Palestine 100 Years of Struggle: the Most Important Events Yasser
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ARTICLES Israel's Migration Balance
ARTICLES Israel’s Migration Balance Demography, Politics, and Ideology Ian S. Lustick Abstract: As a state founded on Jewish immigration and the absorp- tion of immigration, what are the ideological and political implications for Israel of a zero or negative migration balance? By closely examining data on immigration and emigration, trends with regard to the migration balance are established. This article pays particular attention to the ways in which Israelis from different political perspectives have portrayed the question of the migration balance and to the relationship between a declining migration balance and the re-emergence of the “demographic problem” as a political, cultural, and psychological reality of enormous resonance for Jewish Israelis. Conclusions are drawn about the relation- ship between Israel’s anxious re-engagement with the demographic problem and its responses to Iran’s nuclear program, the unintended con- sequences of encouraging programs of “flexible aliyah,” and the intense debate over the conversion of non-Jewish non-Arab Israelis. KEYWORDS: aliyah, demographic problem, emigration, immigration, Israel, migration balance, yeridah, Zionism Changing Approaches to Aliyah and Yeridah Aliyah, the migration of Jews to Israel from their previous homes in the diaspora, was the central plank and raison d’être of classical Zionism. Every stream of Zionist ideology has emphasized the return of Jews to what is declared as their once and future homeland. Every Zionist political party; every institution of the Zionist movement; every Israeli government; and most Israeli political parties, from 1948 to the present, have given pride of place to their commitments to aliyah and immigrant absorption. For example, the official list of ten “policy guidelines” of Israel’s 32nd Israel Studies Review, Volume 26, Issue 1, Summer 2011: 33–65 © Association for Israel Studies doi: 10.3167/isr.2011.260108 34 | Ian S. -
Hamas and Fateh Neck and Neck As Palestinian Elections Near
OPINION OFFICE OF ANALYSIS RESEARCH DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, DC 20520 January 19, 2005 M-05-06 Hamas and Fateh Neck and Neck As Palestinian Elections Near A just-completed Office of Research survey in the Palestinian Territories shows a much closer race at the polls than some have predicted. Among likely voters, 32 percent intend to back Fateh on the National Ballot, while 30 percent say they will support Hamas. Corruption is the leading issue among the Palestinian public, with most believing that Hamas is more qualified than Fateh to clean it up. While Hamas is seen as less able than Fateh to advance negotiations with Israel, a majority of both Fateh and Hamas supporters back a continuation of the ceasefire, ongoing talks with Israel, and a two-state solution. The survey, conducted January 13-15, indicates that eight-in-ten among the electorate are either “very likely” (53%) or “somewhat likely” (28%) to vote on the National Ballot in the January 25th elections for the Palestinian Legislative Council. Among likely voters, about a third each intend to vote for Hamas and Fateh (Table 1). Independent Palestine, led by Mustafa Bhargouti, is backed by 13 percent of likely voters. Based on these results, Fateh would gain roughly 24 of the 66 National Ballot seats, Hamas 22 seats, Independent Palestine 9 seats, with the remaining 11 split among smaller parties. These results show a closer race than other published surveys of likely voters, which have tended to place Fateh ahead at the polls by a wider margin (Appendix, Table 1). -
A Comparative Study of Palestinian Identity in Jordan and Saudi Arabia
i Abstract Title of Thesis: Distinctions in Diaspora: A Comparative Study of Palestinian Identity in Jordan and Saudi Arabia Erin Hahn, Bachelor of Arts, 2020 Thesis directed by: Professor Victor Lieberman The Palestinian refugee crisis is an ongoing, divisive issue in the Middle East, and the world at large. Palestinians have migrated to six out of seven continents, and formed diaspora communities in all corners of the world. Scholars affirm that the sense of Palestinian national identity is recent, only having formed as a response to the Israeli occupation of the 20th century. This thesis explores the factors that constitute that identity, and asks the question: How have the policies implemented by the Jordanian and Saudi Arabian governments influenced the formation of a national identity among Palestinians in both countries? Through conducting semi-structured interviews, it became apparent that policies of the host countries can have a powerful influence on the formation of identity among groups of displaced people. I argue that Palestinians in Jordan have widely developed a dual sense of national identity, in which they identify with both Jordan and Palestine, to varying degrees. In contrast, due to the more exclusive policies enacted by Saudi Arabia, Palestinians living there feel more isolated from their community, and do not identify as Saudi Arabian. Palestinian identity does not look the same between the two groups, the differences can be traced to policy. This thesis will explore the current state of Palestinian identity in -
We Have Names, We Have a Homeland the National Campaign to Retrieve War Victims and Unravel the Fate of Those Missing
We have Names, We have a Homeland The National Campaign to Retrieve War Victims and Unravel the Fate of Those Missing Jerusalem Legal Aid and The National Campaign to Retrieve War Victims Human Rights Center and Unravel the Fate of Those Missing We have Names, We have a Homeland Second edition Editorial Team: Salem Khilleh – National Campaign to Retrieve War Victims and Unravel the Fate of Those Missing, General Coordinator Issam Aruri – Jerusalem Legal Aid and Human Rights Center, Director Ikhlas Quran – Ju’beh, JLAC Husssein Abu Arra, JLAC Fatima AbdulKarim, JLAC Attorney Haitham Al-Khatib, JLAC Stories by: Samih Mohsin Faleh Atawneh Mulki Suleiman Issam Aruri Khaled Batrawi Ghassan AbdelHamid Ghazi Bani Odeh Momen Adel Awadallah Laila AlModallal Issa Qaraqe’ Tayseer Mheisen Mohannad AbdelHamid Tahseen Elayan Khaled Sabarneh Translation Editing and Proofreading Carol Mukarker Issam Aruri, Samih Mohsin and Salem Khilleh (Arabic) Fatima AbdulKarim, Mai Farsakh, Nadia Warrayat and Elizabeth Utting (English) Cover Photo Book Photos Fadi Arouri Fatima AbdulKarim, Hussain Abu Arra, Atef Safadi and Fadi Arouri Special thanks to Volunteers Suhair Shaarawi Samira Jabaly Reema Taweel Jihan Mansour Texts signed with their own writer’s names do not necessarily reflect the view of Jerusalem Legal Aid and Human Rights Center 2 For further information, contact: The National Campaign to Retrieve War Victims and Unravel the Fate of Those Missing Jerusalem Legal Aid and Human Rights Center Ramallah, AlMasayef Kamal Nasser str., Millennium building 6th floor P.O Box: 1560 Ramallah T: +97022987981 F: +97022987982 Email: [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] 3 Dedication- First edition When one’s hopes are bitter-sweet… During the composition of this book, Mohamed Issa Ishqukani (Abu Issa) the father of the late ‘Amer Ishqukani (who was killed on may 25, 2002 and whose body remains were detained in Israeli Custody) passed away on October 28 of 2009. -
The Origins of Hamas: Militant Legacy Or Israeli Tool?
THE ORIGINS OF HAMAS: MILITANT LEGACY OR ISRAELI TOOL? JEAN-PIERRE FILIU Since its creation in 1987, Hamas has been at the forefront of armed resistance in the occupied Palestinian territories. While the move- ment itself claims an unbroken militancy in Palestine dating back to 1935, others credit post-1967 maneuvers of Israeli Intelligence for its establishment. This article, in assessing these opposing nar- ratives and offering its own interpretation, delves into the historical foundations of Hamas starting with the establishment in 1946 of the Gaza branch of the Muslim Brotherhood (the mother organization) and ending with its emergence as a distinct entity at the outbreak of the !rst intifada. Particular emphasis is given to the Brotherhood’s pre-1987 record of militancy in the Strip, and on the complicated and intertwining relationship between the Brotherhood and Fatah. HAMAS,1 FOUNDED IN the Gaza Strip in December 1987, has been the sub- ject of numerous studies, articles, and analyses,2 particularly since its victory in the Palestinian legislative elections of January 2006 and its takeover of Gaza in June 2007. Yet despite this, little academic atten- tion has been paid to the historical foundations of the movement, which grew out of the Muslim Brotherhood’s Gaza branch established in 1946. Meanwhile, two contradictory interpretations of the movement’s origins are in wide circulation. The !rst portrays Hamas as heir to a militant lineage, rigorously inde- pendent of all Arab regimes, including Egypt, and harking back to ‘Izz al-Din al-Qassam,3 a Syrian cleric killed in 1935 while !ghting the British in Palestine. -
The Use of Helicopters Against Guerrillas the Israeli Model
JEMEAA - FEATURE The Use of Helicopters against Guerrillas The Israeli Model DR. TAL TOVY ince its establishment, the State of Israel has been facing a bloody struggle against terrorism and guerrilla warfare, in addition to four conventional wars.1 The Israeli war against guerrilla fighters or terrorists began almost Simmediately after the War of Independence. Palestinian terrorists attempted to infiltrate Israel from the surrounding Arab countries and perform sabotage ac- tions near the border, which were little more than lines drawn on a map and proved wholly inadequate in stopping the infiltrations. After the 1967 war, most terrorists crossed over from Jordan. Following the “Black September” conflict in 1970 and up until 1982 (Operation Peace for Galilee), most terrorists infiltrated through the Lebanese border. In the 1980s and 1990s, Israel fought against the Shiite Amal Movement and Hezbollah organization in Lebanon. Since October 2000, Israel has struggled against widespread military uprisings in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. To counter these activities, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) uses various opera- tional methods. Special Forces have raided known terrorist bases and routine se- curity activities have been conducted along the borders and in the major cities. A third method has been targeting specific terrorist leaders or installations in the Middle East and in Europe. Most operations of the first and third categories are still classified. The IDF has launched a few large attacks targeting terrorist infra- structure—for example Karameh and Litany—with the most extensive one being the Lebanon War (1982), at least initially. In these large-scale operations, Israel has deployed massive infantry, armor, and artillery forces. -
Delegation for Relations with the Mashreq Countries
Delegation for Relations with the Mashreq Countries 5th EP-Jordan interparliamentary meeting 25 April-2 May 2008 Draft report by Ms Béatrice PATRIE, Chair of the delegation CR\740179EN.doc PE405.694 EN EN TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION................................................................................................3 1.1. Previous meetings....................................................................................3 1.2. Consolidation visit...................................................................................3 1.3. Assessing the Euro-Jordanian and Euro-Mediterranean Partnerships ............................................................................................3 1.4. Tense regional context ............................................................................4 2. ISSUES ADDRESSED DURING THE VISIT..................................................4 2.1. Jordan in the eye of the storm ...............................................................4 2.1.1 The resonance of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict .........................4 2.1.2 A problematic regional context.....................................................5 2.1.3 A voice of tolerance and moderation............................................5 2.2. The Iraqi refugee crisis...........................................................................6 2.2.1. The Delegation’s previous activities.............................................6 2.2.2. Facts and figures about the situation in Jordan ...........................6 2.2.3. -
Foreign Policy in the 1999 Israeli Elections
Foreign Policy in the 1999 Israeli Elections Gerald M. Steinberg Director, Program on Conflict Resolution and Negotiation and BESA Center for Strategic Studies Bar Ilan University Ramat Gan, Israel Tel: 972-3-5318043 Fax: 972-3-5357931 Email: [email protected] “The Peace Process in the 1999 Israeli Elections”, Israel Affairs, 7:2, Winter 2000also in Israel at the Polls:1999, (London: Frank Cass, 2001) Daniel Elazar and Ben Mollov,editors.The published text may differ slightly from this version. FOREIGN POLICY IN THE 1999 ISRAELI ELECTIONS Gerald M. Steinberg In 1996, Binyamin Netanyahu was elected Prime Minister of Israel by the narrowest of margins, following a series of deadly terrorist attacks that had a profound impact on Israeli public opinion. The election results reflected a rejection of the Labor government’s policies, and of Shimon Peres, in particular, rather than an endorsement of Netanyahu and his policies. Although the new government’s first priority focused on combating terrorism, this could never be the only measure of success or failure, and in order to be reelected, Netanyahu would have to deliver on his promise to balance security and “peace.” A pragmatic policy demonstrating some progress in the negotiations with the Palestinians and perhaps also Syria, along with a strong stance in the face of terrorism and violence, would provide Netanyahu with the continued support of the floating voters. In 1992, Yitzhak Rabin led the Labor party to a narrow victory over Yitzhak Shamir and the Likud on a platform of “peace with strength,” and in 1996, those voters who had swung to Rabin four year earlier were disenchanted and voted for Netanyahu. -
Palestinians in Kuwait
‘The People Are Missing’: Palestinians in Kuwait Mai Al-Nakib Kuwait University Abstract This paper explores the effects of the Iraqi invasion on the Palestinian community in Kuwait. Specifically, it considers Gilles Deleuze’s notion of the ‘missing people’ in relation both to the Palestinians deported after the 1991 Gulf War and to the majority of Kuwaitis who have not acknowledged the effects of this disappearance on either the Palestinians or themselves. The first section revisits the circumstances surrounding the deportation of approximately 380,000 Palestinians from Kuwait, while the second considers what was lost as a result. The final section proposes an ‘ethics of the missing’ as a possible means to engage and transform some of the ensuing problems. Keywords: Deleuze, Palestinians, Kuwait, ethics, missing people, virtual, becoming 1991 is the year the Palestinian community in Kuwait went missing. Of the 380,000–400,000 Palestinians that lived and worked in Kuwait before the Iraqi invasion, only about 70,000 remained by the end of the year (Lesch 2005: 172). The consequences of the Gulf War on Palestinians deported from Kuwait to Jordan, Gaza and the West Bank are ongoing (Le Troquer and al-Oudat 1999). While the economic and, to some extent, political effects of this event on Palestinians can be calculated, the psychological, social and cultural effects are harder to tabulate. Twenty-two years on, between 55,000 and 70,000 Palestinians remain in Kuwait. They maintain a low profile, understandable given their precarious legal, socio-political and economic status. Kuwaitis tend Deleuze Studies 8.1 (2014): 23–44 DOI: 10.3366/dls.2014.0132 © Edinburgh University Press www.euppublishing.com/dls 24 Mai Al-Nakib to remain silent regarding what can be described as the ‘overlapping yet irreconcilable experiences’ of living with and without Palestinians in Kuwait (Said 2004: 143). -
Palestine Chronology 1989 – 1990
Palestine Chronology 1989 – 1990 1989 Jan. 3: In a statement on Radio Monte Carlo's Arabic Language Service, Arafat says: "Any Palestinian leader who proposes an end to the Intifada exposes himself to the bullets of his own people and endangers his life. The PLO will know how to deal with him." Jan. 7: Chairman Arafat hoists the Palestinian Flag over a Palestinian embassy in Amman. Jan. 10: Lord Plumb, Pres. of the European Parliament, in addressing the Israeli Knesset confirms EC support for an international conference, for talks with the PLO and for the Palestinians' right to self determination. Jan. 11: The PLO requests from the president of the UN Sec. Council the right to speak as the state of Palestine rather than as an organization. Jan. 12: The UN Sec. Council grants the PLO the right to speak directly to the council as "Palestine", on the same level as any UN member nation. - The third curfew in the history of Israeli rule in East Jerusalem remains in force all day as police continue to search houses in Silwan arresting over 20 people. Jan. 19: Defence Min. Rabin proposes elections and an interim period of expanded autonomy for Palestinians in the OPT in exchange for a lull in the Intifada, but categorically rules out any role for the UN in such an arrangement. Jan. 22: The UNLU rejects Defence Min. Rabin's proposal for self-rule and, in leaflet No. 33 of the Intifada, calls for an international conference. - PLO and Jordanian Government reject Rabin's proposal. Jan. 26: Arafat arrives in Madrid to meet with European Community foreign ministers of Spain, France and Greece. -
Durham Research Online
Durham Research Online Deposited in DRO: 12 May 2006 Version of attached le: Published Version Peer-review status of attached le: Peer-reviewed Citation for published item: Ismael, T. Y. (2002) 'Arafat's Palestine national authority.', Working Paper. University of Durham, Centre for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies, Durham. Further information on publisher's website: http://www.dur.ac.uk/sgia/ Publisher's copyright statement: Additional information: Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full DRO policy for further details. Durham University Library, Stockton Road, Durham DH1 3LY, United Kingdom Tel : +44 (0)191 334 3042 | Fax : +44 (0)191 334 2971 https://dro.dur.ac.uk University of Durbam Institute for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies *********************************** ARAFAT'S PALESTINE NATIONAL AUTHORITY *********************************** by Tariq Y. lsmael Durham Middle East Paper No. 71 June 2002 - 2 OCT 1001 Durham Middle East Papel"S lSSN 1416-4830 No.11 The Durham Middle Easl Papers series covers all aspects of the economy. politi~s, social SCll~nce. history. hterature and languages or lhe Middle East. AUlhors are invited 10 submil papers to lhe Edl!orial Board for l:onsidcration for publiealion. -
29/06/2020 Signatories List for “Appeal from Palestine to the Peoples and States of the World”
29/06/2020 Signatories List for “Appeal from Palestine to the Peoples and States of the World” Name Current/ Previous Occupation 1. ‘Ahd Bassem Tamimi Civil Society Activist –Ramallah 2. Abbas Zaki Member of the Central Committee of Fatah—Ramallah 3. Abd El-Qader Husseini Chairman of Faisal Husseini Foundation— Jerusalem 4. Abdallah Abdallah Former PLC Member—Ramallah 5. Abdallah Abu Alhnoud Member of the Fatah Advisory Council— Gaza 6. Abdallah Abu Hamad President of Taraji Wadi Al-Nes Sports Club—Bethlehem 7. Abdallah Bashir Director of Jordan Hospital, Surgeon – Amman 8. Abdallah Hijazi President of the Civil Retired Assembly, Former Ambassador—Ramallah 9. Abdallah Kamel Coordinator of the Palestinian Cultural Center—Beirut 10. Abdallah Sabri President of the Palestinian General Union of Charitable Societies –Jerusalem 11. Abdallah Taqash Doctor—Germany 12. Abdallah Theeb Director of the Administrative Office of the Federation of Palestinian Trade Unions— North Lebanon, Beirut 13. Abdallah Yousif Alsha’rawi President of the Palestinian Motors Sport & Motorcycle & Bicycles Federation— Ramallah 14. Abdel Fatah Alqalqili Retired Ambassador and Writer—Ramallah 15. Abdel Halim Attiya President of Al-Thahirya Youth Club— Hebron 16. Abdel Jalil Zreiqat President of Tafouh Youth Sports Club— Hebron 17. Abdel Karim Abu Khashan University Lecturer, Birzeit University— Ramallah 18. Abdel Majid Hijeh Secretary-General of the Olympic Committee—Ramallah 19. Abdel Majid Sweilem University Lecturer and Journalist— Ramallah 20. Abdel Qader Hasan Abdallah Secretary-General of the Palestine Workers Kabouli Union—Lebanon, Alkharoub Region 21. Abdel Qader Ibrahim Hamad Academic and Writer—Gaza 22. Abdel Rahim Awad Secretary of the People’s Committee in the Beqaa—Beirut 1 23.