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The Most Dangerous Book in the World The Most Dangerous Book in the World 9/11 as Mass Ritual By S.K. Bain The Most Dangerous Book in the World – 9/11 as Mass Ritual Copyright © 2012 S.K. Bain. All Rights Reserved. Presentation Copyright © 2012 Trine Day, LLC Published by: Trine Day LLC PO Box 577 Walterville, OR 97489 1-800-556-2012 www.TrineDay.com [email protected] Library of Congress Control Number: 2012944885 Bain, S.K. The Most Dangerous Book in the World– 9/11 as Mass Ritual—1st ed. p. cm. (acid-free paper) Includes references. Epud (ISBN-13) 978-1-937584-19-1 Mobi (ISBN-13) 978-1-937584-18-4 Print (ISBN-13) 978-1-937584-17-7 1. September 11 Terrorist Attacks, 2001. 2. Psychological warfare -- United States -- History -- 21st century. 3. Occultism -- Political aspects -- United States. 4. Secret societies -- United States. 5. Conspiracies -- United States. 6. Political corruption -- United States. I. Bain, S.K. II. Title First Edition 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Printed in the USA Distribution to the Trade by: Independent Publishers Group (IPG) 814 North Franklin Street Chicago, Illinois 60610 312.337.0747 www.ipgbook.com Prologue Knock, Knock t was inevitable that this book would be written. There is, among conspiracy afficionadoes, a kind of brotherhood. (I use the gender-specific term “brotherhood” deliberately.) It is a Ibrotherhood buried alive. What does that mean? Imagine a person buried alive. Imagine yourself. You are equal parts alive and dead. You are in your own tomb; you feel the sensations of mor- tality with a keenness you never did before. Death approaches. Or maybe it has already arrived and you just don’t know it yet. Edgar Allen Poe wrote about it. More importantly, such premature burial is an essential part of the Ma- sonic initiation ceremony of the third degree. To be ritually and symboli- cally slain, buried, and raised again is a feature of many initiatory programs around the world, from Siberian shamanism to quaint nineteenth century English secret societies. It is a liminal event: you are on the threshold of living and dying, and in that sacred spot you can see in both directions. Conspiracy theorists are kind of like that. They have one foot in the world of mainstream history and culture, what Robert Anton Wilson used to call “consensus reality.” That’s the world where most of us live. We are all products of that world, and of the ideas and worldview it represents. We are trained in this world virtually from birth: school, church, government, me- dia all conspire to present an image—a picture—of reality that will result in the development of perfect citizens in an easily-managed society. There is a social contract: we contribute to this society with the expectation that we will receive goods and services in return. We obey the laws that are cre- ated by other people, believing that our best interests are being addressed thereby. We fight in wars declared by our governments in order to preserve our society: this carefully-structured, albeit artificial, society. And all is right with the world. The Most Dangerous Book in the World But conspiracy theorists have their other foot … well, somewhere else. Not everyone is asleep to the darker mechanisms of reality. In fact, every- one becomes aware of them at some point in their lives. Everyone ques- tions. The very nature of reality itself is at times so hostile to human life that human institutions must be challenged for their inadequate protection of their constituents. Conspiracy theorists seize on this inadequacy as ev- idence of the tenuousness of consensus reality. There are other forces at work, forces that are unacknowledged by the state, the church, the media because to admit their existence is to admit failure. Thus, when things go wrong terrorists are blamed, or communists, or witches. This serves to rally the citizens around the government once again, instead of stopping to in- sist that explanations be given, that evidence is properly analyzed, that the guilty are apprehended and punished. And we once more go to war, against … someone, somewhere. Paranoia becomes institutionalized. It is appropriated by the govern- ment as its own prerogative. The state determines the nature and quality of the paranoia: it creates intelligence agencies whose sole purpose is to give a form to paranoia, to enshrine paranoia as one of the necessary qualities of an observant and caring state. To prove that paranoia is an acceptable characterisic of the paternalistic regime. The citizens are not allowed to become paranoid unless it is at gov- ernment direction and sanction. Individual cases of paranoia are frowned upon. The state tells us that if we are not paranoid the way it is paranoid— and about the same things—it’s because we don’t have all the facts: about terrorism, fundamentalism, communism, foreign countries, weapons of mass destruction, sleeper cells. The state has all the facts: classified doc- uments, wire-tap transcripts, intelligence feeds, high-altitude reconnais- sance images, none of which the citizen is permitted to see. It does not realize that the logical conclusion of all this paranoia is sus- picion of the state apparatus itself. What the conspiracy theorist often fails to realize, however, is that those working for the state are often just as clueless as the average citizen when it comes to the origin and function of the forces at work to subvert it. The strength of a conspiracy, after all, rests in the limited number of per- sons who are aware of its existence and parameters. No one has the entire picture. Each member of the state apparatus only has possession of a sin- gle piece of an enormous jigsaw puzzle. Putting together all these disparate pieces—particularly when one does not have the original picture to work from—is a soul-destroying enterprise that consumes decades of work and vi Prologue years of one’s life. This is especially true when the state has in its arsenal of lies the techniques of disinformation and misdirection, of false testimony and planted documents. Anyone who works with this material eventually comes to that realiza- tion. But the motivation to keep digging is still alive; the urge to uncover one more piece of the puzzle, one more document, is perhaps a central characteristic not only of the conspiracy theorist but of human nature it- self. The more intelligent of the theorists soon come to realize that Hansel and Gretel have left breadcrumbs everywhere, in no discernible pattern. Thus, the inclination among some of the best to stop looking for the chil- dren and start looking for the Witch. The deeper one delves into the conspiracy literature, the more one is struck by the tendency of some theorists to look beyond the documents and the tan- gible evidence of government malfeasance or political conspiracy to more transcendental sources of power. One begins with the government agents, the spies, the politicians, the military and soon gravitates towards the secret societ- ies: the Freemasons and the Illuminati (among so many others). This involves studying their texts, their social structures, their stated goals, their secret con- claves, their antinomian beliefs and practices. One comes face to face with the Occult. A strange journey, indeed, from a presidential assassination to an inter- view with the Devil. Yet, once one has made the leap from BU-Files and documents stamped LIMDIS and NOFORN to grimoires and magical diaries, it all seems to hang together… for awhile. New sources of evidence become available. New testimony appears. Weird cults are seen linked to secret government machinations. George Washington was a Freemason. So was Simon Boli- var. And Gerald Ford. What does it mean? It would take a 21st century Kabbalist to figure it out. Someone with knowledge of codes and decoding. Someone like the author of this book, S.K. Bain. Someone who was observant enough to notice the details most of us ignore, since we have not been trained that way. Since we have not done the reading. It needs someone who is as versed in Kabbalah as in conspiracy, in ge- matria as in government. It requires a new science, a new art, a new ap- proach to the old material. Furthermore, it requires a sense that conspir- acy may be transcendental, may have its origins in the unconscious mind of the state. The numerology alone is significant: someone, somewhere is pulling these particular quantum strings. The numbers are consistent, insis- vii The Most Dangerous Book in the World tent. They are either the result of a conscious and deliberate series of acts by agents so powerful and so unknown that a belief in an ultimate Secret Society is our only option, or they are evidence of the workings of an even Darker Force … and no one is in charge. This is where S.K. Bain comes in. He notices things. He sees patterns in the dates, names, places, and documents that most of us either ignore or can’t see on our best days. I have stayed away from 9/11 conspiracy theo- rizing since there are already a lot of people doing that and I have nothing of value to add to the conversation. That is not true of S.K. Bain. What the author adds to the ongoing dialogue about 9/11 transcends the hideous events of that day and extends into other times, other spaces. This is new material, a new approach to the conspiracies and cover-ups that surround the day that—in the view of the mainstream media—“changed everything” (although many of us know better, know that nothing had changed, know that it was the twentieth century taken to its logical conclusion).
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