(Ph. D. Thesis) March, 1990 Takako Hirose
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THE SINGLE DOMINANT PARTY SYSTEM AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT: CASE STUDIES OF INDIA AND JAPAN (Ph. D. Thesis) March, 1990 Takako Hirose ABSTRACT This is an attempt to compare the processes of political development in India and Japan. The two states have been chosen because of some common features: these two Asian countries have preserved their own cultures despite certain degrees of modernisation; both have maintained a system of parliamentary democracy based on free electoral competition and universal franchise; both political systems are characterised by the prevalence of a single dominant party system. The primary objective of this analysis is to test the relevance of Western theories of political development. Three hypotheses have been formulated: on the relationship between economic growth and social modernisation on the one hand and political development on the other; on the establishment of a "nation-state" as a prerequisite for political development; and on the relationship between political stability and political development. For the purpose of testing these hypotheses, the two countries serve as good models because of their vastly different socio-economic conditions: the different levels of modernisation and economic growth; the homogeneity- heterogeneity dichotomy; and the frequency of political conflict. In conclusion, Japan is an apoliticised society in consequence of the imbalance between its political and economic development. By contrast, the Indian political system is characterised by an ever-increasing demand for - 2 - participation, with which current levels of institutionalisation cannot keep pace. The respective single dominant parties have thus played opposing roles, i.e. of apoliticising society in the case of Japan while encouraging participation in that of India. The results of this comparative study indicate that a high rate of economic growth does not necessarily lead to political development, that legitimacy is a more important factor in achieving national integration, and that the frequency of political conflict is in some cases a sign of an increase in participation. - 3 - CONTENTS List of Tables 8 List of Acronyms 10 INTRODUCTION 12 PART ONE: A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 19 Chapter 1: Comparative Politics and Political Development 20 1. Comparative Politics Movement 21 2. Political Development: Participation and Institutionalisation 26 3. A New Trend in Comparative Politics 34 4. Search for a New Model 40 Chapter 2: An Analytical Framework of Political Parties 47 1. Origins and Development of Parties 47 2. Typology of Party Systems 50 3. Levels of Analysis 53 PART TWO: THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS AND THE POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF INDIA 63 Chapter 3: The Emergence of an Indian Polity and the Role of the Indian National Congress 64 - 4 - 1. The Structure of the Indian Political System 64 (1) Indian Political Culture 64 (2) Pre-British Period 67 (3) The Legacy of British Rule 68 2. The Nationalist Movement and the Emergence of the Indian National Congress 73 (1) The Establishment of the Indian National Congress 73 (2) Mahatma Gandhi and the Congress Party 78 3. Independence and the Issue of Federalism 87 Chapter 4: The Emergence of a Competitive Party System and the Development of a Single Dominant Party System 98 1. Parliamentary Democracy and Universal Franchise 98 2. A Competitive Party System 104 (1) The Elections 105 (2) Opposition Parties 117 Chapter 5: The Organisation and Functions of the Congress Party 127 1. Party-Government Relations 129 2. The Organisation of the Congress party 142 (1) Membership 14 2 (2) The Field Organisation 147 (3) Organisational Elections 150 (4) Rajiv Gandhi and his Party 154 3. The Functions of the Congress Party 158 - 5 - (1) The Party Activities 158 (2) The Functions of the Single Dominant Party 164 PART THREE: THE LIBERAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND THE POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF JAPAN 178 chapter 6: Postwar Political Reforms and the Emergence of a Competitive Party System 179 1. The Constitutional Revision 179 2. The Political System of 1955 185 (1) The Re-Emergence of Political Parties 185 (2) Land Reform 187 (3) The Dissolution of the Zaibatsu 190 (4) The Bureaucracy 194 (5) Labour 19 7 (6) The Establishment of the Political System of 1955 201 Chapter 7: The Organisation and Functions of the Liberal Democratic Party 212 1. Postwar Japanese Political Culture 212 2. Elections and Supporters' Associations 217 3. The Factions 227 4. Decision-Making and the Bureaucracy 236 CONCLUSION: POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF INDIA AND JAPAN 253 1. A comparative Framework 253 (1) Three Basic Assumptions 253 - 6 - (2) An Operational Definition of Political Development 255 (3) Main Actors 257 (4) Levels of Analysis 258 2. Empirical Findings 263 (1) The Settings 264 (2) Participation 265 j ' ‘ (3 ) |Institutionalisation 270 j 3. Political Development - Three Basic Assumptions Reviewed 2 78 BIBLIOGRAPHY AND LIST OF INTERVIEWS 285 Bibliography 286 1. Theories 286 2. India 292 3. Japan 308 List of Interviews 317 - 7 - LIST OF TABLES India Table 1: Party-Wise Distribution of Seats and Percentage of Votes in Lok Sabha Elections (1952-1984) 106 Table 2: Party-Wise Distribution of Seats and Percentage of Votes in Vidhan Sabha Elections in 1952 and 1957 108 Table 3: Party-Wise Distribution of Seats and Percentage of Votes in Vidhan Sabha Elections in 1967 and 1971-72 109 Table 4: Party-Wise Distribution of Seats and Percentage of Votes in Vidhan Sabha Elections in 1977-78 and 1979-80 115 Japan Table 5: The Number of Unions and Membership Figures (1945-1950) 198 Table 6: Occupation-Wise Party Support 207 Table 7: Previous Occupations of Diet Members 207 Table 8: Party-Wise Distribution of Seats and Percentage of Votes in Elections for the House of Representatives (1955- 1986) 218 Table 9: Published LDP Membership Figures (1975-1987) 226 - 8 - Table 10: Faction-Wise Distribution of Seats in 1975, 1980, 1985 and 1986 233 Table 11: The Most Influential Groups in Policy- Making 236 Table 12: Party-Wise Distribution of Seats in the Elections for the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly in 1989 275 Table 13: Party-Wise Distribution of Seats in the Elections for the House of Councillors and the Resulting Number of Seats in 1989 275 - 9 - ACRONYMS Indian Political Parties INC: Indian National Congress, Indian National Congress(I) SOC: Socialist Party KMPP: Kisan Mazdoor Mandal CPI: Communist Party of India BJS: All India Bahartiya Jan Sangh BJP: Bhartiya Janata Party HMS: Akhil Bhartiya Hindu Mahasabha RRP: Akhil Bhartiya Ram Rajya Parishad SCF: All India Scheduled Caste Federation SWA: Swatantra Party PSP: Praja Socialist Party RPI: Republican Party of India CPM: Communist Party of India (Marxist) SSP: Samyukta Socialist Party NCO: Indian National Congress (Organisation) LD: Lok Dal INCU: Indian National Congress (Urs ) BLD: Bhartiya Lok Dal (Janata Party) JNP: Janata Party JNPS: Janata Party (Secular) TDP: Telugu Desam Party AIADMK: All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam INCS: Indian National Congress (Socialist) JKN: Jammu & Kashmir National Conference JNPSR :Janata Party (Secular Raj Narain) - 10 - JNPSC:Janata Party (Secular Charan Singh) Japanese Political Parties LDP: Liberal Democratic Party JSP: Japan Socialist Party DSP: Democratic Socialist Party LFP: Labour-Farmer Party JCP: Japan Communist Party NLC: New Liberal Club SDF: Social Democratic Federation - 11 - INTRODUCTION This study is an attempt to compare the processes of political development in India and Japan. The two countries have been chosen for various reasons. Firstly, both countries are part of Asia and even after achieving a certain degree of modernisation, they still preserve their own cultures. Therefore, the case studies of these two countries show the applicability and limitations of Western theories. Secondly, India and Japan are among the few countries in Asia which have been able to maintain parliamentary democracy based on free electoral competition and universal franchise. Thirdly, both political systems are categorised as single dominant party systems, which at least provides a common ground for comparison. The fourth reason is the different levels of modernisation and economic growth of the two countries. One is a post-industrial society with a literacy rate of virtually one hundred percent while the other is still a developing country in many respects with forty percent of the population living under the poverty line. How these levels of modernisation correspond to political development is one of my main concerns. The fifth reason is that the two countries are at the two extreme ends of the homogeneity-heterogeneity spectrum. If national integration is an important aspect of political development, this dichotomy should present a significant contrast in examining the ways in which integration is - 12 - achieved. It is generally believed that because of Japan's miraculous economic growth, high level of education, cultural homogeneity and political stability, its political system has achieved a remarkable degree of development. The Liberal Democratic Party, which is the most important political engine of Japan's postwar prosperity, is often counted as one of the most successful political parties in the world since the Second World War. By contrast, Indian politics appear to be in a state of confusion. Moreover, India is a diverse country with a low literacy rate of 36.23 percent,^ ^ the "Hindu rate" of economic growth, recurring ethnic conflicts and lacking even a common language. Because of these socio-economic conditions, the political development achieved by India so far is considered negligible. It is feared that the Indian nation is disintegrating, that increasing violence threatens the integrity of the nation and that, moreover, India is not prepared for political development because of its low level of modernisation. Such is often the first impression of outside observers. Deeper involvement with the two societies, however, makes some such observers wonder if political development is so simple that it can be measured by such indices as economic growth, literacy rate and the number of conflicts. The level of political consciousness does not always correspond to that of modernisation or economic growth in these two countries.