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Re-Visiting the Arab Revolt of 1936-1939 in Palestine
Oberlin Digital Commons at Oberlin Honors Papers Student Work 2016 Contested Land, Contested Representations: Re-visiting the Arab Revolt of 1936-1939 in Palestine Gabriel Healey Brown Oberlin College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.oberlin.edu/honors Part of the History Commons Repository Citation Brown, Gabriel Healey, "Contested Land, Contested Representations: Re-visiting the Arab Revolt of 1936-1939 in Palestine" (2016). Honors Papers. 226. https://digitalcommons.oberlin.edu/honors/226 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Work at Digital Commons at Oberlin. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Papers by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons at Oberlin. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Contested Land, Contested Representations: Re-visiting the Arab Revolt of 1936-1939 in Palestine Gabriel Brown Candidate for Senior Honors in History Oberlin College Thesis Advisor: Zeinab Abul-Magd Spring/2016 Table of Contents Acknowledgments………………………………………………………………………………...1 Map of Palestine, 1936……………………………………………………………………………2 Glossary…………………………………………………………………………………………...3 Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………….4 Chapter One……………………………………………………………………………………...15 Chapter Two……………………………………………………………………………………...25 Chapter Three…………………………………………………………………………………….37 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………….50 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………………. 59 Brown 1 Acknowledgements Large research endeavors like this one are never undertaken alone, and I would be remiss if I didn’t thank the many people who have helped me along the way. I owe a huge debt to Shelley Lee, Jesse Gamoran, Gavin Ratcliffe, Meghan Mette, and Daniel Hautzinger, whose kind feedback throughout the year sharpened my ideas and improved the coherence of my work more times than I can count. A special thank you to Sam Coates-Finke and Leo Harrington, who were always ready to listen as I worked through the writing process. -
Urban Arab Palestine, No-Go Areas, and the Conflicted Course of British Counter-Insurgency During the Great Rebellion, 1936–1939
Chapter 6 “Government Forces Dare Not Penetrate”: Urban Arab Palestine, No-Go Areas, and the Conflicted Course of British Counter-Insurgency during the Great Rebellion, 1936–1939 Simon Davis The Great Palestine Arab rebellion against British rule, sometimes termed the first authentic intifada,1 lasted from April 1936 until summer 1939. The British Mandate’s facilitation of Zionist expansion in Palestine had since the 1920s recurrently aroused violent Arab protest, mainly at urban points of interface with Jewish communities. Initially, the great rebellion seemed just such an- other occurrence, beginning with inter-communal riots in Manshiyeh, the mixed Arab-Jewish workers’ suburb separating the Jewish city of Tel Aviv from its mainly Arab neighbor Jaffa. But despite the reinforcement of exhausted Palestine Police with 300 Cameron Highlanders, a quarter of the infantry in Palestine, the disorders metamorphosed into lasting, territory-wide Arab civil disobedience. Coordinated by National Committees in each principal town, elite leaders hurriedly formed the Jerusalem-based Arab Higher Committee, hoping to preserve leadership over qualitatively new levels of nationally con- scious activism. Proliferating rural sniping and sabotage, mainly on Jewish settlements, most engaged the British military, predisposed to familiar small- war, anti-banditry traditions, largely derived from experience in India. But urban political violence, mainly in the form of reciprocally escalating Arab and Jewish bombings, shootings and stabbings, was left to the increasingly over- whelmed police. Consequent loss of control over Arab towns forced the British High Commissioner, Sir Arthur Wauchope, to invoke emergency regulations in June 1936. But subsequent military repression, frequently contemptuous of civil political context, merely aggravated Arab resistance, which was trans- formed, British observers noted, from past patterns of spasmodic anti-Zionist violence into a comprehensive uprising against British Mandatory rule itself. -
Palestinians in Kuwait
‘The People Are Missing’: Palestinians in Kuwait Mai Al-Nakib Kuwait University Abstract This paper explores the effects of the Iraqi invasion on the Palestinian community in Kuwait. Specifically, it considers Gilles Deleuze’s notion of the ‘missing people’ in relation both to the Palestinians deported after the 1991 Gulf War and to the majority of Kuwaitis who have not acknowledged the effects of this disappearance on either the Palestinians or themselves. The first section revisits the circumstances surrounding the deportation of approximately 380,000 Palestinians from Kuwait, while the second considers what was lost as a result. The final section proposes an ‘ethics of the missing’ as a possible means to engage and transform some of the ensuing problems. Keywords: Deleuze, Palestinians, Kuwait, ethics, missing people, virtual, becoming 1991 is the year the Palestinian community in Kuwait went missing. Of the 380,000–400,000 Palestinians that lived and worked in Kuwait before the Iraqi invasion, only about 70,000 remained by the end of the year (Lesch 2005: 172). The consequences of the Gulf War on Palestinians deported from Kuwait to Jordan, Gaza and the West Bank are ongoing (Le Troquer and al-Oudat 1999). While the economic and, to some extent, political effects of this event on Palestinians can be calculated, the psychological, social and cultural effects are harder to tabulate. Twenty-two years on, between 55,000 and 70,000 Palestinians remain in Kuwait. They maintain a low profile, understandable given their precarious legal, socio-political and economic status. Kuwaitis tend Deleuze Studies 8.1 (2014): 23–44 DOI: 10.3366/dls.2014.0132 © Edinburgh University Press www.euppublishing.com/dls 24 Mai Al-Nakib to remain silent regarding what can be described as the ‘overlapping yet irreconcilable experiences’ of living with and without Palestinians in Kuwait (Said 2004: 143). -
Palestine Chronology 1989 – 1990
Palestine Chronology 1989 – 1990 1989 Jan. 3: In a statement on Radio Monte Carlo's Arabic Language Service, Arafat says: "Any Palestinian leader who proposes an end to the Intifada exposes himself to the bullets of his own people and endangers his life. The PLO will know how to deal with him." Jan. 7: Chairman Arafat hoists the Palestinian Flag over a Palestinian embassy in Amman. Jan. 10: Lord Plumb, Pres. of the European Parliament, in addressing the Israeli Knesset confirms EC support for an international conference, for talks with the PLO and for the Palestinians' right to self determination. Jan. 11: The PLO requests from the president of the UN Sec. Council the right to speak as the state of Palestine rather than as an organization. Jan. 12: The UN Sec. Council grants the PLO the right to speak directly to the council as "Palestine", on the same level as any UN member nation. - The third curfew in the history of Israeli rule in East Jerusalem remains in force all day as police continue to search houses in Silwan arresting over 20 people. Jan. 19: Defence Min. Rabin proposes elections and an interim period of expanded autonomy for Palestinians in the OPT in exchange for a lull in the Intifada, but categorically rules out any role for the UN in such an arrangement. Jan. 22: The UNLU rejects Defence Min. Rabin's proposal for self-rule and, in leaflet No. 33 of the Intifada, calls for an international conference. - PLO and Jordanian Government reject Rabin's proposal. Jan. 26: Arafat arrives in Madrid to meet with European Community foreign ministers of Spain, France and Greece. -
Palestine 100 Years of Struggle: the Most Important Events Yasser
Palestine 100 Years of Struggle: The Most Important Events Yasser Arafat Foundation 1 Early 20th Century - The total population of Palestine is estimated at 600,000, including approximately 36,000 of the Jewish faith, most of whom immigrated to Palestine for purely religious reasons, the remainder Muslims and Christians, all living and praying side by side. 1901 - The Zionist Organization (later called the World Zionist Organization [WZO]) founded during the First Zionist Congress held in Basel Switzerland in 1897, establishes the “Jewish National Fund” for the purpose of purchasing land in Palestine. 1902 - Ottoman Sultan Abdul Hamid II agrees to receives Theodor Herzl, the founder of the Zionist movement and, despite Herzl’s offer to pay off the debt of the Empire, decisively rejects the idea of Zionist settlement in Palestine. - A majority of the delegates at The Fifth Zionist Congress view with favor the British offer to allocate part of the lands of Uganda for the settlement of Jews. However, the offer was rejected the following year. 2 1904 - A wave of Jewish immigrants, mainly from Russia and Poland, begins to arrive in Palestine, settling in agricultural areas. 1909 Jewish immigrants establish the city of “Tel Aviv” on the outskirts of Jaffa. 1914 - The First World War begins. - - The Jewish population in Palestine grows to 59,000, of a total population of 657,000. 1915- 1916 - In correspondence between Sir Henry McMahon, the British High Commissioner in Egypt, and Sharif Hussein of Mecca, wherein Hussein demands the “independence of the Arab States”, specifying the boundaries of the territories within the Ottoman rule at the time, which clearly includes Palestine. -
The Intifadah and the 1936-1939 Uprising: a Comparison of the Palestinian Arab Communities 1
The Intifadah and the 1936-1939 Uprising: A Comparison of the Palestinian Arab Communities 1 Kenneth W. Stein The Carter Center March, 1990 Table of Contents 1. Executive Summary 2. Part I-Similarities 3. Part II-Comparisons I. Palestinian Leadership II. Character and Participation III. The Islamic Dimension IV. Duration and Effects 4. Part III - Conclusions 5. About the Author Executive Summary When comparing the 1936-1939 Palestinian uprising in various parts of western Palestine to the present intifadah, 2 taking place in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem, the most striking conclusion is the large number of general similarities between these two manifestations of Palestinian national consciousness. 3 The two most significant differences between the uprisings, however, are first, that the intifadah generated a deeper and more prolonged Palestinian national coherence across all classes than did its predecessor. Second, the intifadah clarified and crystallized Palestinian opinion which in conjunction with other events helped to create a historic compromise in Palestinian public policy. Other major differences between the two uprisings are self-evident. Many pertain to the political environments in which both uprisings unfolded. During the 1936-1939 uprising, there were no existing UN resolutions about Palestine. There was no Israel, no Israeli Arab population, no Palestinian political organization of the stature and strength of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), no decade-old Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty as a backdrop to an ongoing larger negotiating process, no decision made by the Hashemites in the midst of the uprising to place the responsibility of diplomatic progress on the shoulders of the Palestinian leadership, no willingness by a significant number of leading Palestinian Arab politicians to accept a Jewish state in a portion of Palestine, and no corresponding willingness on the part of an equally important number of Zionist/Israel leaders to assent to the legitimacy of Palestinian national aspirations. -
CDC) Dataset Codebook
The Categorically Disaggregated Conflict (CDC) Dataset Codebook (Version 1.0, 2015.07) (Presented in Bartusevičius, Henrikas (2015) Introducing the Categorically Disaggregated Conflict (CDC) dataset. Forthcoming in Conflict Management and Peace Science) The Categorically Disaggregated Conflict (CDC) Dataset provides a categorization of 331 intrastate armed conflicts recorded between 1946 and 2010 into four categories: 1. Ethnic governmental; 2. Ethnic territorial; 3. Non-ethnic governmental; 4. Non-ethnic territorial. The dataset uses the UCDP/PRIO Armed Conflict Dataset v.4-2011, 1946 – 2010 (Themnér & Wallensteen, 2011; also Gleditsch et al., 2002) as a base (and thus is an extension of the UCDP/PRIO dataset). Therefore, the dataset employs the UCDP/PRIO’s operational definition of an aggregate armed conflict: a contested incompatibility that concerns government and/or territory where the use of armed force between two parties, of which at least one is the government of a state, results in at least 25 battle-related deaths (Themnér, 2011: 1). The dataset contains only internal and internationalized internal armed conflicts listed in the UCDP/PRIO dataset. Internal armed conflict ‘occurs between the government of a state and one or more internal opposition group(s) without intervention from other states’ (ibid.: 9). Internationalized internal armed conflict ‘occurs between the government of a state and one or more internal opposition group(s) with intervention from other states (secondary parties) on one or both sides’(ibid.). For full definitions and further details please consult the 1 codebook of the UCDP/PRIO dataset (ibid.) and the website of the Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University: http://www.pcr.uu.se/research/ucdp/definitions/. -
The Palestinian People
The Palestinian People The Palestinian People ❖ A HISTORY Baruch Kimmerling Joel S. Migdal HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England 2003 Copyright © 1994, 2003 by Baruch Kimmerling and Joel S. Migdal All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America An earlier version of this book was published in 1994 as Palestinians: The Making of a People Cataloging-in-Publication data available from the Library of Congress ISBN 0-674-01131-7 (cloth) ISBN 0-674-01129-5 (paper) To the Palestinians and Israelis working and hoping for a mutually acceptable, negotiated settlement to their century-long conflict CONTENTS Maps ix Preface xi Acknowledgments xxi Note on Transliteration xxiii Introduction xxv Part One FROM REVOLT TO REVOLT: THE ENCOUNTER WITH THE EUROPEAN WORLD AND ZIONISM 1. The Revolt of 1834 and the Making of Modern Palestine 3 2. The City: Between Nablus and Jaffa 38 3. Jerusalem: Notables and Nationalism 67 4. The Arab Revolt, 1936–1939 102 vii Contents Part Two DISPERSAL 5. The Meaning of Disaster 135 Part Three RECONSTITUTING THE PALESTINIAN NATION 6. Odd Man Out: Arabs in Israel 169 7. Dispersal, 1948–1967 214 8. The Feday: Rebirth and Resistance 240 9. Steering a Path under Occupation 274 Part Four ABORTIVE RECONCILIATION 10. The Oslo Process: What Went Right? 315 11. The Oslo Process: What Went Wrong? 355 Conclusion 398 Chronological List of Major Events 419 Notes 457 Index 547 viii MAPS 1. Palestine under Ottoman Rule 39 2. Two Partitions of Palestine (1921, 1949) 148 3. United Nations Recommendation for Two-States Solution in Palestine (1947) 149 4. -
30112010135254 Hijazi (Library).Pdf
Palestinian Representation and the Struggle for Statehood Ammar Hijazi A dissertation presented to the faculty of Arts in the University of Malta for the degree of Master in Contemporary Diplomacy May 2010 Declaration I hereby declare that this dissertation is my own original work. Ammar Hijazi 31 May 2010, New York, USA ~ i ~ Acknowledgments To my parents who taught me how to love my homeland and take pride in being a Palestinian; to my wife for her boundless love, patience and support. I am also grateful to my colleagues at work; Ambassador Riyad Mansour for his support and understanding; my dear friend Feda Abdelahdi for her support and assistance; thanks too to my dear colleagues Nadya, Yussef, and Somaia for their support and encouragement. Last but not least, my gratitude goes to Ambassador Victor Camilleri, my mentor, for his valued advice and comments, which gave me the guidance, encouragement and enthusiasm to accomplish this important achievement. ~ ii ~ Dedication To those who dedicated their lives and sacrificed selflessly for Palestine's freedom ~ iii ~ Abstract Palestinian national identity evolved as Palestinians came under the rule of a colonial power with an agenda whose aim contradicted their very existence as a nation. Quickly, Palestinian political activists realized that forming a uniting and unified representative body that could engage the international and regional players was a political and practical requirement for the achievement of their national aspirations. But with the formation of the first Palestinian representative body, the struggle for independence began and with it, the crucial battle for recognition. Palestinian representation was greatly and negatively affected by competing regional and international players. -
How Norms and Pathways Have Developed Phd Th
European civil actors for Palestinian rights and a Palestinian globalized movement: How norms and pathways have developed PhD Thesis (Erasmusmundus GEM Joint Doctorate in Political and Social Sciences from Université Libre de Bruxelles _ ULB- & Political Science and Theory from LUISS Guido Carli University, Rome) By Amro SADELDEEN Thesis advisors: Pr. Jihane SFEIR (ULB) Pr. Francesca CORRAO (Luiss) Academic Year 2015-2016 1 2 Contents Abbreviations, p. 5 List of Figures and tables, p. 7 Acknowledgement, p.8 Chapter I: Introduction, p. 9 1. Background and introducing the research, p. 9 2. Introducing the case, puzzle and questions, p. 12 3. Thesis design, p. 19 Chapter II: Theories and Methodologies, p. 22 1. The developed models by Sikkink et al., p. 22 2. Models developed by Tarrow et al., p. 25 3. The question of Agency vs. structure, p. 29 4. Adding the question of culture, p. 33 5. Benefiting from Pierre Bourdieu, p. 34 6. Methodology, p. 39 A. Abductive methodology, p. 39 B. The case; its components and extension, p. 41 C. Mobilizing Bourdieu, TSM theories and limitations, p. 47 Chapter III: Habitus of Palestinian actors, p. 60 1. Historical waves of boycott, p. 61 2. The example of Gabi Baramki, p. 79 3. Politicized social movements and coalition building, p. 83 4. Aspects of the cultural capital in trajectories, p. 102 5. The Habitus in relation to South Africa, p. 112 Chapter IV: Relations in the field of power in Palestine, p. 117 1. The Oslo Agreement Period, p. 118 2. The 1996 and 1998 confrontations, p. -
Arab Racism Islamo Fascism Just Another Wordpress.Com Weblog
Arab racism Islamo fascism Just another WordPress.com weblog Posts Tagged ‘White Shirts’ search this site Pages » About Archives Islam Uber Alles? :: Does Islam and Shariah Have More In » April 2012 Common With Nazi Ideology Than With Religion » March 2012 December 1, 2010 » February 2012 » January 2012 Islam Uber Alles? » December 2011 » November 2011 Does Islam and Shariah Have More In Common With Nazi Ideology » October 2011 Than With Religion? » September 2011 » August 2011 By Steven Simpson Monday, October 11, 2010 » July 2011 » June 2011 Since the atrocities committed on 9/11/01 by Middle Eastern Muslim » May 2011 terrorists in the name of Islam, people in the U.S. and West have » April 2011 debated whether Islam is “a religion of peace” or more of an all- » March 2011 encompassing totalitarian ideology cloaked in religious garb. » February 2011 Unfortunately, it appears that the Qur’an, Shariah, and the Islamic » January 2011 terrorist attacks of the last thirty years, indicate that Islam is indeed a » December 2010 totalitarian ideology engaged in an effort of world-wide conquest much » November 2010 like Nazism. The major difference being that Nazism was based on » October 2010 racial affiliation while Islam is based on religious affiliation. » September 2010 » August 2010 The word “Islam” – contrary to popular belief – means “submission” » July 2010 and not “peace.” When Islam was founded by Muhammad ibn Abdallah » June 2010 in the 7th century, it conquered the Arabian Peninsula through bloody » May 2010 » April 2010 wars and conquests against fellow Arabs, and Jewish tribes. After the » March 2010 consolidation of Islam in Arabia, the Arabs quickly moved out to » February 2010 conquer the Persian and Byzantine empires, as well as parts of India, » January 2010 and subsequently Spain. -
Signatories. Appeal from Palestine. 20.6
19/06/2020 Signatories for “Appeal from Palestine to the Peoples and States of the World” Name Current/ Previous Occupation 1. Abbas Zaki Member of the Central Committee of Fatah—Ramallah 2. Abd El-Qader Husseini Chairman of Faisal Husseini Foundation— Jerusalem 3. Abdallah Abu Alhnoud Member of the Fatah Advisory Council— Gaza 4. Abdallah Abu Hamad President of Taraji Wadi Al-Nes Sports Club—Bethlehem 5. Abdallah Hijazi President of the Civil Retired Assembly, Former Ambassador—Ramallah 6. Abdallah Yousif Alsha’rawi President of the Palestinian Motors Sport & Motorcycle & Bicycles Federation— Ramallah 7. Abdel Halim Attiya President of Al-Thahirya Youth Club— Hebron 8. Abdel Jalil Zreiqat President of Tafouh Youth Sports Club— Hebron 9. Abdel Karim Abu Khashan University Lecturer, Birzeit University— Ramallah 10. Abdel Majid Hijeh Secretary-General of the Olympic Committee—Ramallah 11. Abdel Majid Sweilem University Lecturer and Journalist— Ramallah 12. Abdel Qader Hasan Abdallah Secretary General of the Palestine Workers Kabouli Union—Lebanon, Alkharoub Region 13. Abdel Rahim Mahamid Secretary of the Al-Taybeh Sports Club— Ramallah 14. Abdel Raof Asqoul Storyteller—Tyre 15. Abdel Salam Abu Nada Expert in Media Development—Brussels 16. Abdel-Rahman Tamimi Director General of the Palestinian Hydrology Group—Ramallah 17. Abdo Edrisi President of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry—Hebron 18. Abdul Rahman Bseiso Retired Ambassador—Cyprus 19. Abdul Rahman Hamad Former Minister—Gaza 20. Abu Ali Masoud Vice-Chairman of the Fatah Advisory Council—Ramallah 21. Adalah Abu Sitta Chairwoman of the Board of Directors of the Right to Live Society—Gaza 22. Adel Al-Asta Writer—Gaza 23.