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Ethnomethodology's Program Author(S): Harold Garfinkel Source: Social Psychology Quarterly, Vol Ethnomethodology's Program Author(s): Harold Garfinkel Source: Social Psychology Quarterly, Vol. 59, No. 1 (Mar., 1996), pp. 5-21 Published by: American Sociological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2787116 Accessed: 23-02-2017 02:45 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms American Sociological Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Social Psychology Quarterly This content downloaded from 143.107.252.105 on Thu, 23 Feb 2017 02:45:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Social Psychology Quarterly 1996, Vol. 59 No. 1, 5-21 Ethnomethodology's Program* HAROLD GARFINKEL University of California, Los Angeles ETHNOMETHODOLOGY'S PROGRAM unanimously for the armies of social analysts, in endless analytic arts and sciences of 1.1 What Is Ethnomethodology? practical action, formal analytic procedures Ethnomethodology gets reintroduced to me assure good work and are accorded the status in a recurrent episode at the annual meetings of good work. FA's achievements are well of the American Sociological Association. known and pointless to dispute. FA technol- I'm waiting for the elevator. The doors open. ogy exercises universal jurisdiction in target- "Oh, Hi Hal!" "Hi." I walk in. THE ing phenomena for analysis. Phenomena of QUESTION is asked: "Hey, Hal, what IS order are made instructably observable in ethnomethodology?" The elevator doors formal analytic details of concertedly recur- close. We're on our way to the ninth floor. rent achievements of practical action. These I'm only able to say, "Ethnomethodology is range from the conduct of war to the transient working out some very preposterous prob- pause before an invitation is refused. Phe- lems." The elevator doors open. nomena made instructably observable in On the way to my room it occurs to me that formal analytic details of concertedly recur- I should have said that ethnomethodology is rent achievements of practical actions are so respecifying Durkheim's lived immortal, or- provided for by FA that a phenomenon, dinary society, evidently, doing so by work- whatever the phenomenon and whatever its ing out a schedule of preposterous problems. scale, is made instructably observable as the The problems have their sources in the work of a population that staffs its produc- worldwide social science movement. They tion. Populations are usually treated as are motivated by that movement's ubiquitous straightforward counts of bodies. The pro- commitments to the policies and methods of posal here is instead that it is the workings of formal analysis and general representational the phenomenon that exhibit among its other theorizing and by its unquestionable achieve- details the population that staffs it. 1 This ments. population is exhibited in surveyable particu- Formal Analytic (FA) technology and its lars of body counts and dimensionalized results are understood worldwide. Almost demographics. These are elucidated with variable analysis, quantified arguments, and causal structures. Such analytic descriptions * Acknowledgements: There are many people whose are available in all administered societies, contribution to this work need to be acknowledged, not contemporary and historical. least those many students and colleagues whose eth- nomethodological studies have provided the catalogue of That these achievements are unquestion- investigations, discussed here, without which the original able is assured by being subordinated to FA's promise of "Studies" would have remained unfulfilled. premier achievement, the corpus status of its Ethnomethodology is after all, and necessarily, an bibliographies. By corpus I mean (1) its unrelievedly empirical enterprise. I thank also Doug Maynard and Lucy Suchman for their steadfast friendship investigations, always accompanied by tex- and for their generosity with their time and their hard tual accounts that describe, specify, make won knowledge in shoptalk. I am deeply in debt to Anne instructably observable, satisfy, and are Rawls. Years ago she was briefly my student. Now she is exhibits of adequate grounds of further my teacher, esteemed colleague, and rare friend. She sustained our discussions through the writing and took the time to carefully edit this manuscript for publication. ' It is the workings of the traffic that make its staff Because of many people who have taken up an interest available as "typical" drivers, "bad" drivers, "close in" in ethnomethodology it is impossible that one description drivers and anything else the demographers need to have will encompass the vast array of studies going by that to administer a causal account of the driving. Endoge- name. However, I hope that there is room in this nous populations are a topic of recurring ethnomethod- discussion for those studies which take the importance of ological interest. You don't start with bodies. The witnessable recurrent phenomenal fields of detail seri- Conversational Analysis of talk provides another exam- ously and as a primary issue, in whatever other respects ple. It starts with conversation which exhibits its speakers we may differ. as typical recurring, doing it again in the same way, staff. 5 This content downloaded from 143.107.252.105 on Thu, 23 Feb 2017 02:45:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 6 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY inference and action. (2) These are adequa- specify practitioners' work and make it cies of an investigation's origins and problem instructably observable. specification, and of the problem's essential "What More" has centrally (and perhaps history, descriptive coverage, facticity, rele- entirely) to do with procedures. I have given vance, and, as contingencies in an actual procedural EM's emphasis on work. By occasion of inquiry may have required, any of procedural, EM does not mean process. the rest. (3) The adequacies are instructably Procedural means labor. That emphasis is reproducible. (4) The foregoing are satisfied exemplified in the probative descriptions by in actual worksite achievements. (5) Investi- David Sudnow. At the worksite-playing gations at all levels of findings in these hearably improvised jazz at the piano key- respects can be taken on these grounds board; typing watchably thoughtful words at seriously to define a current situation of the typewriter keyboard; enactedly solving the inquiry. problem, at the computer console, of getting a Ethnomethodology (EM) is proposing and high score in "Breakout," the video game- working out "What More" there is to the progressively and developingly coming upon unquestionable corpus status of formal ana- the phenomenon via the work in and as of the lytic investigations than formal analysis does, unmediated details of producing it (Sudnow, did, ever did, or can provide. EM does not 1978, 1979, 1983, 1996). dispute those achievements. Without disput- The central obsession in ethnomethodolog- ing those achievements as unquestionably ical studies is to provide for what the alternate demonstrable achievements2 EM asks "What procedural descriptions of achieved and More" is there that users of formal analysis achievable phenomena of order-methodolo- gies-could be without sacrificing issues of know and demand the existence of, that FA structure. That means without sacrificing the depends upon the existence of for FA's great achievements-of describable recogniz- worksite-specific achievements in carefully able recurrencies, of generality, and of instructed procedures, that FA uses and comparability of these productions of ordi- recognizes everywhere in and as its lived nary activities -activities that carry with them worksite-specific practices. the recognizable achievements of populations There are practices that FA practitioners that staff their production, along with the just in any actual case know and recognize are interchangeability and surveyability of those unavoidable, without remedy or alternatives. populations. This is not an indifference to The practices are indispensable to practition- structure. This is a concern with structure as ers. Just as in any actual case the practices an achieved phenomenon of order. EM is concerned with "What More," in the 2 If this claim is read as irony, it will be read world of familiar, ordinary activities, does incorrectly. To read it without irony, recall the scene in immortal, ordinary society consist of as the lonesco's Rhinoceros. The last man and his girlfriend, locus and the setting of every topic of order, Daisy, are looking out into the street below filled with every topic of logic, of meaning, of method rhinoceroses. Daisy exclaims, "Oh look, they're danc- respecified and respecifiable as the most ing." The last man: "You call that dancing!" Daisy: "That's the way they dance." ordinary Durkheimian things in the world. Similarly, no disrespect is involved for FA's demand Ethnomethodology's fundamental phenom- that its investigations be worldly work of finding out and enon and its standing technical preoccupation specifying real order, evidently; real order, not cocka- in its studies is to find, collect, specify, and
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