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Download Download Journal of Agriculture, Food Systems, and Community Development ISSN: 2152-0801 online https://www.foodsystemsjournal.org Mobilizing food: A review of Building Nature’s Market Review by Corey Lee Wrenn * University of Kent Review of Building Nature’s Market: The Business and Politics of Natural Foods, by Laura J. Miller. (2017). Published by the University of Chicago Press. Available as clothbound, paperback, and ebook; 288 pages. Publisher’s website: https://www.press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/ B/bo27035081.html Submitted July 31, 2018 / Published online November X, 2018 Citation: Wrenn, C. L. (2018). Mobilizing food: A review of Building Nature’s Market [Book review]. Journal of Agriculture, Food Systems, and Community Development, 8(3), 207–211. https://doi.org/10.5304/jafscd.2018.083.010 Copyright © 2018 by the Author. Published by the Lyson Center for Civic Agriculture and Food Systems. Open access under CC BY license. iller’s (2017) Building Nature’s Market book’s primary thesis is the argument that the M introduces the American natural foods natural foods movement has been propelled not movement to social movement studies, highlight- only by activist altruism and perseverance, but also ing its challenge to the prevailing social order through the innovativeness of savvy capitalist related to food, consumption, health, state author- entrepreneurs and corporations. ity, and individualism. This movement is concerned This argument is distinctive in social move- with more than just food; it tackles no less than ment studies, as many scholars identify corporate society’s values about progress as it is generally tied cooperation as “selling out” (Chasin, 2000) or to industrialization and technical innovation. The capitalist co-optation (Wrenn, 2016; Zeisler, 2016). Despite the clear contradiction created by aligning * Dr. Corey Lee Wrenn chairs the Animals & Society Section with a corporate system that was simultaneously of the American Sociological Association (for 2018–2021). She is the author of A Rational Approach to Animal Rights (Palgrave) problematized, Miller identifies businesses as and Piecemeal Protest: Animal Rights in the Age of Nonprofits movement participants. For most of its history, she (University of Michigan Press). Dr. Wrenn is at the University writes, “… the natural foods movement has to a of Kent in Canterbury, UK. She can be reached at large degree been constituted by a natural foods [email protected]. industry at the same time as it has retained a cri- Volume 8, Issue 3 / Fall 2018 207 Journal of Agriculture, Food Systems, and Community Development ISSN: 2152-0801 online https://www.foodsystemsjournal.org tique of the corrupting influence of commercialism sugar, and other flavorings to improve consumer on the social organization of diet and health” (p. 2). appeal. It is “not always the case,” she furthers, “that pri- Despite the compromises, Miller suggests that vate enterprise stands in opposition to movements this industrialization increased the accessibility of for social change” (p. 4). the products. Compromises may have been consid- Miller begins her analysis with a review of the erable, but the movement did seize cultural foot- aesthetic roots of the health food industry nurtured holds in a particularly hostile environment. Because by romantics and pseudoscientists such Sylvester it questioned the hegemony of the medical, scien- Graham, the Alcotts, and John H. Kellogg. By the tific, and state institutions, it predictably garnered end of the 19th century, the movement was secular- considerable resistance. The bulk of countermobili- izing, notably prompting natural foods leader zation derived from the efforts of the medical Kellogg to split with the Seventh Day Adventists establishment, which felt the most threatened by who had nurtured his career so that he could the movement’s desire to reclaim and reframe the develop what had become a business enterprise. meaning of “health.” To avoid the medical estab- While the Adventists reacted sourly to his eager lishment’s state-supported retribution, many pur- patent-seeking, advertising, and expansion, Kel- veyors conceded with vague language like “dietary logg’s emancipation invariably led to the growth of food.” Natural food’s foothold was further threat- vegetarian products and availability. Even in its ened by the American Medical Association’s grand early years, it was evident that cooperation with effort in the production of literature, films, and capitalism was correlated with movement success, outreach programs in tandem with pressure on if success is understood as changing consumption mainstream media sources, all designed to counter behaviors. For many movement puritans, such as the movement’s health-food claims. Because the the Adventists, this compromise indicated failure, health-food movement challenged the status quo not victory. of farming and food production, the state invested Indeed, social movement scholars understand considerable effort into clamping down on said movement success to be ambiguous and contested claims, specifically in regard to labeling, but also as (Martin, 2008), particularly given their tendency to it surfaced in books, lectures, and store displays. factionalize and innovate goals as the collective Miller reports that health-food leaders and purvey- action progresses (Frey, Dietz, & Kalof, 1992). ors were regularly fined and harassed by state Although the religious roots of the natural foods agents who would confiscate literature and prod- movement were important for sustaining adherents ucts deemed illegitimate. The state even coordi- in a society that was hostile and mocking of its nated spies who could obtain insider information health-centrism, most activist-producers across the to later use to control natural foods efforts. field eventually dropped their religious framework Along with the First Amendment, libel laws to appeal to a wider consumer base. This strategy, did allow the natural foods movement to persist, Miller indicates, annoyed the movement’s spiritual but it clearly faced an uphill battle in protecting and purists and demonstrates one of its first instances advancing its claims-making. As a consequence, of factionalism over radicalism and capitalist co- Miller argues that the movement took a tactical optation. A further point of schism developed turn toward individualism by framing its aim as a from the emergent corporate strategy of framing matter of consumer freedom and self-determina- health food as something that had to be packaged tion in health. Doing so allowed it to broaden its and processed, thus cutting off the public from political base. The movement was also bolstered in accessing health food on its own. Natural foods the late 1960s and 1970s by the counterculture and thus ironically transformed into processed foods in environmental movements, notably advantaged by order to increase sales and protect its market. This Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring (1962), which consti- certainly demonstrates a negative consequence of tuted a mobilizing moment. More young people collaborating with capitalism. Movement purity subsequently adopted natural foods as a political was further threatened by the desire to add salt, measure. These rapid changes resulted in an ele- 208 Volume 8, Issue 3 / Fall 2018 Journal of Agriculture, Food Systems, and Community Development ISSN: 2152-0801 online https://www.foodsystemsjournal.org ment of culture clash as the supplement salesper- erupted between the supplement industry and sons who characterized the movement in the natural foods. Many understood supplements not decades prior struggled to efficiently cooperate only to be non-foods but, more specifically, non- with the looser organizational style of new partici- foods that risked defaming the movement given pants of a countercultural persuasion. regular scandals about their purity and safety. Yet With the affluence of the 1980s, the movement supplements had long been the bread and butter of would transform again, moving away from the sim- the movement, allowing it to infiltrate mainstream plistic back-to-nature ethic of its earlier portrayal society (given their scientific aura) and remain toward a higher-class bracket, aligning natural financially afloat. foods with being educated and wealthy. Stores Miller maintains a very forgiving position on became cleaner, glossier, and more aesthetically capitalist growth in the movement, emphasizing pleasing, while natural foods were rebranded as that industry was always, from the very beginning, products of the wealthy through price markups, part and parcel of natural foods activism. The artisanal recipes, and nice packaging. Evoking the author briefly mentions the erosion of vegetarian- Bordieuan concept of distinction (Bourdieu, 1984) ism in favor of flexitarianism as an example of how and its power to manifest cultural value and repro- movements must water down their message and duce class inequality, Miller credits this stylistic abandon purity in order to grow. However, vege- change with finally pushing natural foods into the tarianism is not just a lifestyle movement, as the mainstream. author most frequently describes it. It is also part It was at this time that larger grocers such as of the social justice–oriented animal rights move- Whole Foods began to dominate natural foods ment (Maurer, 2002), and thus entails different retail sales, while the number of distributors dwin- interests and goals. This is important because the dled to a just
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