP) and a bahujan candidate. By 1999, the bahujan party’s and most inaccessible panchayat. Gaondongri is marginally better fortunes declined and it did not field any candidate in subsequent developed than Cotigao, but much less so than Loliem and elections. This decline coincided with the rise of the BJP, which Poinguinim panchayats. Cotigao and Gaondongri have a large gained 30 per cent of the vote from 1999 to 2002 (Table 1). ST population comprising the velips and gaonkars whereas the From Table 1, we see two trends. The first is the rise of Isidore pagi community is found largely in Poinguinim panchayat with Fernandes who is able to grow from being an independent some presence in Loliem. Most brahmins are located in Poinguinim candidate, when he was denied a party ticket in 1994, to a and some live in Loliem. Most of the Christians are also located candidate who has parties vying with each other to offer him in these two panchayats. a ticket in 2004-05. In this dialectic of candidate and party, what One of the main problems faced by the people in Poinguinim is it that explains the shift in the electoral calculus which makes is that of unemployment. Due to the lack of alternatives to the “winnability” of the candidate more important than even the agriculture-related employment, and the absence of industries, party’s ideology or self respect? The second is the collapse of many youth are unemployed. Some of the youth, especially from the bahujan party and its replacement by a Hindutva party, i e, Poinguinim and Loliem panchayats, migrate to countries in west a transformation of the vote bank from bahujan to Hindutva. How Asia to seek employment as skilled or unskilled labour. There is Hindutva able to transcend earlier cleavages of caste and status? is no professional college in the constituency. There exists an Industrial Training Institute8 in the neighbouring Canacona AC. IV To pursue higher education, the youth have to join institutions Poinguinim By-election outside the taluka. Local transportation is another problem as the bus service, which is the only means of public transport, is Background infrequent. With the exception of the national highway, the internal roads are either badly maintained or non-existent. This On August 19, 2004, Fernandes tendered his resignation from is true especially of Cotigao and Gaondongri panchayats. Another the Goa legislative assembly to the speaker of the house, citing, major problem in Poinguinim has been the delay over the con- as the main reason for his exit, his party’s (Congress) “irrespon- struction of a bridge over the Galjibag river, which flows between sible leadership” in obstructing the government.10 He seemed Galjibag (Poinguinim panchayat) and Maxem (Loliem panchayat). to suggest that the role of the opposition was to work with the People usually cross the river using a small boat or use the Konkan government! At the time, the BJP was in power with Manohar railway bridge. Alternatively, they have to take a 10-12 km bus Parrikar as chief minister. According to the provisions of the 91st route via Poinguinim to get to the other side. Considering that amendment, Fernandes’ resignation gave rise to a by-election. the distance between Galjibag and Maxem is around five to ten After 10 days of being “partyless”, on August 30, Fernandes minutes, these alternative routes are quite inconvenient. There formally joined the BJP along with 21 members of the Poinguinim is a similar problem regarding the construction of another bridge Congress block committee.11 He praised Manohar Parrikar who in Talpona in Poinguinim panchayat. The constituency does not he said promised him the development of his constituency.12 have a hospital and people have to travel to Canacona or other This was the first instance of “party-hopping” in India after towns in the state for treatment.