The Revolutionary Career of Maximilien Robespierre 2Nd Edition Pdf, Epub, Ebook
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Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789
The University of Maine DigitalCommons@UMaine Honors College 5-2014 Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789 Kiley Bickford University of Maine - Main Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors Part of the Cultural History Commons Recommended Citation Bickford, Kiley, "Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789" (2014). Honors College. 147. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors/147 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors College by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NATIONALISM IN THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1789 by Kiley Bickford A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for a Degree with Honors (History) The Honors College University of Maine May 2014 Advisory Committee: Richard Blanke, Professor of History Alexander Grab, Adelaide & Alan Bird Professor of History Angela Haas, Visiting Assistant Professor of History Raymond Pelletier, Associate Professor of French, Emeritus Chris Mares, Director of the Intensive English Institute, Honors College Copyright 2014 by Kiley Bickford All rights reserved. Abstract The French Revolution of 1789 was instrumental in the emergence and growth of modern nationalism, the idea that a state should represent, and serve the interests of, a people, or "nation," that shares a common culture and history and feels as one. But national ideas, often with their source in the otherwise cosmopolitan world of the Enlightenment, were also an important cause of the Revolution itself. The rhetoric and documents of the Revolution demonstrate the importance of national ideas. -
Annales Historiques De La Révolution Française, 371 | Janvier-Mars 2013, « Robespierre » [En Ligne], Mis En Ligne Le 01 Mars 2016, Consulté Le 01 Juillet 2021
Annales historiques de la Révolution française 371 | janvier-mars 2013 Robespierre Édition électronique URL : https://journals.openedition.org/ahrf/12668 DOI : 10.4000/ahrf.12668 ISSN : 1952-403X Éditeur : Armand Colin, Société des études robespierristes Édition imprimée Date de publication : 1 mars 2013 ISBN : 978-2-200-92824-7 ISSN : 0003-4436 Référence électronique Annales historiques de la Révolution française, 371 | janvier-mars 2013, « Robespierre » [En ligne], mis en ligne le 01 mars 2016, consulté le 01 juillet 2021. URL : https://journals.openedition.org/ahrf/12668 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/ahrf.12668 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 1 juillet 2021. Tous droits réservés 1 SOMMAIRE Introduction « Je vous laisse ma mémoire […] » Michel Biard Articles La souscription nationale pour sauvegarder les manuscrits de Robespierre : introspection historique d’une initiative citoyenne et militante Serge Aberdam et Cyril Triolaire Les manuscrits de Robespierre Annie Geffroy Les factums de l’avocat Robespierre. Les choix d’une défense par l’imprimé Hervé Leuwers Robespierre dans les publications françaises et anglophones depuis l’an 2000 Marc Belissa et Julien Louvrier Robespierre libéral Yannick Bosc Robespierre et la guerre, une question posée dès 1789 ? Thibaut Poirot « Mes forces et ma santé ne peuvent suffire ». crises politiques, crises médicales dans la vie de Maximilien Robespierre, 1790-1794 Peter McPhee Robespierre et l’authenticité révolutionnaire Marisa Linton Sources Maximilien de Robespierre, élève à Louis-le-Grand (1769-1781). Les apports de la comptabilité du « collège d’Arras » Hervé Leuwers Nouvelles pièces sur Robespierre et les colonies en 1791 Jean-Daniel Piquet Annales historiques de la Révolution française, 371 | janvier-mars 2013 2 Comptes rendus Lia van der HEIJDEN et Jan SANDERS (éds.), De Levensloop van Adriaan van der Willingen (1766-1841). -
After Robespierre
J . After Robespierre THE THERMIDORIAN REACTION Mter Robespierre THE THERMIDORIAN REACTION By ALBERT MATHIEZ Translated from the French by Catherine Alison Phillips The Universal Library GROSSET & DUNLAP NEW YORK COPYRIGHT ©1931 BY ALFRED A. KNOPF, INC. ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED AS La Reaction Thermidorienne COPYRIGHT 1929 BY MAX LECLERC ET CIE UNIVERSAL LIBRARY EDITION, 1965 BY ARRANGEMENT WITH ALFRED A. KNOPF, INC. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER: 65·14385 PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA PREFACE So far as order of time is concerned, M. M athie( s study of the Thermidorian Reaction, of which the present volume is a translation, is a continuation of his history of the French Revolution, of which the English version was published in 1928. In form and character, however, there is a notable difference. In the case of the earlier work the limitations imposed by the publishers excluded all references and foot-notes, and the author had to refer the reader to his other published works for the evidence on which his conclusions were based. In the case of the present book no such limitations have been set, and M. Mathiei: has thus been able not only to state his con clusions, but to give the chain of reasoning by which they have been reached. The Thermidorian Reaction is therefore something more than a sequel to The French Revolution, which M. Mathiei:, with perhaps undue modesty, has described as a precis having no independent authority; it is not only a work of art, but a weighty contribution to historical science. In the preface to his French Revolution M. -
THE COMPLICATIONS of RESISTING REVOLUTION Michael Chrzanowski [email protected]
University of Massachusetts nU dergraduate History Journal Volume 3 Article 1 2019 ENEMIES OR SAVIORS: THE COMPLICATIONS OF RESISTING REVOLUTION Michael Chrzanowski [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/umuhj Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Chrzanowski, Michael (2019) "ENEMIES OR SAVIORS: THE COMPLICATIONS OF RESISTING REVOLUTION," University of Massachusetts nU dergraduate History Journal: Vol. 3 , Article 1. DOI: https://doi.org/10.7275/nxx6-v711 Available at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/umuhj/vol3/iss1/1 This Primary Source-Based Article is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Massachusetts ndeU rgraduate History Journal by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SUMMER 2019 UNDERGRADUATEChrzanowski: ENEMIES HISTORY OR SAVIORS JOURNAL 1 ENEMIES OR SAVIORS: THE COMPLICATIONS EOFNEMIES RESISTING OR REVOLUTION SAVIORS: THE COMPLICATIONS OF RESISTING REVOLUTION MICHAEL CHRZANOWSKI MICHAEL CHRZANOWSKI Published by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst, 2019 1 SUMMER 2019 UniversityUNDERGRADUATE of Massachusetts Undergraduate HISTORY History Journal, JOURNAL Vol. 3 [2019], Art. 1 2 ABSTRACT Domestic opposition to the government in Paris was a constant throughout the French Revolution. Although the revolutionary government repressed each instance of unrest, the various opposition movements’ motivations and goals provide a lens through which we can re-evaluate the values of liberty, equality, and justice that revolutionaries articulated. One domestic opposition movement, the Federalist Revolt of 1793, had major significance for the course of the Revolution. The Federalist Revolt raised questions about fundamental aspects of the Revolution itself: who were the sovereign people? Who claimed to represent the people? Was violence integral to claiming sovereignty? I explore a number of aspects of the Federalist Revolt. -
Marisa Linton, Virtue Or Glory?: Dilemmas of Political Heroism In
Virtue or Glory? 83 Virtue or Glory?: Dilemmas of Political Heroism in the French Revolution Marisa Linton At some point after Maximilien Robespierre embarked on a career in revolutionary politics he became known as “the incorruptible.” This meant that he was seen as a “man of virtue.” People nowadays do not use the term virtue when they talk about politics. Sometimes I am told this is an archaic term that the general public will no longer understand. Yet in the realm of contemporary politics, matters of morality and immorality are as topical as ever. We no longer speak about the virtue of political leaders, but we do speak about honesty and hypocrisy; corruption and integrity; the need to put the public good over cronyism and favoritism; the acceptability or otherwise of political ambition and careerism; and the proper demarcation between public and private life. For example, the recent detention for questioning of Nicolas Sarkozy, on 1 July 2014, following allegations about corruption during his time in public office, invoked some of the same issues that vexed the revolutionary generation.1 There is a difference of course between our politicians and those of the French Revolution. We do not cut the heads off our politicians when they fall short of high moral standards. But we all know that the integrity or otherwise of politicians has an impact on many peoples’ lives. We do not, however, expect our politicians to be heroes. We know that being in politics entails, in the words of Hilary Clinton, making “hard choices.”2 We might well agree with Charles Nodier who, in 1831, characterized the professional politician Marisa Linton is Reader in History at Kingston University, UK. -
Fair Shares for All
FAIR SHARES FOR ALL JACOBIN EGALITARIANISM IN PRACT ICE JEAN-PIERRE GROSS This study explores the egalitarian policies pursued in the provinces during the radical phase of the French Revolution, but moves away from the habit of looking at such issues in terms of the Terror alone. It challenges revisionist readings of Jacobinism that dwell on its totalitarian potential or portray it as dangerously Utopian. The mainstream Jacobin agenda held out the promise of 'fair shares' and equal opportunities for all in a private-ownership market economy. It sought to achieve social justice without jeopardising human rights and tended thus to complement, rather than undermine, the liberal, individualist programme of the Revolution. The book stresses the relevance of the 'Enlightenment legacy', the close affinities between Girondins and Montagnards, the key role played by many lesser-known figures and the moral ascendancy of Robespierre. It reassesses the basic social and economic issues at stake in the Revolution, which cannot be adequately understood solely in terms of political discourse. Past and Present Publications Fair shares for all Past and Present Publications General Editor: JOANNA INNES, Somerville College, Oxford Past and Present Publications comprise books similar in character to the articles in the journal Past and Present. Whether the volumes in the series are collections of essays - some previously published, others new studies - or mono- graphs, they encompass a wide variety of scholarly and original works primarily concerned with social, economic and cultural changes, and their causes and consequences. They will appeal to both specialists and non-specialists and will endeavour to communicate the results of historical and allied research in readable and lively form. -
Chapter 1. Introduction 1. Jean Tulard, Le My the De Napoleon
Notes Chapter 1. Introduction 1. Jean Tulard, Le My the de Napoleon (Paris: Armand Colin, 1971), pp.47, 51 etc. 2. Addicts may consult Jean Savant, Napoleon (Paris: Veyrier, 1974); Frank Richardson, Napoleon, Bisexual Emperor (London: Kimber, 1972); Arno Karlen, Napoleon's Glands and Other Ventures in Biohistory (Boston: Little Brown, 1984). 3. J.M. Thompson, Napoleon Bonaparte (Oxford: Blackwell, 1988), p.389. 4. J. Tulard, Napoleon: The Myth of the Saviour, trans. T. Waugh (London: Methuen, 1985), p.449. For the poisoning allegations, see Sten Forshufvud and Ben Weider, Assassination at St Helena: The Poisoning of Napoleon Bonaparte (Vancouver: Mitchell Press, 1978), and Frank Richardson, Napoleon's Death: An Inquest (London: Kimber, 1974). 5. G. Ellis, Napoleon's Continental Blockade: The Case ofAlsace (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981); Alan Forrest, Conscripts and Deserters: The Army and French Society during the Revolution and Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989); Michael Broers, The Restoration of Order in Napoleonic Piedmont, 1797-1814, unpublished Oxford D .Phil. thesis, 1986. Chapter 2. Bonaparte the Jacobin 1. J. Boswell, An Account of Corsica, the Journal of a Tour in that Island and Memoirs ofPascal Paoli (London, 1768). 2. Peter A. Thrasher, Pasquale Paoli: an Enlightened Hero, 1725-1807 (London: Constable, 1970), e.g. pp.98-9. 3. D. Carrington, "Paoli et sa 'Constitution' (1755-69)", AhRf, 218, October-December, 1974,531. 4. J. Tulard, Napoleon: The Myth of the Saviour (London: Methuen, 1985), p.24. 301 302 NOTES 5. S.F. Scott, The Response of the Rnyal Army to the French Revolution: The Rnle and Development of the Line Army during 1789-93, (Oxford, 1978). -
L'incorruptible
L’INCORRUPTIBLE Bulletin des Amis de Robespierre (ARBR) n° 98 4me trimestre 2016 « Il n’est pas possible de ne pas reconnaître le doigt de Dieu dans la révolution française » J. Porion, évêque constitutionnel du Pas-de-Calais Redécouvrir la Grande Révolution dans « un récit national » d’aujourd’hui Il est urgent que les Français phétique, elle avertit l’humanité vieux monde de l’Ancien Régime. jeunes et moins jeunes redécou- dont elle ne pourra survivre qu’en Des personnalités hors du com- vrent la Révolution Française. respectant les Droits de l’Homme. mun, nées de l’instant révolution- Universelle, elle est dans « le ro- naire lui-même, Mirabeau, Bar- Pourquoi ? man national », car elle s’adresse à nave, Danton, Saint-Just, Robes- Depuis quelques années l’Histoire tous les peuples opprimés aujour- pierre, bien sûr, l’ont incarnée. de la Révolution française occupe d’hui, comme hier. Un message Imagine-t-on assez quelle une place de plus en plus restreinte unique est central du « roman na- fut la force de la contestation ou de dans les programmes d’histoire de tional » depuis plus de deux l’imagination, pour faire des Fran- l’école primaire et du secondaire. siècles : la liberté, l’égalité et la çais sujets d’une Majesté royale, Le fameux « récit national » est fraternité. Ce message ne peut être les citoyens d’une République, devenu l’unique préoccupation dissous dans une vision étroite de invité à se tutoyer, à se réunir dans d’une partie réactionnaire de l’histoire nationale, pour le bien des fêtes immenses enfin cons- l’échiquier politique. -
Maximilien Robespierre, on the Moral and Political Principles of Domestic Policy
Maximilien Robespierre, On the Moral and Political Principles of Domestic Policy, 1794 Maximilien de Robespierre’s (1758–1794) career would not have been possible without the French Revolution. A provincial lawyer, he took advantage of the Revolution’s emphasis on merit over birth, rising to become the leader of the government. He also led the Terror (September 1793–July 1794), a period when the French Revolution became increasingly radical. France was facing down military incursions from other European monarchs and from internal opponents of the Revolution. During this time, a small group of revolutionaries, led by Robespierre, took control of government and attempted to purge France of people whom they considered dangerous to the goals of the Revolution. This was a time of great fear in France, when people were executed for even the suspicion of disloyalty. Ultimately, France was victorious in external wars, but Robespierre continued the Terror. Eventually Robespierre himself was consumed by the Terror he had helped to create, facing execution by guillotine in 1794. Robespierre’s death marked the end of the Terror. Source: Robespierre, On the Moral and Political Principles of Domestic Policy, 1794 But, to found and consolidate democracy, to achieve the peaceable reign of the constitutional laws, we must end the war of liberty against tyranny and pass safely across the storms of the revolution: such is the aim of the revolutionary system that you have enacted. Your conduct, then, ought also to be regulated by the stormy circumstances in which the republic is placed; and the plan of your administration must result from the spirit of the revolutionary government combined with the general principles of democracy. -
Jacobins Maximilien Robespierre the Committee of Public Safety
The Reign of Terror Jacobins The most famous political group of the French Revolution was the Jacobins. Also known as the Society of the Friends of the Constitution, the club originally met at Versailles, organized by deputies of the Estates-General (and then National Assembly). They later met as a club in Paris. By July 1790, their membership grew to about 1,200 Parisian members, with 152 affiliate clubs; the number of members continued to grew thereafter. The club’s main concern was to protect what the revolutionaries had achieved so far—and prevent any reaction from the aristocracy. This desire resulted in the Reign of Terror. The Jacobins felt that it was their duty to catch anyone suspected of opposing the Revolution. The Jacobins also led the dechristianizing movement and organized Revolutionary festivals. Maximilien Robespierre Possibly the most well-known Jacobin was Maximilien Robespierre. He was trained as a lawyer and practiced law by representing poor people. When the Estates-General was summoned in 1789, the Third Estate elected him as one of their deputies. He was thirty years old. Robespierre was a quiet, simple man, with a weak voice. Yet he was able to make himself heard. He spoke more than five hundred times during the life of the National Assembly, and it was here that he gained supporters. He was a philosopher and sided with the ideals of the Enlightenment. He used this background to help shape the Declaration of the Rights of Man. He was a proponent of everything the Declaration stood for. He believed in equal rights, the right to hold office and join the national guard, and the right to petition. -
"Virtue and Terror: Maximilien Robespierre on the Principles of the French Revolution." Revolutionary Moments: Reading Revolutionary Texts
Linton, Marisa. "Virtue and Terror: Maximilien Robespierre on the Principles of the French Revolution." Revolutionary Moments: Reading Revolutionary Texts. Ed. Rachel Hammersley. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2015. 93–100. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 29 Sep. 2021. <http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781474252669.0018>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 29 September 2021, 09:23 UTC. Copyright © Rachel Hammersley 2015. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. 1 1 Virtue and Terror: Maximilien Robespierre on the Principles of the French Revolution M a r i s a L i n t o n Th is great purity of the bases of the French Revolution, the very sublimity of its object is precisely what makes our strength and our weakness; our strength because it gives us the ascendancy of the truth over deception, and the rights of public interest over private interest; our weakness, because it rallies against us all the vicious men, all those who in their hearts plot to despoil the people, and all those who have despoiled them and want immunity, and those who have rejected liberty as a personal calamity, and those who have embraced the Revolution as a career and the Republic as their prey: hence the defection of so many ambitious or greedy men, who, since the beginning, have abandoned us along the way, because they had not begun the journey in order to reach the same goal. One could say that the two contrary geniuses that have been depicted here battling for control of the realm of nature, are fi ghting in this great epoch of human history, to shape irrevocably the destiny of the world, and that France is the theatre of this redoubtable contest. -
Thomas Van, Anatomy of a Revolutionary: a Comparative
Van 1 Thomas Van Doctor Christina Devlin ENGL 102 11 May 2021 ABSTRACT Maximilien Robespierre and the French Revolution and Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge offer a deeper insight into the nature of the relationship between human psychology, ideology, society, and violence. The two revolutionary leaders, Robespierre and Pol Pot, shared similar upbringings. They were made to look and consider the problems their societies were facing while they were born in privilege and received elite educations. Coming to power, these men sought to cure the ills, or perceived ills, of their societies; they possessed grand visions of what their societies should look like. To realize their societies, violence was their tool of choice, though the violence in France took a different tone than that in Cambodia. The tones of violence reflected the particularities and circumstances of either regime. In France, disorder and anti-revolutionary activity required the French regime to fight violently for its grip on power; therefore, no small effort was put into maintaining law and order. On the other hand, in Cambodia, no such issue was present. The Khmer Regime faced no similar threat to its power, and therefore could focus its efforts on violently creating their ideal society. Van 2 Anatomy of a Revolutionary: A Comparative Analysis of Maximilien Robespierre and Pol Pot Maximilien Robespierre and the French Revolution and Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge help us search for common patterns between two events, ideologies, and individuals in order to ultimately better understand the human capacity for cruelty. The points of comparison will be simplified into: the event, the individual, the ideology.