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NLR: Egipto, Turquía Y La India. La Ola Reaccionaria STAFF DE LA NEW LEFT REVIEW Editor: Susan Watkins Associate Editor: Francis Mulhern Editorial Committee: Tariq Ali, Perry Anderson, Kheya Bag, Gopal Balakrishnan, Emilie Bickerton, Robin Blackburn, Robert Brenner, Malcolm Bull, Mike Davis, Daniel Finn, Tom Mertes, Francis Mulhern, Dylan Riley, Julian Stallabrass, Jacob Stevens, Wang Chaohua, Tony Wood, JoAnn Wypijewski Deputy Editor: Daniel Finn Online Publisher: Rob Lucas Publishing Director: Kheya Bag Assistant Editor: Alex Niven Assistant Publisher: Emma Fajgenbaum Subscriptions: Johanna Zhang WWW.NEWLEFTREVIEW.ES Licencia Creative Commons Reconocimiento-NoComercial-SinObraDerivada 4.0 Internacional (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) © New Left Review Ltd., 2000 Editor de la edición en castellano: Carlos Prieto del Campo Diseño y coordinación editorial: David Gámez Hernández, Iñaki Vázquez Álvarez Edita: Editorial Traficantes de Sueños Calle Duque de Alba 13, 28012, Madrid, España Tel: (34) 911857773 www.traficantes.net/nlr [email protected] ISBN: 978-84-121259-0-0 Depósito legal: M-35930-2019 documentos 06 EGIPTO, TURQUÍA Y LA INDIA LA OLA REACCIONARIA Hazem Kandil Daniel Finn Cengiz Gunes Achin Vanaik Manali Desai Introducción Carlos Prieto del Campo Traducción Jose Amoroto Salido Juan Maria de Madariaga Ana Useros NE W LEFT REVIEW traficantes de sueños en español ÍNDICE Carlos Prieto del Campo Introducción. 7 Hazem Kandil. El faraón provisional [nlr 102, enero-febrero de 2017] 23 Daniel Finn Las cloacas de Erdoğan [nlr 107, noviembre-diciembre de 2017] 69 Cengiz Gunes La nueva izquierda de Turquía [nlr 107, noviembre-diciembre de 2017] 75 Achim Vanaik Las dos hegemonías de la India [nlr 112, septiembre-octubre de 2018] 103 Manali Desai Violencia de género y el cuerpo político en la India [nlr 99, julio-agosto de 2016] 145 Introducción TURQÍA, EGIPTO Y LA INDIA LA OLA REACCIONARIA CARLOS PRIETO DEL CAMPO ¿Cómo explicar que en esta fase histórica en la que nos encontramos, formaciones sociales realmente diversas entre sí, con trayectorias de evolución histórica y política tan dis- tintas y con problemas estructurales muy diferentes se coloquen hoy, tanto en el Norte como en el Sur global, en sendas similares de involución social? Marcadas por un auto- ritarismo político, una reacción institucional y una apuesta por geopolíticas declinadas en clave agresiva, proclives a la guerra, autoritarias, reaccionarias y absolutamente regresivas respecto a las opciones de los proyectos sociales que anima- ron en el caso de estos tres países, de una u otra manera, los respectivos procesos de fundación de sus Estados moder- nos durante el periodo de entreguerras o inmediatamente después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial ¿Cómo es que estos países, que conocen diferencias tan marcadas en sus trayecto- rias políticas como las existentes entre la parábola plurisecular del continente indio o la evolución del Imperio Otomano, y, sobre todo, que difieren tanto en su situación política durante el siglo xix, se alineen en la actualidad, aproximadamente un siglo después de su constitución como Estados independientes, <7> 8> > EGIPTO, TURQUÍA Y LA INDIA: LA OLA REACCIONARIA a lo largo de este eje reaccionario que encuentra su muestra más paradigmática en los Estados Unidos de Donald Trump, pero que afecta al conjunto del sistema interestatal y a buena parte de sus unidades constitutivas más importantes? ¿Cómo es que esto sucede en países que son ellos mismos produc- tos complejos de procesos de descolonización muy diversos y que protagonizan intentos muy diferentes de ajuste de cuentas con las metrópolis coloniales europeas, siendo a su vez protagonistas originales del trazado de vías de desarrollo diversas a las marcadas por el capitalismo histórico que crista- lizaron en su propia dependencia colonial? ¿Cómo es posible que el mercado mundial y la autodeterminación de los pue- blos de Woodrow Wilson, ofrecidos como la solución de la herida colonial, como proyecto de paz mundial y como marco para la emancipación, la independencia y la prosperidad hace aproximadamente un siglo, y que la apuesta por el bienes- tar y el desarrollo prometidos por el New Deal global de la Guerra Fría tras la Segunda Guerra Mundial, colapsen hoy en la actual fase de caos sistémico, de desorden creciente de los mercados globales y de reasunción de la guerra como expe- diente de disciplinarización de las relaciones internacionales, geoestratégicas y geopolíticas? ¿Qué explica que los funda- mentos del orden político mundial, duramente cincelado tras dos guerras mundiales terribles por su coste, esté colapsando por el peso de la expansión autorregulada de los mercados y la cancelación de toda oposición política antisistémica que el neoliberalismo y la socialdemocracia, los liberales y los demo- cristianos, el desarrollismo y la democracia, nos prometían como el principio del fin de la historia tras el hundimiento del socialismo real y el colapso de la Unión Soviética? ¿Qué tipo de bestia es el capitalismo para producir semejantes tasas de entropía violenta, autoritaria y destructiva, incluso de las propias condiciones de vida ecosistémica en el planeta, y para aniquilar los frágiles equilibrios de la modernidad política, cuya meseta de madurez se vislumbró con el fin de los impe- rios coloniales y las formas más brutales de administración de los mismos así como con la emancipación social de las clases trabajadoras y subalternas a escala global? ¿Cómo es Prieto del Campo: Introducción <9 posible que esta crisis sistémica del capitalismo, que arti- cula y retroalimenta la actual fase de caos sistémico que está cerrando el ciclo sistémico de acumulación estadounidense, se halle en condiciones de poner en peligro no ya el dere- cho a la existencia de las inmensas mayorías desheredadas y pobres, sino incluso el conjunto de proyecto civilizacional del liberalismo y de las clase dominantes occidentales y de sus adalides en el Sur global? ¿Cómo es que esta crisis sistémica del capitalismo histórico puede desplegar sus efectos con tal precisión selectiva y específica en todas y cada una de las macroestructuras sociales, en cada una de las microestructu- ras de funcionamiento de las sociedades y en el conjunto de sus subsistemas de regulación política, económica y social, al mismo tiempo que afecta a las opciones geopolíticas y a las decisiones que toman sus élites políticas y militares para colocar y posicionar a sus formaciones sociales y a sus eco- nomías de acuerdo con las imposiciones y exigencias del mercado mundial a expensas de casi cualquier otro princi- pio de regulación y constitución social y más allá de criterio alguno de sostenibilidad, justicia o simplemente humanidad? ¿Cómo explicar esta articulación cuasi virtuosa de una misma lógica de endurecimiento y de reordenación en clave autoritaria y reaccionaria de las condiciones sociales y eco- nómicas internas, de la forma Estado junto a las condiciones políticas nacionales, las modalidades de representación polí- tica y parlamentaria y del proyecto de integración social en los principales países del sistema interestatal actual, por un lado, y los modelos de governance geoeconómica del mer- cado mundial y las decisiones geopolíticas que las diversas elites nacionales toman para apuntalar sus proyectos nacio- nal-populares, por otro? ¿Y cómo explicar el impacto de estas decisiones geopolíticas de las élites nacionales tanto respecto a la viabilidad de sus respectivos proyectos nacio- nal-estatales, como en lo que se refiere al grado de (des) cohesión social que vislumbran como factible y deseable y están dispuestas a pagar desde sus correspondientes posiciones de fuerza interna para cumplir los diseños geoes- 10> > EGIPTO, TURQUÍA Y LA INDIA: LA OLA REACCIONARIA tratégicos neoliberales, siendo Ecuador el caso más reciente de esta pauta de comportamiento? ¿Y qué estrategias cabría pensar para desencadenar pro- cesos de movilización y de constitución política capaces de afectar simultáneamente a las opciones que las respectivas élites nacionales implementan mediante su política exterior y mediante el tono que esta impone a la política nacional y a las políticas públicas domésticas que aplican a la hora de con- trolar la reproducción política de sus respectivas formaciones sociales? ¿Cabe pensar una política que contemple ambos ejes de complejidad simultáneamente, el geopolítico y el polí- tico, y que organice el segundo teniendo en cuenta el primero no como dato epifenoménico remitido a una cuestión más de normal administración en las tareas de gobierno, sino como uno de los nervios del orden constitucional del país o de la formación social correspondiente? ¿Y qué diferencias y rela- ciones existen a este respecto entre las polities del Sur global y las del Norte global en esta precisa coyuntura de enorme violencia sistémica a todos los niveles de la estructura social y, por supuesto, también a escala de las relaciones políticas, diplomáticas y militares internacionales? ¿Cómo las opciones de determinadas polities influyen en el comportamiento de otras en las macrorregiones geoeconómicas de la geopolítica global en las que deben diseñarse los proyectos nacionales y nacional-populares sobre los que se proyecta el poder exterior económico, comercial, monetario y militar que dota de cohe- rencia a una trayectoria nacional o transnacional (la ue, por ejemplo) determinada? ¿Por qué las opciones de política exte- rior son invisibles en la política interna y al mismo tiempo constitutivas de la misma? ¿Y qué significan exactamente las relaciones internacionales o, en realidad, la política exterior
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