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Journal of and Plain Anabaptist Studies

Volume 7 Issue 1 Special issue: The - Article 12 Mennonite Churches

2019

The Changing Sociolinguistic Identities of the Beachy Amish-

Joshua Brown

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Recommended Citation Brown, Joshua R. 2019. "The Changing Sociolinguistic Identities of the Beachy Amish-Mennonites." Journal of Amish and Plain Anabaptist Studies 7(1):19-31.

This Original Research Article is brought to you for free and open access by IdeaExchange@UAkron, the institutional repository of The University of Akron in Akron, , USA. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Amish and Plain Anabaptist Studies by an authorized administrator of IdeaExchange@UAkron. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. The Changing Sociolinguistic Identities of the Beachy Amish- Mennonites

Joshua R. Brown Associate Professor of German and Linguistics Department of Languages University of Wisconsin—Eau Claire

Abstract: The study of Beachy Amish-Mennonite identities is a complex endeavor. As a loosely- organized fellowship, the Beachys have no overarching governing body that dictates symbols of their Anabaptist commitment to nonconformity. Often Beachys are described as existing on a religious continuum between the Old Order Amish and Mennonites, yet defining Beachys as what they are not does not adequately establish the religious identities that Beachys negotiate for themselves. This article addresses the negotiation of sociolinguistic identities—where language and religious identities intersect—alongside cultural change for two Beachy congregations in Central . The analysis, based on a theoretical framework of the negotiation of multilingual identities, shows that the interaction of language and within and between congregations is varied and dynamic. The Beachys—without guidelines for how to be “Beachy”— engage in a constant negotiation of religious identity, in part informed by their multilingual past and present.

Keywords: Beachy Amish-Mennonites; Central Pennsylvania; sociolinguistics; identity;

Acknowledgements: This research was supported by the University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire Faculty Sabbatical Leave Program and the Kreider Fellowship through the Young Center for Anabaptist and Pietist Studies at Elizabethtown College. I am thankful for the helpful comments from the anonymous review process; all errors that remain are my own.

INTRODUCTION marized in tidy sociological categories” (p. 362). Thus the study of Beachy identities is varied, What is the range of diversity among the complex, and changing. To answer the questions Beachy Amish-Mennonites (“Beachys”)? How posed at the start of this paragraph would require does that diversity manifest itself not only be- thorough analyses of each Beachy congregation. tween congregations, but also within a single con- Although generalizations cannot be made across gregation? Sociologist Cory Anderson (2011) ad- all congregations, types of change related to reli- monishes that inherent in the study of the Beachys gious ideologies may lead to a greater understand- is the resulting confusion that arises from their ing of how the mechanics of those changes occur identification: “the identity and boundaries of this among congregations within the Beachy Amish- movement, as even the Beachys themselves have Mennonite fellowship—in fact, the ways in which observed, are indeed complex, not easily sum- the Beachys identify themselves ethnically inform

Address correspondence to: Joshua R. Brown; [email protected]; Department of Languages, Centennial Hall 4604, 105 Garfield Avenue, Eau Claire, WI 54702-4004. Recommended citation: Brown, Joshua. 2019. “The Changing Sociolinguistic Identities of the Beachy Amish-Menno- nites.” Journal of Amish and Plain Anabaptist Studies 7(1):19-31. Publication type: Original research, open access (may be freely distributed). JAPAS is published by the Amish & Plain Anabaptist Studies Association (www.amishstudies.org) and the University of Akron. 20 Journal of Amish and Plain Anabaptist Studies, Volume 7, Issue 1, Spring 2019 how they position themselves religiously relative vidual identities do not have to completely align to other Anabaptist groups. This paper describes with or completely reject a group’s entire reper- one type of change in two Beachy congregations toire of identity characteristics for an individual in Central Pennsylvania. Sociolinguistic identi- to express interest in identifying with a particular ties are those aspects of identity that intersect with group. Individuals may choose to partially adopt language—they contain the attitudes toward lan- some aspects of given identities while rejecting guage and the ideologies about language as means others aspects or even adapt aspects to fit their own for the negotiation of an individual’s or group’s contexts. Through studying narratives in which identities. individuals discursively negotiate their identities, The article begins with an overview of the the- researchers can understand the dynamic nature of oretical stance applied here followed by a contex- identification through the expression of attitudes tual description of the current study. The contextu- and ideologies about those aspects of identities al description contains a sociohistorical discussion which are differently valued. Through their narra- about both the location of the congregations under tives, multilingual individuals position themselves study and the congregations themselves. Then fol- and create ideologies about language and culture lows a presentation of the sociolinguistic identity that are not only diverse, but at times contradic- data. tory (Dailey-O’Cain and Liebscher 2011). As a result, the study of identity is indeed nebulous and LANGUAGE AND IDENTITY requires, optimally, qualitative inquiry that is both comprehensive and longitudinal. The underpinning of the theoretical stance ad- Important for this study is understanding that opted in this paper is that “[l]anguage is our prima- Beachy Amish-Mennonite congregations have ry semiotic tool for representing and negotiating multilingual realities. When they actively use a social reality, including social identity categories” variety of languages in their daily lives or as part (Bailey 2007, 341). Humans use language for ne- of religious , they represent a heritage lan- gotiating their social identities and sociolinguists guage community. Heritage languages are spo- are especially interested in learning about ways in ken at home and are a different language from which language itself intersects with identities and the dominant societal language (Rothman 2009). how ideologies about language factor into the pro- Sometimes, however, groups that no longer ac- cess of identification. This is not to say that lan- tively use their heritage language still possess as- guage is always the most important facet of one’s pects of identity that are informed by their mul- identity.However, in the present case, language tilingual pasts—these communities, in turn, are itself proves to be not only the primary medium termed “postvernacular” (Shandler 2008). For the of negotiating identity but also one of the primary Beachys in these congregations, using German as markers of identity. a hagiolect (the language for religious purposes) Identity, a nebulous concept in the social sci- and Pennsylvania Dutch as the in-group linguis- ences, is defined broadly as “the social positioning tic marker has changed throughout their histories. of self and other” (Bucholtz and Hall 2010, 18). The power struggle between heritage languages As a process, positioning invokes interaction with and the dominant mainstream language, English, others and oneself as the means for negotiating and resulted from greater legitimacy and overt pres- expressing one’s identities. In opposition to earlier tige given to the mainstream language, especially work, where identity categories were static roles in light of religious change. Since the Beachys assigned to individuals in social realms, social po- have “opened themselves to external cultural and sitioning means that individuals ally themselves theological influences more fully than the Old Or- as same or different through ongoing expression ders” (Anderson 2011, 364), they present unique (Davies and Haaré 1990). Social positioning is case studies in looking at how language use can both dynamic and discursive—individuals are not change as a group becomes more open. bestowed with identities; rather, they negotiate These venues provide areas in which sociolin- with identity choices. Yet this negotiation is not guistic identity work is “interesting, relevant, and completely one-sided; social positioning is subject visible” in that identities are contested (Pavlenko to external pressures. Further, the resulting indi- and Blackledge 2004, 19). More so than the Old Changing Sociolinguistic Identities of Beachys—Brown 21

Orders, the Beachys tolerate overt intergeneration- ect, in conjunction with research into sociohistori- al differences. Within congregations, adherents cal and archival information, became the basis for to older values and language norms sit alongside studying Beachy Amish-Mennonite congregations those who embrace the opportunities that come in Big Valley from the middle of the nineteenth with adopting the language of mainstream soci- century onward (Brown 2011). The current study ety. Thus, the interactions of language and culture leans on the relevant Beachy information from within a single congregation provide a much more Brown (2011) to revisit the language situations in interesting look at how language is differently val- Big Valley as part of a critical ethnography nearly ued in the changing religious identities of congre- a decade later. gants. In understanding the sociolinguistic identi- Starting from the earlier collection of over 60 ties being socially positioned, this analysis relies oral histories, this updated analysis focuses on in- on a poststructural approach to multilingualism terviews with Big Valley residents, who grew up in which identity is dynamic, multiple, and dis- in the Beachy church but joined more progressive cursive. The theoretical framework, developed by groups in their early adulthood and interviews with Pavlenko and Blackledge (2004) and based on ear- current Beachy members. Throughout this manu- lier work on social positioning (mentioned earlier script, the participants in the oral history project in this section), explains that identities in multi- are identified numerically. Since they are part of lingual contexts are, first of all, differently valued. an oral history project, the typical convention of In light of the contested nature of changing identi- identifying them as “narrators” was followed. The ties, certain aspects of their social and cultural ex- numbering system continued through the second pression are given more weight than others. In the phase of the oral history project. weighing of their options, identities are, second of The current study also relies on published all, negotiable, nonnegotiable, or not negotiated. memoirs, historical information gleaned from Although individuals may be agentive in the so- unpublished church histories, and weekly church cial positioning process, there are some instances activity reports published in the Amish and Men- in which external pressures either from dominant nonite newspaper, The Budget. As a critical eth- society or from dominant auspices within the nography, the information in the oral history inter- group do not allow aspects of the group’s iden- views and archival materials is supplemented with tity to be negotiated. Through their negotiation observations from attendance at services of multilingual identities, aspects can be, third of and sings, visits at the homes of Beachy in- all, resisted or re-appropriated. Not all parts of an dividuals, and interactions with Beachy individu- identity need to be adopted wholly. Multilingual als at additional locations in Big Valley. Personal identities are, last of all, contextually-based. As a observations were recorded in notebooks as tem- result, the present and past realities of the multi- porally near to the events as possible; permission lingual situation factor prominently in understand- to record the information was always obtained. ing the negotiation of an individual’s and group’s identities. To that end, the next two sections pro- Big Valley as an Anabaptist Continuum vide background on the study, the locations of the congregations, and the congregations themselves. Big Valley presents a unique Anabaptist mi- crocosm. Although located in a narrow two-mile CURRENT STUDY wide valley bound by mountains on each side, a surprising diversity of Anabaptists exists today. This study is part of a larger, longitudinal proj- Although most Anabaptists in Big Valley come ect that ran from 2005 until 2011 and then was re- from a shared Amish heritage, there are over a visited from 2017 to 2019. The larger project, The dozen distinct Anabaptist affiliations. Three Old Big Valley Oral History Project, was a joint ven- Order groups, a number of Mennonite groups, and ture between researchers and the Mifflin County two Beachy groups—all with congregations that Mennonite Heritage Society in Belleville, Penn- range from progressive to conservative on a reli- sylvania, to collect oral histories from Anabaptist gious continuum—call Big Valley home. residents of the Kishacoquillas “Big” Valley, part Due to an increase in travel routes and the in- of Pennsylvania’s Appalachian range. That proj- creasingly liberal tendency of the Amish in the 22 Journal of Amish and Plain Anabaptist Studies, Volume 7, Issue 1, Spring 2019 lower Pequea region of Lancaster County, more The Zook church, as it came to be known, were conservative Amish moved to isolated re- less sectarian than the Old Orders in appearance, gions in newer settlements including Big Valley but their continuity with buggy transportation in the late eighteenth century (Kauffman 1991, separated them from the progressive Mennonite 58). By 1795, more than a dozen Amish fami- churches mentioned above. Under the leadership lies appear on historical records and later immi- of Bishop Jesse D. Spicher in the 1950s, the Zook grants from failed Amish settlements in nearby church aligned with religious changes adopted by Centre and Juniata Counties would make up the Bishop Beachy’s Somerset County congregation, Big Valley Amish (Hostetler 1951). The grow- also mentioned above. They joined the Beachy ing Valley was divided into three congregations Amish-Mennonites, which started out of dis- (Upper, Middle, and Lower Districts) in the mid- putes in Lancaster and Somerset Counties in the nineteenth century. This separation of the Amish early 1900s over members transferring into three congregations all the while being con- to neighboring Conservative Amish-Mennonites tained in a very narrow valley, led to several in- Conference churches. In time, Big Valley had two ternal disputes between and within the new dis- Beachy districts; they later united and built a large tricts. The Great , as it is known locally, meetinghouse to accommodate their growing was one such dispute and occurred in the 1850s as numbers (Yoder 1963, 6). a result of debates over stream (Hostetler With the building of their meetinghouse and 1948; Hostetler 1964, 286; Yoder 1991,158-59). a new sense of presence in the Valley, the con- Solomon Beiler of the Middle District wanted to gregation adopted innovations further disassoci- perform stream baptism for his congregants, while ating themselves from the Old Orders. Religious Abraham Peachey of the Upper District preferred changes such as Sunday evening meetings, Eng- to keep the traditional practice of pouring water lish and “fast” hymn sings, growing opportunities over the head of the baptismal candidate in the for youth activities sponsored by the church, and home. The districts split in 1863 from fellowship- increased interest in outreach and mission work ping with each other and the Beiler group trimmed characterized the congregation (Kauffman 1991, their hair styles, built meetinghouses for worship, 307). The potential of more changes caused a di- and firmly rejected the practice of shunning. By the vision in the congregation in 1985—more conser- late nineteenth century, the Beiler group formally vative members of the congregation established referred to themselves as Amish-Mennonite and the Pleasant View Amish-Mennonite church. The joined some Mennonite groups toward increasing remaining progressive side referred to themselves and revivalism in their churches (Yo- as Valley View Amish-Mennonite. der 1991, 260). Soon they would drop “Amish” from their church signs and continue on existence Cultural Change among Big Valley’s Beachy in Big Valley as Mennonites. Amish-Mennonites Peachey’s church, although identifying with the Old Order, was still more progressive than the The Beachy Amish-Mennonites in Big Val- Valley’s other Old Order churches by the end of ley have roots in the Old Order in the late nine- the nineteenth century. Directly because of their teenth century, but they have diverged consider- sympathies with Amish churches that did not sup- ably from the path that the rest of the Valley’s Old port strict social avoidance, the Peachey church Order have taken. This section describes some of counseled both congregations in Lancaster and the cultural changes that happened parallel to the Somerset Counties during their tensions over the linguistic changes described in the following sec- issue. Soon after Bishop Zook of the Peachey tion. The Old Order and the Beachys share “an church offered support to the Lancaster County Anabaptist commitment to the primacy of scrip- congregation in 1919, his own congregants began ture as the guide to Christian life and Christian defining their Old Order identity in a much dif- behavior” (Johnson-Weiner 2001, 232). However, ferent way than their Old Order neighbors in Big the Beachys adopted Sunday school for increased Valley—they embraced two suspenders instead of interest in reading and understanding the one, sweaters, zippered jackets, narrower brimmed (Beachy 1955, 128). Although debated at first, hats, and trimmed beards (Kauffman 1991, 306). Sunday school is now accepted in both Big Valley Changing Sociolinguistic Identities of Beachys—Brown 23

Beachy congregations. In addition to the primacy Organized, -based initiatives for young peo- of Scripture, the Beachys (as other Anabaptists) ple (aside from Sunday evening hymn sings) are follow the Dordrecht Confession of Faith which typically discouraged. Mennonite churches in Big mandates the importance of non-conformity to Valley, on the other hand, readily integrate young the world. Each Anabaptist group has varying in- people into worship, encourage their participation terpretations on what non-conformity means, but in outreach initiatives, and sponsor faith-based en- a former bishop of both Beachy congregations deavors such as camping weekends and socials. relates the extent of their non-conformity to the The Beachys are somewhere between both groups world: concerning the involvement of youth in church activities. Youth are encouraged to participate Parents, do we appreciate our heritage enough more in the activities of the church; in fact, they and are we thankful enough that we have the are baptized younger than the Old Orders, around privilege to take our children to a church that takes a stand against the evil influences of radio, age 15-16, maybe as young as 12 (Schwieder and TV, evil habits, disrespect, miniskirts and teach- Schwieder 1977, 48). Sunday evening hymn sings ing to respect the Sabbath (no going away on for the youth of the congregation remain an Old Saturday nights, but getting ready for Sunday)? Order hold-over and an important venue for social- (Spicher 2005, 165) izing with peers. Youth activities have increased the frequency of church-sponsored events. Pleas- In the early twentieth century, the worship ser- ant View’s column in The Budget gives examples vice was similar to the Old Orders. It began with of youth activities, including visits to ministers’ a hymn, followed by the Loblied, followed by a homes and the preparation of a community sup- devotional for about 15 to 20 minutes, , per for Beachy and non-Beachy residents of Big Scripture reading, sermon of about 30 to 40 min- Valley. utes, witness from other ministers, a prayer, a final Education of children follows the Old Order hymn, and then dismissal (Narrator 12). Today, pattern of having private parochial schools staffed worship begins with a 20-minute devotional, fol- by their own teachers. In Big Valley, both Beachy lowed by Sunday school, then the main sermon. congregations operate their own parochial school Both congregations sing in four-part harmony a located adjacent to the meetinghouses. The Pleas- cappella, i.e., without instrumental accompani- ant View School goes through eighth grade, while ment. Further opening up their sectarian boundar- Valley View encourages continued education, of- ies, both congregations invite outside speakers to ten individualized through a faith-based curricu- their evening services (Narrator 3). Ministers in lum. Both schools attract conservative Mennonite both congregations are chosen by lot following the families in the Valley as well. In line with their tradition of the Old Order, and although sermons hyphenated Amish-Mennonite religious identity, are based on several verses from Scripture, there they do not send their children to the Old Order is no Old Order-like Abrot (a ministerial meeting parochial schools, nor to Belleville Mennonite before worship). Pleasant View holds Wednesday School. Additional outlets for education, such as prayer meetings (The Budget), where, contrary Faith Builders for instruction on teaching, a dea- to Old Order style, a group convenes to discuss con seminar, seminar on missions, Spanish cours- Scripture and collectively pray for individuals es for the eighth grade graduates, and a marriage of the church and world. Neither church overtly enrichment seminar, are mentioned in Pleasant shuns transgressions among the membership. View’s Budget column. Most occupations center Narrator 6 indicated that moving away from shun- on skilled labor such as plumbing and electrical ning was a way in which the church “progressed.” work. There are some licensed practical nurses but Today, there is no shunning, “unless [a member] no professionals at Pleasant View (Narrator 20), fall[s] into some kind of serious sin. Then they’re while Valley View has more certified nurses and expelled” (Narrator 20). teachers. Among the Old Order, youth are valued, but as Dress remains uniform in both Beachy con- non-members of the church until their baptism in gregations. Men usually wear button-down shirts, their late teens and early twenties, they possess a trousers, and suspenders. Even plaids and prints minimal role in the formal activities of the church. for shirts are becoming acceptable in the more 24 Journal of Amish and Plain Anabaptist Studies, Volume 7, Issue 1, Spring 2019 conservative Pleasant View. All women wear head The use of the automobile and increased rela- coverings, though they are smaller than the Old tions with people outside of one’s usual networks Order head coverings. Cloth-style , instead of resurfaces as a prominent theme in the histories caps, are observable at both congregations. Their of changing religious orientation. The acceptance dresses do not have aprons, though the top half of the automobile brought more non-Amish inno- does have a cape. The cape is typically sewn on to vations to Beachy life in Big Valley. Cars allow the top half of the dress. Some of the older women faster and longer distance travel. Not only could sew their dresses and capes together while retain- one travel and expand one’s dense social networks ing a few straight pins at the top of the garment to into open ones, but one could now travel to ex- hold the front together, an Amish way of fastening pand one’s religious horizons. The allowance of clothes. Most women close their dresses with zip- cars eventually fed greater travel opportunities to pers and buttons rather than pins. revival meetings: Technology is consistently a point of conten- tion, both for the Old Orders and the Beachys, in After the Amish Church allowed cars for trans- maintaining separation from the world. In general, portation in 1954, we could travel farther to revival meetings and have our fed from the Beachy congregations in Big Valley are con- ’s Word in a wonderful way. However, op- servative in the comparatively progressive Beachy position to the Spirit-filled life began to grow affiliation, but not as conservative as factions off from various churches in the valley. They tried the Beachys, e.g., Maranatha, Ambassadors, and to convince us that we were being deceived into Berea. Even though they have had electricity in believing in the sanctified experience. (Yoder their homes since the late 1940s and computers 2000, 29) are completely acceptable for business purposes, the Beachy members control most entertainment- As this sentiment intimates, one of the greatest based technologies. Cell phone use “causes quite differences between the Old Order and the Beachy a bit of concern” (Narrator 20), though its useful- is the more “explicitly evangelistic” orientation ness in emergencies has been mentioned in the of the Beachy fellowship (Johnson-Weiner 2001, Pleasant View column of The Budget. The use of 246-47). A more outward religious orientation, in- the internet is increasingly common. The Beachy cluding evangelism and mission work, emerges as church in Big Valley was slower to adopt auto- a hallmark of their religious identity in Big Val- mobiles than Lancaster and Somerset Counties. ley. Some initiatives of the Amish-Mennonites They adopted tractors in 1932 and later automo- include missions abroad, prison missions domes- biles in 1954 (Stroup 1965, 10; Yoder 1999, 101; tically, and Fresh Air missions (Matthews 2001). Yoder 1963, 5). However, members in the Beachy Since 1947 there have been missions in in Big Valley were already using cars, even America and increasingly more in Eastern Europe before it was officially allowed (Narrator 13). In (Yoder 1987). The Pleasant View congregation, order to prevent a division in the church and the for example, directly supports outreach missions loss of more members, the ministry required black in Ukraine, , and a domestic prison minis- cars (Yoder 1963, 5). This move, in concord with try (Narrator 20; Narrator 3; The Budget). Such some conservative Mennonite populations, main- outreach diverges from an exclusive sectarian eth- tains the conformity of the community, while at noreligious identity. Big Valley’s Beachys wish to the same time insisting on non-conformity to the become more active in mission work and lessen world. At present, the Valley View congregation the exclusive nature of their congregations. no longer has a black car rule. Within the last de- cade, darker colored cars were a transitional com- Language and the Big Valley Beachy Amish- promise. Today, cars of all colors and makes in Mennonites their parking lot are observed for Sunday worship. For Pleasant View membership, black cars—and Alongside these numerous cultural changes occasionally dark, solid colors—were mandatory have been changes to the verbal repertoire of the (Narrator 20). However within the last few years, Valley’s Beachys. At first, they maintained the that rule has been discontinued. Old Order pattern of language behavior. An archa- ic form of was the language of Changing Sociolinguistic Identities of Beachys—Brown 25 written liturgy. It connected both the Beachys and adults) attended German School, German as a the Old Orders to their roots in the Radical Refor- hagiolect was more feasible. When the German mation and, through their , reminded them School ceased operation—coinciding with an in- of the of the early martyrs. Within their creased availability of Sunday school curriculum in-group, they maintained Pennsylvania Dutch— in English—German declined as the language of a covert prestige vernacular, which further sepa- religion for the Valley’s Beachy. It was not neces- rated them from “English” outsiders. However, as sarily the existence of German that made them un- their cultural (and religious) changes continue to easy. For Big Valley’s Beachys, they did not care integrate them into a less sectarian worldview, it to perpetuate the poor knowledge of German in a becomes less necessary for the Beachys to main- similar vein to Samuel D. Guengerich’s admon- tain these traditional linguistic boundaries of their ishments at the beginning of the twentieth century identity. Big Valley’s Beachy congregations are (Louden 2016, 309). still considerably more conservative than many Similarly, the building of their meeting- Beachys in other areas, and their late acceptance house as a visible manifestation of their religious of English in worship is an example of their con- “home,” further contributed to the decline of Ger- servatism. For Big Valley’s Beachys, German de- man as a language in worship. By not worshipping clined in emphasis in the 1950s, particularly for fu- in homes, outsiders would feel more comfortable nerals and young people’s singings (Beachy 1955, to join the congregation for worship than if the 139). By 1985, Valley View switched nearly com- service is held in a private home. As English in- pletely to English in worship services. By no lon- creased its role in the religious sphere in the mid- ger using German and Pennsylvania Dutch, their twentieth century, it further contributed to the split identities fall more in line with their neighboring between the conservative and progressive congre- mainstream Mennonites. All of these elements— gations in the 1980s. Valley View chose to fully in- cultural and linguistic—contribute to their ongo- corporate English in their worship services, while ing negotiation of their religious identities. Pleasant View held on to German as a hagiolect A former Beachy man recounted the bond be- for a longer period of time. The congregation’s tween German and religion in his memoir: bishop left for a German-using Beachy church in Selinsgrove, Pennsylvania, when Sunday school Sunday was the Lord’s Day; no more work was switched to English and the congregational trend done than necessary. It was a day to learn the was toward greater English use (Kauffman 1991, ; we attended church every two weeks, and services were always held in German 307; Yoder 1987, 350). (Yoder 2000, 15) Linguistic changes in the churches were grad- ual. Congregants negotiated the delicate balance For his childhood in the first half of the twen- between tradition and progression. In the transi- tieth century, religion and language were insepara- tion period from bilingualism to monolingualism, ble—to be Beachy in Big Valley meant to use Ger- it began with the hymn singing, when one of the man in the worship service. The role of German songs was in English and another in German (Nar- in Big Valley’s Beachy worship services would rator 3). The import of songs in English became eventually change in the mid-twentieth century. an important venue for English language growth The Old Orders incorporate German instruction in (Yoder 1987), affecting not only the allegiance to their parochial schools and while an archaic form German in worship, but also the language of these of standard German is the language of their writ- casual hymn sings for young people. Previously, ten liturgy, the spoken elements of worship are in they used the Christian Hymnary, which included Pennsylvania Dutch (Louden 2016). As a result, a minority of selections representing their multi- the Old Orders are equipped to handle German as lingual past, e.g. the Loblied in both German and a hagiolect. With the creation of their own paro- English, English translations of hymns of the mar- chial schools, the Valley’s Beachys relied heavily tyrs from the Old Order’s hymnal, and on a local German School on Saturday mornings some from (including the original in the neighboring village of Whitehall (Kanagy language, whether German or Holland Dutch). 2006, 24; Kauffman 1991, 222; Yoder 1999, 48; The hymnal functioned as an amalgamation of Yoder 1963, 37). Since Beachy children (and their Old Order roots and their increasing open- 26 Journal of Amish and Plain Anabaptist Studies, Volume 7, Issue 1, Spring 2019 ness to a variety of Anabaptist musical traditions. hagiolect. He reveals in this instance not only his Zion’s Praises, a supplementary hymnal for wor- changing personal identity—one that seeks to un- ship that has since been discontinued, includes derstand written liturgy—but also his changing hymns on , feet washing, mission, sociolinguistic identity—one that seeks to sever evangelism, and salvation; it does not include any the ties between language and religion, so that his German. Today, Pleasant View uses the Christian religious life turns to English hymns, translations Hymnal, an evangelistic Holdeman Mennonite of the martyrs’ hymns, and an English Sunday compilation exclusively in English. The lasting school curriculum. remnants of the German hagiolect exist as a thir- Although all of the Beachy narrators for this ty minute hymn sing alongside a longer English study speak Pennsylvania Dutch, only one couple hymn sing on the last Sunday of every month at speaks the language on a regular basis to each oth- Pleasant View. er. The rest of the narrators speak English most of On Sundays in the 1930s and 1940s, the the time with their spouses and housemates, even Beachys would gather in plain garb, sing the though 20 years ago, they would have spoken hymns of the martyrs, and envelop themselves in Pennsylvania Dutch exclusively. On the whole, the their traditional language. Through these social ac- Pennsylvania Dutch abilities of the older Beachys tions, they negotiated their ethnoreligious identi- in Big Valley are attriting, while the younger ties. However, the importance of German does not Beachys have either limited or no abilities in the guarantee its stability when participants choose to language. Narrator 13 stated, for example, that the project a different religious orientation. Lacking youth of the Beachy congregations in Big Valley the rigorous instruction in the language of earlier no longer speak Pennsylvania Dutch because of generations at the German School, they found the the lack of transmission between younger parents language to be a barrier to religious understand- (in their 20s) and their children. ing. One Beachy man wrote in his memoir: As both Beachy congregations grew, their af- finity toward education and increased economic It reminds me of the portion of a beautiful opportunity also grew. The role of English contin- German song that still rings in my mind and ues to be important in the lives of the Beachys af- goes like this—‘Als ich auf jordons ufer ter leaving primary school, in secondary/ post-sec- shtand und shuete seelinch hin, zu Canan’s ondary school and in future careers. A couple who shone und lieblich land vo meini schetzi’. enthusiastically shared that their children spoke (Peachey, n.d., 52) Pennsylvania Dutch in childhood, also resigned that Pennsylvania Dutch alone was not useful for His writing does not convey knowledge of their changing lives: German grammar or spelling and elements of his Pennsylvania Dutch shine through. Drawn from Narrator 21: It was nice that they could speak his sentiments, German has become nostalgic for English. the Beachys in Big Valley. It links them with their past and once strengthened their commitment to Narrator 20: Yeah it was. They could too. an exclusive sectarian lifestyle. The language of worship had to change to assure the religious vi- Although it was good at the start for the chil- ability of the group as its religious orientation dren not to speak English—so these parents could changed. In fact, this same author later concedes use it as a secret language, the increasing possibil- in his memoir: ities with English were advantageous. This pattern is very much unlike the Old Orders, who discour- We were singing those precious old German age overuse of English at home (Johnson-Weiner hymns but with our minds and understanding 1992). far from the depth and meaning of the words we were uttering (Peachey, n.d., 11) English is winning out as a monolingual vari- ety, rather than bilingual maintenance of English Although he calls them “precious” and “old,” and German, in religious spheres. Pleasant View adding to the nostalgic connotation, at least this uses the conservative Mennonite Christian Light writer felt less proficient in having German as a Publishing materials for Sunday school. Although Changing Sociolinguistic Identities of Beachys—Brown 27 the curriculum is in English, the older generation tiations with changing religious opportunities. Al- occasionally discusses the content in Pennsylva- though linguist Joachim Raith (2003, 63) asserted nia Dutch. The younger generation relies exclu- that it was the loss of German in worship that sively on English for discussion (Narrator 20). In caused the loss of Pennsylvania Dutch, this cannot Valley View, Sunday school classes are multigen- be the sole cause. A disruption in the social reality erational. (Berger, Berger, and Kellner 1974)—the structure English, the language of education, is now the and consciousness—of a group is a major impetus native language for most younger Beachys in Big for change. Beachys survive because of an “inter- Valley. Along with the role of English in education pretive process” (Schwieder and Schwieder 1977, arose greater prestige for the language. Although 50), which allows them to place boundaries around the Old Orders speak Pennsylvania Dutch directly acceptable and deviant social behavior. For the because of its covert prestige (humility) value, analysis here, this “interpretive process” is part of “covert prestige” for the Beachys became unde- their negotiation of identities. As such, Big Val- sirable. Narrator 43 commented that Pennsylvania ley’s Beachys are engaged in constant question- Dutch is “too common” for the members of her ing, e.g.: “Is there now enough about him, maybe congregation at Pleasant View today: two-toned car, white sidewalls, etc. extra to show that he in nonconformity” (Spicher 2005, Narrator 43: But a lot of the Amish of our church 156). For the Beachys, the negotiation of identi- they don’t speak Dutch. They could if they want- ties involves a sharp distinction between the Old ed to, but they all speak English. Orders and themselves, even if that requires sev- ering the strong ties to traditional language use. Interviewer: Why’s that? Their reasons for language shift were due to their reevaluation of self (Buchheit 1982, 112, Johnson- Narrator 43: Well, I don’t know. I guess it’s too Weiner 1992, 27). Changes in their religious ori- common for them. entation—becoming more outward and opening up ethnoreligious boundaries—necessitated an in- Although the Old Orders value the “common- crease of English for both mission work and Bibli- ness” of Pennsylvania Dutch, a shift in cultural cal literacy. In turn, the increased use of English in identification with the language surfaced among all domains is an indication of “the rejection of the the Beachys. By not speaking Pennsylvania Dutch, Old Order identity” (Johnson-Weiner 1998, 384). the Beachys are allying their religious identities A minister of the Pleasant View church stated that more with mainstream Mennonitism and less with his church “progressed”: conservative Old Orders. As such, they negotiate their identities with language choice. Although Narrator 3: Well, in a sense we always belonged Narrator 43 does not agree with this choice, she to that church, we never changed church. We were known as an Amish church but then later on nonetheless recognizes it as a growing trend and as the church progressed, I’ll say progressed—I an aspect of the religious lives of co-congregants suppose would be the right word. that is negotiable. The loss of Pennsylvania Dutch within generations of a loss of German in worship Narrator 20 also hedges on a response regard- is a typical pattern (Louden 2016, 331). ing the naming of his own Pleasant View congre- English, not only the language of education and gation: overt prestige, is now associated with the Beachys as the language of outreach. In line with the as- Interviewer: Are there other changes would you sertions of anthropologist Karen Johnson-Weiner say, and what changes are taking place in the Amish church these days? (1992, 34), it is the willingness of the group and their changing worldview that brings them closer to English use. Big Valley’s Beachys needed a Narrator 20: I don’t know much about the Amish language for Biblical literacy and one that would church, but – open up their congregations to mission works. In time, Pennsylvania Dutch and German were dif- Interviewer: Oh I mean Pleasant View is also ferently valued than English in light of their nego- Amish? 28 Journal of Amish and Plain Anabaptist Studies, Volume 7, Issue 1, Spring 2019

Narrator 20: Well… Narrator 3: Well, that’s a little difficult. In one sense, it brought other things along. Interviewer: Isn’t it Amish? Interviewer: Good or bad? Narrator 20: Yes, it’s Amish-Mennonite. Narrator 3: Well, perhaps, I’d say good. But on For this narrator, he not only distances himself the other hand, sometimes it made a difference in and his familiarity with the Amish (here the Old our approach to some things. Life goes on, you Orders), but aligns his own church with its hy- know. But basically I’d say it was the thing to do. phenated identity: Amish-Mennonite. Their and restrictions on transportation, occupa- For him, although he dressed plainly, was a tions, and other aspects maintain their separation minister of the congregation in elderly age, and from the world, which their new sectarian iden- regularly spoke Pennsylvania Dutch with his tity requires. This increasing gap between the Old wife at home, his views on language and religion Orders and the Beachys in Big Valley was a con- changed. His hedging is evident in the beginning sistent theme in the interviews. Narrator 26, who of his response, yet his reluctance gives way to left before the Beachys adopted cars, viewed their concession by the end. Perhaps it is even resigna- buggy-rule as culturally stagnant: tion on his part, that the changing world is simply a matter of fact. The attitude that change is immi- Narrator 26: I said I don’t go to the church where nent remains foremost in the minds of these narra- I talk Dutch. And, well, why did you ever leave tors. For them, their whole lives have been about the Amish church? I said I wasn’t going to drive in the back of a stinkin’ horse. I wanted a car... negotiating their sectarian identities. For them, And I said that’s what I got. Oh he says, well you worship in homes, buggy transportation, and lan- can talk Dutch. It’s a shame that you ever left the guage were parts of their past that became relics Amish church. Oh no I said, not for me it isn’t. of their changing religious identity. With their Might be for you, but not for me. changing religious orientation, German failed to fulfill the growing needs for Biblical literacy and For him, language loyalty was less important outreach among the Valley’s Beachys. In short, the than the car and the other opportunities that the car prospects of carrying a Luther Bible on missions brought with it, including outreach and mission to Latin America and Eastern Europe are not prac- work. He does not regret his decision, even though tical. he still is able to speak Pennsylvania Dutch. He Thus the many religious changes that have does not see the connection between Pennsylva- occurred in Big Valley among its Beachy congre- nia Dutch and his changing religious identity as gations have brought different ways of negotiat- strong as it once was. His attitude toward the sym- ing the role of language as part of their religious bolism of Old Order identity (buggy transporta- identities. In light of the theoretical framework, tion) and the language bound to that symbolism is language and religion—once intimately linked in evident. In this excerpt, the narrator negotiates his their Old Order past—are now differently valued. identity with a third party and shares his attitude The opportunities that an “open” religion brings of Old Order cultural norms. For him, language them outweighs the loyalty that they held to Ger- was not an important deciding factor in his reli- man as a hagiolect and Pennsylvania Dutch as an gious choices. in-group identity marker. While older members of For many, though, it was no small matter to the congregations hold on to speaking Pennsylva- bring English into a traditional language domain. nia Dutch and a German hymn sing remains once The senior-most minister at Pleasant View reflect- a month, they realize that language is a negotiable ed on the effects of bringing English into worship aspect of their Beachy identities. In giving up their services: traditional languages, they are able to incorporate youth in formal church activities and engage ful- Interviewer: As you look back, was that the right ly in outreach and mission work far beyond the decision, or was that yielding to the ways of the boundaries of their narrow valley. world too much, to bring English into the wor- ship services completely? Changing Sociolinguistic Identities of Beachys—Brown 29

I am hesitant to say, though, that it is all about nite theologian, in his article “Language Problem” language loss in Big Valley as the Beachys negoti- referred to the maintenance of German and Eng- ate the role of language in their religious identities. lish to be a “language breach,” effectively pre- The Beachys rely just as much on language main- venting outreach opportunities. For contemporary tenance as they negotiate their religious identities. Mennonite groups, Louden (2016, 312) notes that Big Valley’s Beachys require the maintenance of “[they] have tended to see Pennsylvania Dutch as German and Pennsylvania Dutch among their Old a handicap to intellectual and spiritual develop- Order neighbors, because of their shared heritage. ment.” The parallels between Beachy negotiations To signify themselves as different, the Beachys re- with language are similar to those of the earlier quire the Old Orders to maintain their traditional Mennonites. languages and to maintain the role that language Additionally, the shifting role of Pennsylvania has for their religious identities. In so doing, the Dutch and German in one Valley’s Beachys maintain distance from the Old group has most recently been well-documented. Orders—they become those who engage in inter- Amos Hoover’s (2018) excellent volume on lan- national outreach, while weaving into their narra- guage change within the Weaverland Conference tives a recent past where language figured promi- has shown that the inclusion of English mono- nently as a marker of their religion. lingualism has brought mainstream Protestant into the group. Many offer the follow- CONCLUSION ing excuse for shifting to English monolingual- ism: “Well, I’m so busy learning English, I will I return to the complex questions posed at the not bother with Dutch” (Hoover 2018, 28). Again, start of this article—namely, how do the Beachy parallels between the negotiations of language as it Amish-Mennonites identify themselves? While figures into their changing identities can be drawn the Beachys are often described as what they are with the Beachys. I assert, however, that Beachys not (Anderson 2011, 364), I have attempted here are not simply following the trend of progressive to show that although language loss has meant re- Mennonites and Weaverland Mennonites. The ligious change, language maintenance is needed roles of language in their religious lives for each as the Beachys negotiate their place in such an ex- group are varied and, while the resulting language treme example of a geographically isolated Ana- shift is the same, the meaning of language in their baptist continuum. Certainly, Beachys in other current worldviews is different. areas do not rely on the language maintenance of This study has shown that the bilingualism of the Old Orders to define themselves, yet language the Beachys in Big Valley continues to be tran- continues to be an integral part of their shared sitional in light of the relatively recent switch to multilingual past. As a result, it is difficult to de- English in worship. Importantly, I only view their fine Beachys without invoking how much or how bilingualism as transitional. Although in the his- little traditional language use remains. In short, the tory of Big Valley, as well as in other areas (see negotiations of how language factors into Beachy Beachy 1955, 135 and Fuller 2005), some Amish- religious identities is varied and dynamic. Mennonites have shifted to Mennonitism, judging I fully agree with Louden’s (2016, 331) asser- their religion as transitional would fail to acknowl- tions that the bilingualism (Pennsylvania Dutch edge the ongoing negotiations of religious identi- and English) among groups related to the Old Or- ties within the congregations. Such a top-down ders is transitional after the switch from English/ distinction given to a group is contrived—indicat- German to English monolingualism in worship. In ing where the Beachys are headed without fully this regard, the findings from this study are gen- acknowledging where they are. Although some eralizable not only to other Beachy groups but to of the narrators in this study referred to their reli- other North American Anabaptist groups includ- gious identities as being between Amish and Men- ing many Mennonite and Mennonite Brethren nonite, none called themselves transitional, or saw churches. Strong parallels between North Ameri- themselves on the path toward full Mennonitism: can Anabaptist groups, including the Beachys as this study shows, and language shift can be drawn. Interviewer: So that is a kind of outreach? That Harold S. Bender (1957), the prominent Menno- is not a traditional Amish... 30 Journal of Amish and Plain Anabaptist Studies, Volume 7, Issue 1, Spring 2019

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