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Tracing the Role of Technology in Iranian Politics: from the Islamic Revolution of 1979 to the Presidential Election of 2009
IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) Volume 21, Issue 4, Ver. 7 (Apr. 2016) PP 06-16 e-ISSN: 2279-0837, p-ISSN: 2279-0845. www.iosrjournals.org Tracing the Role of Technology in Iranian Politics: From the Islamic Revolution of 1979 to the Presidential Election of 2009 Dr. Farid M.S Al-Salim History Program . Department of Humanities . College of Arts and Sciences. Qatar University P.O Box 2713 Doha, Qatar Abstract: This paper will attempt to examine the question: Given the advances in technology, why did the 2009 election protest movement fail to accomplish any of their goals while the participations of the 1979 Revolution were able to succeed in accomplishing their expressed objective? This question will provide a simplified test to a common tenant of those that support the use of technology as a means of bringing about regime change: that advances in communication technology are diffusing power away from governments and toward individual citizens and non-state actors. In order to answer this question this paper will examine the role of technology as an enabling factor in both the 1979 revolution and 2009 election protests. A brief historical context of the 1979 and 2009 conflicts will be provided, followed by a short history about the use of the Internet in Iran and finally the concluding remarks. Shah Muhammad Reza Pahlavi was said to be “The Shah-in-Shah” or the King of Kings.1 The head of the Iranian government, son of Reza Shah and architect of the White Revolution, Shah Muhammad Reza Pahlavi would also be the final ruling monarch of Iran. -
“Shutting out Hezbollah in Its Entirety Will Destabilize the Lebanese
CLAIM “Shutting out Hezbollah in its entirety will destabilize the Lebanese government, in which Hezbollah and its allies gained a vast majority of the popular vote in parliamentary elections, making it one of the most effective fighting forces against the Islamic State group.” SHORT RESPONSE HEZBOLLAH IS THE DESTABILIZER IN THE LEBANESE GOVERNMENT AND HAS DONE LITTLE TO DEFEAT THE ISLAMIC STATE. INSTEAD, IT ASPIRES TO BECOME SOMETHING SIMILAR. THE FACTS The struggle to reduce the capabilities of a terrorist organization is ongoing, multi-dimensional, and requires a great deal of determination. A terrorist organization such as Hezbollah, which operates simultaneously as a terrorist organization and within the framework of the Lebanese political system as a “legitimate party,” relies on civilian infrastructure, living spaces, and sources of funding. It carries out profit and loss considerations on an ongoing basis. Reducing Hezbollah’s capabilities and influence must be achieved by exerting pressure on the organization — directly and indirectly. The key to this is international cooperation and the mobilization of political elements in the government to reduce Hezbollah’s power. SETTING THE RECORD STRAIGHT ON HEZBOLLAH A Joint Project by AJC and the International Institute for Counter-Terrorism KEY DETAILS WHAT DOES IT REALLY MEAN TO Î For years, an alliance between the Christian camp and the DESIGNATE HEZBOLLAH? Sunnis controlled the centers of power in the Lebanese The significance of designating Hezbollah as a terrorist political system. organization primarily derives from the entities that carry Î The assassination of Rafic Hariri, the Syrian withdrawal out the designation. The list of countries that have made the from Lebanon, Hezbollah’s entry into the government, designated Hezbollah a terrorist organization include: and especially the rivalry in the Christian camp led to the consolidation of new political dynamics, including an alliance Israel 1982 between President Michel Aoun from the Christian camp and Hezbollah. -
Khomeini's Face Is in the Moon
Khomeini’s Face is in the Moon Limitations of Sacredness and the Origins of Sovereignty Olmo Gölz Introduction During the course of the year 1978, the person of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini1 became regarded as the leading figure of the Iranian Revolution who “ultimately engineered the downfall of the Pahlavi monarchy”.2 From his exile, first in Iraq and since September 1978 in France, he maintained his grasp on the events in Iran through his local network and developed a distinct charismatic, if not messi- anic appeal – so that the later success of the revolution was closely associated with both the abscondence of the detested Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi in January 1979 and the return of Ayatollah Khomeini to Iran some days later, culminating in the public opinion that the Shah had left by the force of the Ayatollah.3 In his persuasive evaluation of the source and significance of Ayatollah Khomeini’s charisma during the Iranian Revolution of 1977–1979, the political scientist Daniel Brumberg came to the conclusion that the revolutionary leader’s gravity drew on a rather multi-faceted foundation.4 On the one hand, the Ayatol- lah’s example would validate Hannah Arendt’s theory that mass leaders tend to use the notion of infallibility as a propaganda effect and therefore often an- nounce “their political intentions in the form of prophecy”.5 In this regard, cha- risma is explained as the effect of deliberate use of cultural symbols by elites,6 and Brumberg admits that Khomeini grasped this logic, for example, when in 1978 he publicly legitimized out of exile the deviant actions of his followers as the fulfil- ment of a divine prophecy. -
Durham Research Online
Durham Research Online Deposited in DRO: 12 May 2006 Version of attached le: Published Version Peer-review status of attached le: Peer-reviewed Citation for published item: Ismael, T. Y. (2002) 'Arafat's Palestine national authority.', Working Paper. University of Durham, Centre for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies, Durham. Further information on publisher's website: http://www.dur.ac.uk/sgia/ Publisher's copyright statement: Additional information: Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full DRO policy for further details. Durham University Library, Stockton Road, Durham DH1 3LY, United Kingdom Tel : +44 (0)191 334 3042 | Fax : +44 (0)191 334 2971 https://dro.dur.ac.uk University of Durbam Institute for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies *********************************** ARAFAT'S PALESTINE NATIONAL AUTHORITY *********************************** by Tariq Y. lsmael Durham Middle East Paper No. 71 June 2002 - 2 OCT 1001 Durham Middle East Papel"S lSSN 1416-4830 No.11 The Durham Middle Easl Papers series covers all aspects of the economy. politi~s, social SCll~nce. history. hterature and languages or lhe Middle East. AUlhors are invited 10 submil papers to lhe Edl!orial Board for l:onsidcration for publiealion. -
Iran's “Second” Islamic Revolution
IRAN’S “SECOND” ISLAMIC REVOLUTION: ITS CHALLENGE TO THE WEST Brig.-Gen. (ret.) Dr. Shimon Shapira and Daniel Diker Iranian President Mahmoud The ideological engine powering the Iranian re- via what is known in the West as “Gog and Magog” Ahmadinejad delivers gime’s race for regional supremacy is among the events is driven by his spiritual fealty to the fun- a speech on the 18th more misunderstood – and ignored – aspects of damentalist Ayatollah Mohammad Mesbah Yazdi anniversary of the death Iran’s political and military activity in the Middle and the messianic Hojjatiyeh organization. These of the late revolutionary East. Particularly since the election of Mahmoud religious convictions have propelled the regime founder Ayatollah Khomeini, Ahmadinejad to the presidency in 2005, Iran’s revo- toward an end-of-days scenario that Khomeini had under his portrait, at his 3 mausoleum just outside lutionary leadership has thrust the Islamic Republic sought to avoid. Tehran, Iran, June 3, 2007. into the throes of what has been called a “Second 1 Hard-line Ahmadinejad said Islamic Revolution.” In its basic form, this revolu- Iran’s Second Islamic Revolution is distinguishing the world would witness the tion seeks a return to the principles of former Ira- itself from the original Islamic Revolution in other destruction of Israel soon, nian leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s 1979 important ways: Iran is not only spreading its pow- the official Islamic Republic Islamic Revolution, which was based on: destroy- er in the region by reaching out to Shiite communi- News Agency reported. ing Israel – “the Little Satan” – as a symbol of the ties such as in Iraq and Lebanon, the regime is also United States, “the Great Satan;”2 exporting the actively cooperating with Sunni terror groups in an Islamic revolution domestically and against Arab effort to solicit support from the Sunni Arab street “apostate” governments in the region, and forc- over the heads of established Arab governments. -
Introduction Chapter 1
Notes Introduction 1. Thomas S. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 2nd ed. (Chicago: Univer- sity of Chicago Press, 1970). 2. Ralph Pettman, Human Behavior and World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1975); Giandomenico Majone, Evidence, Argument, and Persuasion in the Policy Process (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1989), 275– 76. 3. Bernard Lewis, “The Return of Islam,” Commentary, January 1976; Ofira Seliktar, The Politics of Intelligence and American Wars with Iraq (New York: Palgrave Mac- millan, 2008), 4. 4. Martin Kramer, Ivory Towers on Sand: The Failure of Middle Eastern Studies in Amer- ica (Washington, DC: Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 2000). 5. Bernard Lewis, “The Roots of Muslim Rage,” Atlantic Monthly, September, 1990; Samuel P. Huntington, “The Clash of Civilizations,” Foreign Affairs 72 (1993): 24– 49; Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of the World Order (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996). Chapter 1 1. Quoted in Joshua Muravchik, The Uncertain Crusade: Jimmy Carter and the Dilemma of Human Rights (Lanham, MD: Hamilton Press, 1986), 11– 12, 114– 15, 133, 138– 39; Hedley Donovan, Roosevelt to Reagan: A Reporter’s Encounter with Nine Presidents (New York: Harper & Row, 1985), 165. 2. Charles D. Ameringer, U.S. Foreign Intelligence: The Secret Side of American History (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1990), 357; Peter Meyer, James Earl Carter: The Man and the Myth (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1978), 18; Michael A. Turner, “Issues in Evaluating U.S. Intelligence,” International Journal of Intelligence and Counterintelligence 5 (1991): 275– 86. 3. Abram Shulsky, Silent Warfare: Understanding the World’s Intelligence (Washington, DC: Brassey’s [US], 1993), 169; Robert M. -
The Palestinian People
The Palestinian People The Palestinian People ❖ A HISTORY Baruch Kimmerling Joel S. Migdal HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England 2003 Copyright © 1994, 2003 by Baruch Kimmerling and Joel S. Migdal All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America An earlier version of this book was published in 1994 as Palestinians: The Making of a People Cataloging-in-Publication data available from the Library of Congress ISBN 0-674-01131-7 (cloth) ISBN 0-674-01129-5 (paper) To the Palestinians and Israelis working and hoping for a mutually acceptable, negotiated settlement to their century-long conflict CONTENTS Maps ix Preface xi Acknowledgments xxi Note on Transliteration xxiii Introduction xxv Part One FROM REVOLT TO REVOLT: THE ENCOUNTER WITH THE EUROPEAN WORLD AND ZIONISM 1. The Revolt of 1834 and the Making of Modern Palestine 3 2. The City: Between Nablus and Jaffa 38 3. Jerusalem: Notables and Nationalism 67 4. The Arab Revolt, 1936–1939 102 vii Contents Part Two DISPERSAL 5. The Meaning of Disaster 135 Part Three RECONSTITUTING THE PALESTINIAN NATION 6. Odd Man Out: Arabs in Israel 169 7. Dispersal, 1948–1967 214 8. The Feday: Rebirth and Resistance 240 9. Steering a Path under Occupation 274 Part Four ABORTIVE RECONCILIATION 10. The Oslo Process: What Went Right? 315 11. The Oslo Process: What Went Wrong? 355 Conclusion 398 Chronological List of Major Events 419 Notes 457 Index 547 viii MAPS 1. Palestine under Ottoman Rule 39 2. Two Partitions of Palestine (1921, 1949) 148 3. United Nations Recommendation for Two-States Solution in Palestine (1947) 149 4. -
Lebanon in the Syrian Quagmire
Lebanon in the Syrian Quagmire: Fault-Lines, Resilience and Possible Futures Ishac Diwan, Paris Sciences et Lettres Youssef Chaitani, UN ESCWA Working Paper for Discussion The purpose of this paper is to examine the weaknesses and strengths of Lebanon amidst the tensions created by the Syrian conflict that started in 2011. Lebanon’s sectarian governance system has been over 150 years in the making. But the Syrian fire next door, which has taken an increasing sectarian nature, is likely to burn for a long time. With such dire prospects, what is the fate of Lebanon’s governance system? Will it lead the country inexorably towards civil strife? The Lebanese governance system could be described as a horizontal deal among communal oligarchs, supported by vertical organizations within each community. While oligarchs have changed over time, the system itself survived devastating civil wars, endured extensive global and regional influences, and was also undeterred by the projection of power by many external forces, including the Palestinian Liberation Organization, Syria, Iran and Israel. What are the forces at work that make the Lebanese governance system both resilient and resistant to change? In the paper, we use as an analytical framework, which is introduced in section one, the model of limited orders developed by Douglas North and his associates. In section two, we argue that the Syrian civil war is likely to be long lasting. Section three examines the weaknesses and fault-lines of the Lebanese system in light of the Syrian war. Section four explores the factors that continue to contribute to the strength and resilience of Lebanon in spite of the rise in extremist Islamic militancy. -
The Specter of Sunni Military Mobilization in Lebanon
The Specter of Sunni Military Mobilization in Lebanon Patricio Asfura-Heim • Chris Steinitz with contributions by Ghassan Schbley Cleared for public release DOP-2013-U-006349-Final November 2013 Strategic Studies is a division of CNA. This directorate conducts analyses of security policy, regional analyses, studies of political-military issues, and strategy and force assessments. CNA Strategic Studies is part of the glob- al community of strategic studies institutes and in fact collaborates with many of them. On the ground experience is a hallmark of our regional work. Our specialists combine in-country experience, language skills, and the use of local primary-source data to produce empirically based work. All of our analysts have advanced degrees, and virtually all have lived and worked abroad. Similarly, our strategists and military/naval operations experts have either active duty experience or have served as field analysts with operating Navy and Marine Corps commands. They are skilled at anticipating the “prob- lem after next” as well as determining measures of effectiveness to assess ongoing initiatives. A particular strength is bringing empirical methods to the evaluation of peace-time engagement and shaping activities. The Strategic Studies Division’s charter is global. In particular, our analysts have proven expertise in the follow- ing areas: The full range of Asian security issues The full range of Middle East related security issues, especially Iran and the Arabian Gulf Maritime strategy Insurgency and stabilization Future national security environment and forces European security issues, especially the Mediterranean littoral West Africa, especially the Gulf of Guinea Latin America The world’s most important navies Deterrence, arms control, missile defense and WMD proliferation The Strategic Studies Division is led by Dr. -
The MENARA Booklet for the Humanitarian Sector (Eds.) Sala Cristina Cristina & Quero Jordi the MENARA Booklet For
Jordi Quero & Cristina Sala (Eds.) the MENARA MENARA the The HumanitarianSector booklet for the MENARA booklet for The Humanitarian Sector Jordi Quero & Cristina Sala (Eds.) © 2019 CIDOB Editors: Jordi Quero & Cristina Sala CIDOB Elisabets, 12 08001 Barcelona Tel.: 933 026 495 www.cidob.org [email protected] Print: Book-Print S.A. ISBN: 978-84-92511-61-7 Legal Deposit: B 6220-2019 Design and layout: Joan Antoni Balcells Barcelona, February 2019 Cover image Mustafa Khayat. Syrian refugee camp, Karkosik Erbil. https://www.flickr.com/photos/mustafakhayat/11876961544/in/album-72157639625717426/ Foreword ..................................................................................................................... 4 Jordi Quero & Cristina Sala Notes on contributors ............................................................................................... 5 Military factors in the MENA region: Challenging trends ..................................... 7 Sven Biscop & Julien Sassel Armed conflicts and the erosion of the state: The cases of Iraq, Libya, Yemen and Syria ...................................................................................................... 17 Virginie Collombier, Maria-Louise Clausen, Hiba Hassan, Helle Malmvig, Jan Pêt Khorto Militarization and militia-ization dynamics of armed group proliferation in Egypt and Libya .................................................................................................. 28 Rasmus Boserup & Virginie Collombier Demographic and economic material factors in the MENA -
Understanding Ahmadinejad Foreign Policy Council Ilan Berman Washington, DC June 2006 No
The American Understanding Ahmadinejad Foreign Policy Council Ilan Berman Washington, DC June 2006 No. 1 Who is Mahmoud Ahmadinejad?1 Before his meteoric rise to power in the summer of 2005, Iran’s ultra-con- servative president was a relative political unknown. Since taking office in August 2005, peccable revolutionary credentials. however, the 50-year-old Ahmadinejad As a member of the radical “Office for has done much to demonstrate his radi- Strengthening Unity” during the Islamic cal credentials. He has ratcheted up the Revolution, Ahmadinejad played a major Islamic Republic’s hostile rhetoric toward role in planning and executing the 1980 Israel and the United States. His govern- takeover of the U.S. embassy in Tehran.2 ment has systematically rolled back do- Subsequently, he became a commander mestic freedoms and deepened its control in the Pasdaran, the feared clerical army over Iranian society. And, under his direc- created by the Ayatollah Ruhollah Kho- tion, the Islamic Republic has accelerated meini to serve as the “shock troops” of the its very public march toward an atomic Islamic Republic. In that capacity, Ah- capability. madinejad served as an instructor for the Yet much remains unknown about Basij, the regime’s fanatical domestic mi- Iran’s president. What drives Ahmadine- litia, during the eight-year Iran-Iraq War.3 jad’s extremist worldview? And is he simply Afterward, Ahmadinejad served as the a pawn of the country’s Supreme Leader, governor of Ardebil province, and as an or the representative of a separate interest organizer of Ansar-e Hezbollah, the most group competing for power in Tehran? As notorious of Iran’s guruh-i fishar (vigilante the current crisis over Iran’s nuclear am- or “pressure” groups),4 until eventually bitions continues to deepen, the answers becoming mayor of Tehran in 2003. -
The Ongoing Battle for Beirut: Old Dynamics and New Trends Benedetta Berti
The Ongoing Battle for Beirut: Old Dynamics and New Trends Benedetta Berti Memorandum 111 המכון למחקרי ביטחון לאומי THE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL SECURcITY STUDIES INCORPORATING THE JAFFEE bd CENTER FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES The Ongoing Battle for Beirut: Old Dynamics and New Trends Benedetta Berti Institute for National Security Studies THE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL SECURcITY STUDIES INCORPORATING THE JAFFEE b d TheCENTER FOR STRA InstituteTEGIC STUDIES for National Security Studies (INSS), incorporating the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies, was founded in 2006. The purpose of the Institute for National Security Studies is first, to conduct basic research that meets the highest academic standards on matters related to Israel’s national security as well as Middle East regional and international security affairs. Second, the Institute aims to contribute to the public debate and governmental deliberation of issues that are – or should be – at the top of Israel’s national security agenda. INSS seeks to address Israeli decision makers and policymakers, the defense establishment, public opinion makers, the academic community in Israel and abroad, and the general public. INSS publishes research that it deems worthy of public attention, while it maintains a strict policy of non-partisanship. The opinions expressed in this publication are the authors’ alone, and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institute, its trustees, boards, research staff, or the organization and individuals that support its research. Benedetta Berti The Ongoing Battle