‘AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE REPRESENTATION AND SCARCITY OF WOMEN IN THE MALE-CENTRIC WORLD OF MUSIC PRODUCTION AND ENGINEERING’

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Contents

1. Introduction 3 2. Research Structure 3 i. Detailed description of research structure

3. A brief history of sound recording 4 i. A brief history of women in sound recording.

4. Biological aspects 5 i. Cognition ii. Hormones 6 iii. The brain and behavioural differences iv. Disadvantages to biological studies 7

5. Sociological and psychological aspects 8 i. Motherhood ii. Social attitudes to family roles 9 iii. Upbringing and socialisation

6. Formal education 10 i. Learning styles Case study 1: Victoria Armstrong ii. Lack of confidence 11 iii. Social influence in young people 12

7. Theories on the subconscious and the protection of technology 12 8. Current treatment of women in production and engineering 13 i. Sexism and stereotypes Case study 2: Nina Smith 14 ii. Male preference iii. Visual identity 15

9. The male perspective 16 i. Male studio professionals Case study 3: Yoad Nevo 17

10.Solutions 18 i. Role models Role models in education

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ii. Women empowering women 19 iii. Organisations 20 International organisations Organisations within the UK 21 iv. Accessibility 22 11.Conclusion 22 12.Bibliography 24 13.Appendices 34

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1. Introduction

“Honestly, I think that some women get a little too caught up in the fact that there aren’t many women in the industry.” (Ann Mincieli cited in Massey, 2009, p. 308).

The average Brit listens to music for more than a tenth of the time they are awake, fitting in 3500 songs each year (Express, 2017). It is surprising to think that ‘Less than 5% of the people in charge of creating the sounds, music and media in the daily soundtrack of our lives are women’ (Women’s Audio Mission, 2016). Articles by relevant sources, like NME’S (2012) ‘50 Of The Greatest Producers Ever’ and Billboard’s (2013) ‘The Top 10 Producers in Music’ further reveal this lack of representation, with no women featured on either list. Statistics published by a multitude of organisations also confirm this discrepancy, with The Music Producers Guild estimating women make up only 5% of its members (Larsson, 2017), and community association, SoundGirls (2019), stating that a mere ‘6’ of UK sound engineers are female. The Annenberg Inclusion Initiative (Smith et al, 2018, p.20) conducted a study on producers in the top 100 songs of 2014, 2015 and 2017 and found a gender ratio of 49.1 males to 1 female, proving that the lack of representation is not simply media bias. This inequality extends to other creative and non-creative industries, with only 4.1% of directors in the top 800 films of 2007-2015 being female (TED, 2017). This research aims to discover all the reasons for this disparity, and propose potential solutions to tackle this issue.

1. Research Structure

This paper will focus on two main aspects concerning females in the industry, namely, the treatment of women in the male dominated roles of music technology, and why there are so few of them. The paper will then explore solutions to the lack of females and ways in which advocators are attempting to encourage women to engage with music technology.

2i. Detailed description of research structure

Firstly, the paper will detail a brief history of sound recording and music production. The paper will then research pioneering women in these industries, detailing the contributions made to their respective fields and their treatment within the music industry. After this, the biological factors that may affect the representation and scarcity of women in the studio will be discussed, including differences in cognition, hormones and brain chemistry which influence behaviours. The disadvantages of biological studies will also be reviewed, in order to fairly draw conclusions relating to biological characteristics. Social and psychological aspects will then be considered, examining whether motherhood, social attitudes to family roles and upbringing are factors which result in the observed representation of women. The next chapter on formal education will contain qualitative evidence, including a case study of Victoria Armstrong’s observations, concerning the treatment and experiences of female music technology students in formal education, and subsequently, how a lack of confidence and social influence in young people may affect the likelihood of them pursuing a career in technological fields. While factual observations are important, the paper will also discuss theories on the subconscious and how these may relate to discourse between teachers and music technology students. The factors which effect the treatment of professional

4 technicians will then be recorded on the basis that sexism, male preference and visual identity are hypothesized to play a fundamental role in how women are viewed. The next chapter will focus on the male perspective, as it is important to record the views of both sexes in order to gather a well-rounded understanding of why the lack of women in the studio exists. Throughout the chapters concerning the treatment of women and the male perspective, this paper will conduct case studies on industry professionals in different fields and record personal accounts from numerous technicians. In the final research chapter, solutions contributing to more sex-balanced industries will be discussed, including whether there has been an observed difference in both the numbers of women and the representation of women in technological fields.

2. A brief history of sound recording

Sound recording can be traced back as far as the late 1800s to early 1900s, with the invention of condenser microphones in 1916 by Edward Christopher Wente (Stokowski.org, no date). These became a standard feature in major US studios by 1925 due to the creation of Western Electric’s integrated system comprising of ‘electrical microphones, electronic signal amplifiers and electromechanical recorders’ (‘History of sound recording’, 2019). While sound engineers were an integral component in recording studios in the 1940s during the invention of magnetic tape (Gerstein, no date), the role of ‘producer’ became classed as a separate occupation to the engineer in the 1950s, and using multitrack machinery as a means of composition rather than simply recording performances developed producers into artists by the 1960s (Negus, 1993, p. 87). The ‘Digital Era’ commenced around 1975, with previous hardware surpassed by digital encoding, played back through digital-to-analog converters. Compact disks, or CD’s, along with the invention of portable media, such as IPod’s and streaming services, allowed for high-fidelity playback and widespread distribution of sound recordings (‘History of sound recording’, 2019). Sound recording may have developed most rapidly since 1975 (‘History of sound recording’, 2019), however experimentation with electronic sounds which formed the basis of both industries can be traced back as far as the 1930s (Araujo, 2018).

3i. A brief history of women in sound recording.

The first music producers to receive acclaim and recognition for their work were men, including Phil Spector’ for his ‘Wall of Sound’ technique in the early 1960s, George Martin’s surreal inspired production for The Beatles and Beach Boys producer Brian Wilson credited for their album, ‘Pet Sounds’ (Gerstein, no date). However, many of the pioneers of electronic music were women, who dealt with sexism and subverted perceptions of the stereotypical woman’s role.

One of the first recorded pioneers of electronic music was Daphne Oram, who was, for much of her life, ‘bypassed by the music establishment’ (Worby, 2008) and went ‘almost un- noticed by the wider world’ (Wilson, 2003). Oram studied music and electronics, which was perceived as ‘a man’s world’ (Worby, 2008) at the time, and co-founded the BBC’s Radiophonic Workshop in 1958, which produced experimental sound works (Worby, 2008). During a conflict of aspirations with the BBC, Oram left the studio to live in isolation,

5 creating innovative machinery which led to the progression of experimental music, including the ‘Oramics’ machine, which converted drawings into sound (Worby, 2008).

Born in 1937, composer Delia Derbyshire was described as a ‘seamstress of sound’ (Glover, 2013) and responsible for creating the original opening music for Doctor Who (BBC One, 2012). Derbyshire experienced prejudice, being told that women were simply not employed by a recording studio she approached in 1959 (Delia Derbyshire, no date), and that, in fact, "the recording studio is no place for a woman" (Glover, 2013). In the 21st century, Derbyshire is being recognised for her contributions to electronic music, with ‘Delia Derbyshire Day’ occurring each year from 2013 (Glover, 2013), which may suggest that the growth of social media is giving exposure to the technicians who would otherwise go un- noticed.

Other women who were significant exponents within the development of electronic sounds include Wendy Carlos, an early user of the synthesizer, who can be credited for multiple film scores, including ‘The Shining’ and ‘A Clockwork Orange’, Sylvia Moy, characterised as the first female producer for Motown (‘Sylvia Moy’, 2019), and Gail Davies, the first female Country Music producer (‘Gail Davies’, 2019). Gail faced discrimination at the start of her career, as country music in Nashville in 1977 was unfriendly to females. Back to back female records on the radio was frowned upon, and female performers often had male producers and band leaders that “did all the talking” (Davies cited in Woolston, 1996).

3. Biological Aspects

This chapter will focus on the biological factors that cause the sex differences in men and women which may contribute towards the treatment and lack of females in music production and engineering.

4i. Cognition

The first biological element this paper will explore will be cognitive function. Cognitive aptitude is beneficial as it allows more efficient processing of information, fast learning, and problem solving through the application of new knowledge (Nicol, 2017). Producers and engineers rely heavily on aspects of cognition, such as perception when mixing and problem solving when encountering an error with software or a sound or tone not working in the desired way. One argument that could explain why there are a lack of females in these professions is that men surpass women in the cognitive functions relevant in production and engineering. There are studies with significant evidence supporting male aptitude in visuospatial awareness, including mental rotation (Voyer et al. 1995, p. 265) and judgments of line orientation (Halpern, 2012, P. 156), which may be relevant as some mixing techniques, including using visualisation software such as a goniometer (‘Goniometer’, 2019), may be more effective for those with greater visuospatial awareness. On the other hand, some studies show differences favouring females on tasks including digit symbol or coding subtests, although these are of small-to-moderate size and so are perhaps less valid (Hines, 2004, p. 11-12). Women have also been reported to be superior in other aspects of cognition, including significant findings on a few measures of memory (Stumpf and Jackson, 1994; Stumpf and Eliot, 1995), verbal abilities such as reading (Robelen, 2010) and creative

6 writing (Kaufman et al, 2010, p. 469-471). These cognitive functions could also contribute to the success of a producer or engineer, with memory being essential when working with upwards of 24 tracks in a project, and verbal abilities being advantageous during collaborations when musical ideas must be expressed effectively. It is important to note that while some studies report sex differences in cognition, these differences are found in very few areas and findings are often minute (Halpern, 2012, p. 155). Areas such as levels of intelligence, although constantly disputed, have been proven by some to be equally balanced between the sexes (Seligman, 1998). Men and women are, on the whole, extremely alike cognitively, and research showing differences collected from a large number of subjects may not be applicable to a single individual due to ‘within-sex variability’ being so large (Halpern, 2012, p.156). This suggests that cognitive functions between the sexes are not responsible for the lack of women in production and engineering.

4ii. Hormones

Hormones in the body influence changes in the sensory systems, central nervous system and output systems, for example muscles (Nelson, 2019). Differing hormone levels, specifically of androgens such as testosterone, and estrogen, are said to impact brain development in regions which display sex differences. This in turn creates behavioural and personality differences between the sexes (Hines, 2004, p. 3), which could in turn help explain the differing treatment of men and women in production and engineering. Androgens have been shown to be implicated with levels of aggression and libido (‘Androgen’, 2019), and testosterone production alone is 20-25 times higher in men than women (Horstman et al, 2012). Estrogen, on the other hand, is more present in women (Nichols, 2018) and important in the regulation of emotional behaviour and recognition (Science China Press, 2012). Tender-mindedness and trust is reported as higher in women, and assertiveness and dominance is reported higher in men (Feingold, 1994, p.449). The fact that men are reported as more assertive than women may suggest why there are more men in higher roles in music technology, but does not particularly indicate that males are more capable at these professions. Assertiveness in a producer or engineer may, in fact, be off- putting to artists who wish to freely express their ideas during collaboration. Tender- mindedness and trust may be seen as desirable characteristics in producers and engineers because this suggests that they are able to work effectively with both male and female artists, respecting ideas that are put forward and making the artist feel comfortable.

4iii. The Brain and Behavioural Differences

It was suggested by Baron and Cohen (2002) that women’s instinctual child-rearing capacities make them better empathisers, whereas men, who assumed the role of hunters in history, are more adept at strategizing. While the roles of producer and engineer involve systematising and, to an extent, taking control, these professionals are also required to be empathetic and trustful, so their collaborators feel comfortable to create music and express themselves. There are, however, some aspects of female behaviour that may be seen as disadvantageous in a production or engineering situation. Women in Feingold’s (1994) study of sex differences in personality were recorded to have notably higher scores of anxiety than men. The anxiety levels of women in the studio may be negatively impacted by the greater levels of assertiveness reported above in males. This could lead one to speculate

7 whether the male-dominated surroundings of a music studio may not lead to the best creative atmosphere for female musicians and technicians alike. Levels of female anxiety may not, therefore, be caused merely by biology, but could be influenced by environmental surroundings. Nevertheless, producers and engineers, who have ultimate control over the construction and management of a piece of music, would benefit from being viewed as confident in their abilities, and indications of anxiety in more women than men may depict women as less competent in these professions.

4iv. Disadvantages of Biological studies

It is important to note that there are distinct disadvantages regarding biological studies on sex-specific behaviour and characteristics. The statistical decision rule specifies that a variable within two groups, in this case males and females, differs if there is less than a 5% possibility that the observed difference was caused by chance (Hines, 2004, p.6). This small 1 in 20 probability leads to many papers being unpublished if they fail to report differences, and therefore positive results are over-reported (Hines, 2004, p.6).

It is advised that when studying the biological aspects of sex differences, one must also consider the social and environmental aspects due to situational specificity (Hines, 2004, p. 7). Maccoby and Jacklin (1974 cited in Hines, 2004, p. 7) found differing results for a common behavioural reaction, namely achievement motivation in girls and boys. In some environments, the girls in the study displayed more achievement motivation and teacher reports favoured motivation in the girls. However, in other circumstances, achievement motivation was higher in the boys, such as when the achievement was made salient. This is relevant as nurture or social-related factors could further explain the lack of women in production and engineering. If there is more evidence supporting environmental factors, there is likely to be more solutions to the issue as the environment is a variable which can be altered.

This chapter contains contradictory studies which suggest that both men and women possess characteristics which are advantageous in the studio. Certain characteristics may be more expedient than others, however the findings recorded have lead this paper to believe that no sex is more biologically predisposed to production and engineering than the other, and one must look elsewhere to solve the issue of the lack of females in these professions. The representation of women could be explained, to an extent, by the higher levels of assertiveness and dominance recorded in men, and may therefore, have a biological determinant.

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4. Sociological and Psychological Aspects

‘Cultural values, social roles and sexist thinking are now recognised as key reasons for the comparative lack of creative accomplishment by women’ (Helson, 1990 cited in Runco & Albert, 1990, p.46).

5i. Motherhood

One issue commonly expressed by industry women, when questioned on the lack of female producers and engineers, is that a woman’s family values may conflict with the intense commitment associated with studio work. Susan Rogers, an associate professor at the prestigious Berklee College of Music in Boston and studio engineer for artists such as Prince and the Jacksons, conveys that “In order to be able to maintain [the] level of focus and… dedication to [one’s] craft, it has to come at the expense of reproduction” (Savage, 2012). Acclaimed sound engineer, Vanessa Parr, remarks that it “wouldn’t have been feasible to have a baby” working long hours on minimal pay as an assistant engineer (Marling, 2016). Notable mixing engineer, Trina Shoemaker adds to this, explaining that one “absolutely cannot try and start a family” in their twenties, or possibly even their thirties, which is something that a male counterpart would not “have to deal with” (Massey, 2009, p.261). Shoemaker also goes on to state that many studio engineers do not earn a substantial wage for at least 10 years, which means high quality childcare may not be feasible and with “mommy wiring” (Massey, 2009, p.261) promoting strong attachments between mothers and their children, some women may struggle to balance being a mother and a producer. This is supported by Eagly and Wood’s ‘Social Role Theory’ (1999) which suggests that women find it difficult to be away from their children. In other words, the desire for personal relationships, marriage and children may preclude a woman from fully committing to these careers. This may also suggest why the industry is exposed to more male producers, as women may not be able to work for long enough to become distinguished and recognisable.

There is psychological evidence to suggest that a mother’s closeness is critical in the first few years of life, with infants being at risk of an ‘insecure attachment’ if they experience ‘extensive infant day care’ (Belsky, 1988, p. 235). An attachment relationship signifies the ‘emotional tie between infant and mother’ (Belsky, 1988, p.240), and the abnormal attachment obtained from extensive non-parental care suggests that mothers who spend considerable time away from their infant’s risk severing the emotional connection. This can lead to social, emotional and cognitive issues in later life (Importance of Attachment, 2017), and therefore, putting a demanding career before consistent mother-child bonding may be harmful to the child. These concerns may be prevalent in the minds of women involved in studio work, creating a sense of guilt and forcing them to prioritise.

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5ii. Social attitudes to family roles

“It comes from a woman’s being just in the home and she raises the family while the male goes out to work. I think that leaks into the creative industry as well.” (Stez interviewed by Makis, 2018a).

Although British social attitudes to family roles are becoming less traditional, in 2017 only 7% of people surveyed thought mothers of children under school age should work full time, and this only increased to 27% when the child has started school (Phillips, 2018, p. 10). There has, however, been major progression since the 1980’s, where 64% of people thought that women should stay at home if they had a child under school age compared to only 33% in 2017 (Phillips, 2018, p. 10). This may imply that we will be seeing women strive for more demanding jobs in the next few years, which could lead to an increase of female producers and sound engineers.

One may argue that some mothers could continue with production or engineering after the child’s first few years of school. A study conducted in Japan found that the continuity of mothers’ demanding career paths was interrupted by problems associated with the mother’s ‘psychological, physical health or social situation’ (Suga et al, 2018). It may, therefore, be extremely difficult and potentially damaging for a mother to enter back into a profession as demanding as production or engineering when their child is slightly older.

5iii. Upbringing and Socialisation

Evidence suggests that differences in socialisation practices for boys and girls may account for the lack of women in music as a whole, with leading female musicians and industry figures placing the blame on exclusion in childhood; ‘girls [aren’t] encouraged to play guitar and join bands’ (Larsson, 2017). Mix engineer, Olga Fitzroy, relates parental duties to differences in the interests of boys and girls, saying that in many families, fathers predominantly do the handy-work, and that her parents really encouraged her brother to ‘take bits of equipment apart’ (Marling, 2016a).

Whether being curious about equipment is an inherently male characteristic or not, it may be possible that boys are encouraged to be more curious in technological fields and girls are not, which may make boys more likely to explore the more intricate side of music in later life. Kindergarten boys who scored high on divergent thinking tests conducted by Singer and Rummo (1973, p. 154-161) were classed by teachers as more playful, open and expressive than fellow students, whereas high scoring girls were rated as less self-confident, expressive and overall less effective in peer relations. This imbalance in the perception of girls at a young age may contribute to a woman’s lack of confidence in later years, and effect networking and collaboration skills, which are often required to progress in the music industry. Parental interaction may also play a role in a child’s confidence, with one study stating that ‘right from childhood, women are less likely to be picked as special by their parents’ (Helson, 1990, p. 48). Assumed cultural roles then strengthen the notion that a woman is not unique, perhaps leading to a lack of belief in oneself which has been engrained from childhood. This may contribute to the scarcity of women in production and

10 engineering, especially considering that the field is currently extremely male dominated. Ann Mincieli, studio engineer for Alicia Keys, supported this statement by speculating that some female engineers gave up due to the “negativity of them thinking about how they were not going to succeed in a male dominated industry” (Massey, 2009, p. 308).

5. Formal Education

It is apparent that technology as a whole is perceived to be a male domain, and this is further reinforced by strategies implemented in formal education. Technological proficiency is a crucial skill for producers and engineers, who utilise both hardware and software to create, mix and master tracks. Technology is used as a ‘remediation strategy’ in school subjects where boys are seemingly underachieving (Warren, 2003, p.201-213). In computing courses in schools, the characteristics possessed by an ‘expert’ are usually attributed to males, which often means they have more influence in teaching and learning practices in the classroom (Clegg, 2001, p.308). Many producers and engineers develop an interest in technology in their childhood or adolescence, with world-renowned engineer Gene Paul spending his youth developing engineering skills and learning recording and production techniques (‘Gene Paul’, 2019). If technology is made more accessible to boys and implemented less for girls, there is a greater probability that these boys would be drawn to music technology later in life, and the girls will develop other interests. The imbalance of technology exposure in school could therefore contribute to the lack of females in production and engineering.

Outside of school, boys as early as year 2 have been recorded to be more frequent users of ICT than girls (Valentine et al, 2005, p.6). Types of use differ greatly between the sexes, with girls preferring activities concerning communication such as social networking (Becta, 2008, p.10) and have been reported to be 35% more likely than boys to use the computer for school work (Becta, 2008, p.12). Boys, on the other hand, use the computer more often for gaming and during evaluations, are more confident in their advanced ICT abilities, including downloading and programming (Becta, 2008, p.10). Girl’s preferences for communication based activities may suggest that females are less intrigued by the more technical functions of the computer, and consequently are less likely to explore music technology. Boys on the other hand, who report higher levels of proficiency, may be more inclined to learn about music software and discover production and engineering.

6i. Learning styles

Case Study 1: Victoria Armstrong

Concerning music technology in the classroom, learning styles between boys and girls are notably different. A study conducted by Victoria Armstrong (2011) regarding the use of music technology in secondary schools found that boys were more likely to adopt a ‘have a go’ approach, even if they had received no structured learning on the topic (Armstrong, 2011, p.47). Many of the pupils in the study ‘insisted they had received no[ne] or very little’ formal training in the music software they were using (Armstrong, 2011, p.44-45), but this was more problematic for the girls, who are in general more reliant on schools to teach them about technology and ICT than boys (Becta, 2008, p.3 cited in Armstrong, 2011, p.44-

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45). Through student interviews, Armstrong noted that there was an underlying assumption that students already knew the software they were using, or were capable of picking up the necessary skills through the module. One female GCSE student remarked that the format of the lesson is to be ‘sent away’ and told to ‘…do [their] compositions… Everyone’s asking [for help] at the same time’ and this annoyed her (Armstrong, 2011, p.45). This could mean that girls require more one on one teaching and in-class learning of music software to increase their confidence in music technology and thus allow them to develop their technology skills. The increase of technologically proficient women could consequently increase the number of females exploring studio careers.

During one observation, Armstrong noted that, in the allocated time for independent composition, no girls asked for help, and as a result, the teacher ‘did not interact with any of the female pupils’ (Armstrong, 2011, p.49). The boys displayed a larger presence in the classroom, working often in groups, and consistently asking technical questions, such as how to use a minidisk or achieve the correct balance within a Cubase mix (Armstrong, 2011, P.49-50). ‘Technological talk’ and practical help was observed within teacher’s interactions with boys, and not engaged with by the girls (Armstrong, 2011, p.49-50). It was observed that the girls worked without demanding attention, which made even the observer inadvertently focus her recordings on the dominant, ‘noisier’ and more technologically proficient group of boys (Armstrong, 2011, p.50). These observations could suggest that girls, who may be less involved during practical learning, may be given less attention, even if unintentionally, by teachers, which may lead to them receiving less knowledge. If the more reserved style of learning and reduced involvement persists into the studio environment, it may mean that females are engaged with less and men are prioritised, leading to more male representation. Computing skills are crucial in mixing and mastering, and so a lack of computing knowledge could affect the prospects of a producer or engineer being hired.

6ii. Lack of Confidence

While the observations recorded above may suggest that the learning styles between girls and boys are inherently different, evidence indicates that the more passive approach adopted by girls in a classroom scenario is the result of reduced confidence compared to their male counterparts. Girls are more likely to undervalue their computing skills (Colley and Comber, 2003, p. 155-165), ‘report greater feelings of incompetence than males’ (Schumacher and Morahan-Martin, 2001, p. 95-110 cited in Armstrong, 2011, p.54) and are often less confident in their technical abilities (Orenstein, 2000 cited in Klapwijk and Rommes, 2009, p. 405). It has been reported that when students encounter technology in a positive way, are confident in their abilities and feel like they have adequate skill in the required areas, they are more likely to choose technology modules in school (Niiranen, 2016, p. 19). Girls encounter technology less often than boys, therefore acquiring less technology skills and may not be as knowledgeable on technological subjects (Klapwijk and Rommes, 2009, p. 405). Women may, thus, be less likely to strive for technology orientated careers due to the lack of exposure they receive in childhood causing beliefs of incompetence. The treatment of girls by teachers and other students, which is reinforced by stereotypical perceptions of males having technological dominance, could have a significant impact on not only the skill level of girls, but also the likelihood of them pursuing a career in technology.

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6iii. Social influence in young people

The social consequences of being technologically skilled have notable effects on the popularity of technology and computing amongst young people, and girls in particular. A group of girls interviewed by Holloway and Valentine (2003) highlight this, expressing ‘technophobia’ due to ICT being ‘geeky’ and akin to not having a social life (Holloway and Valentine, 2003, p. 62). Even more importantly, the girls feared the label of ‘computer boffin’ would negatively impact their chances of being ‘invited out’ or inciting romantic interest (Holloway and Valentine, 2003, p. 64). This association of technological competence with social exclusion seems to be more common amongst girls, with Armstrong’s (2011) study reporting that for boys, the effect was quite the opposite. Technical prowess shown in male students was associated with a desirable ‘masculinity’ approved by teachers and students alike (Armstrong, 2011, p. 43). Careers like music technology being associated with masculinity creates an obstacle for girls, as technology is not seen to fit with the female image (Klapwijk and Rommes, 2009, p. 405). This theory may help to explain why the fields of music production and engineering are so male dominated; technological skills are intrinsically linked to the masculine identity, and so women may opt for non-technological careers.

As Brosnan (1998) discusses, the classroom environment, including levels of encouragement and discouragement given by tutors, may reinforce anxieties related to the difference in computer performance between sexes (Brosnan, 1998, p.230-31). Related to this is Holloway and Valentine’s (2003) suggestion that girls refrain from fully exploring technology because of the concern of being ‘stigmatized as classroom dunces’ (Holloway and Valentine, 2003, p.64). This could, again, lead to skill disparities between boys and girls, and persist to effect technical development in later life, including specialising in music technology.

6. Theories on the Subconscious and the Protection of Technology

While some scientists explain the sex differences using biological and social factors, psychologists have developed theories outlining a subconscious influence in men’s dominance in technological industries. Murray (1993, p.78) explores psychoanalytical, or ‘subjective’ perspectives on the relationship between masculinity and technology (Murray, 1993, p.77), and suggests that men’s ‘resistance’ to women in technology stems from the subconscious need to protect a ‘masculine reality’ which is strengthened by the ‘symbolic… significance of science and technology’. It has also been suggested that mens obsession with technology is a ‘manifestation of womb envy’ (Reddit, 2019), that is, men’s jealousy towards ‘motherhood… of women’s primary role in creating and sustaining life’ (Encyclopædia Britannica, 2019) which led to men requiring dominance in other territories.

The use of technical jargon in the studio is seen to be an affirmation of technological prowess, and men have been observed to withhold certain aspects of knowledge from women. This may contribute to the disparity of male to female producers and engineers;

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“Sound technology is controlled by men and a lot of men want to keep it to themselves… you are liable, as a woman, to be given wrong information, misleading information. They’re so possessive about it.” (Female interviewee cited in Bayton, 1998, p. 7)

The symbolic association with men and technology has been related to a behaviour labelled as men’s ‘mystification of machines’ (Game and Pringle, 1983 cited in Armstrong, 2011, p. 79). Psychologically, men having control of the ‘power of the machine’ (Armstrong, 2011, p. 79) allows them to have ownership of all aspects of technical expertise and skills that are seen by some as inherently male. The professionals that master the aspects of ‘the machine’ are seen as having a higher skill level from those that have not. If this ‘mystification of machines’ occurs in the studio, this could explain why men dominate fields like production and engineering, as they may require control of all elements of creation. In Armstrong’s (2011, p.49) observations, it was noted that the music technology classes in some of the secondary schools examined ‘engaged in a technocratic discourse’ (Armstrong, 2011, p. 49) centered around the boy’s presumed interests. This resulted in the classroom culture appearing inaccessible for the girls, causing alienation which may have led to feelings of disinterest in music production.

7. Current Treatment of Women in Production and Engineering

8i. Sexism and Stereotypes

Sexism is defined as ‘prejudice, stereotyping, or discrimination, typically against women, on the basis of sex’ (Oxford Dictionaries, 2019). Model and Singer-Songwriter, Karen Elson, recalls the first time she worked with a female engineer;

“…all the musicians would be so pervy towards her… [they] wanted to seduce her and then the engineer would get really bitter about it and treat her like shit” (Marling, 2016c).

Sexism, however, is not merely physical and extends to many other fields and industries. Concerning professionals in higher education, women are ‘outnumbered and relegated to junior posts. More than 60% of academics are men, and about 80% are professors’ (Todd, 2015) as well as more women having temporary contracts than men.

Although there is undoubtable evidence to support sexism occurring in the studio, some possess the view that men do not understand or are ignorant to the fact that mistreatment of women is prevalent. Nina Smith argued that the treatment of female producers by male producers and bands is ‘circumstantial’ (Makis, 2018b) in the fact that, if they have never worked with a female producer before, they may not understand how to communicate with the producer in a way deemed acceptable.

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Case Study 2: Nina Smith

Stereotypes are bound to be prevalent in an industry where men outnumber women to an extreme ratio. In an in-depth telephone interview conducted with Top 25 album winning artist-producer, Nina Smith (interviewed by Makis, 2018b), the subject of the female stereotype was discussed. This sub-chapter features excerpts of speech detailing Smith’s personal experiences of sexism and stereotyping within the music studio. Smith thought that her role was ‘very assumed’ in a male-dominated studio environment;

“it’s rare that they think I’m a producer, or that I’m a rapper… it’s normally assumed that I’m a singer-songwriter, especially as a white female” (Smith interviewed by Makis, 2018b).

She felt this problem existed partly due to ‘male ego’ with music managers especially.

“[when] you’re both facilitating the same kind of role… there’s a leadership issue and male managers have [seemed] quite threatened if… you are appearing to be stronger and taking more of a lead with something that’s more their field” (Smith interviewed by Makis, 2018b).

She proceeds to indicate that it isn’t the same for her when collaborating with producers, who ‘do not have a problem’ with her having an input if they are on the same creative level. This may suggest that the lack of female producers is not caused by fellow producers, but rather a woman’s treatment by other professionals, such as music managers, who have a high authority in the music industry (Smith interviewed by Makis, 2018b).

8ii. Male Preference

“The perception of director or leader is inconsistent with the perception of a woman.” (Stacey Smith cited in TED, 2017).

In an article written by the Observer newspaper (Bonazzo, 2018), it is revealed that there are more men named ‘John’ in most American industries than all women in these industries. Male preference occurs on a grand scale, with former Fox News CEO, Roger Ailes, coming under scrutiny after complaining that former Fox News anchor, Gretchen Carlson, needed to learn to "get along with the boys" (Gardner, 2016). In the music industry, if the band working with a producer or engineer is all-male, young “and they tell rude jokes, you have to be a woman who isn't shocked by that”, says Susan Rogers (cited in Savage, 2012). Women may be perceived as more sensitive and emotionally vulnerable than men in certain circumstances. These characteristics may make them less suited to the studio environment, where one must be unfazed by conflict and crude exchanges and have the ability to work with many different characters. This could indicate that there is a male preference which could explain the scarcity of women in production and engineering, while also shedding light on why some women feel so repressed in the industry.

On a single artist scale, musicians like Asma Maroof must often deal with stigma generating phrases, such as “you’re good, for a girl” (Maroof cited in Saxelby, 2014). Socialisation and

15 cultural roles may have implanted a subconscious perception that positions of authority are associated with the male temperament. In a recent study, both men and women in executive roles assumed the characteristics of leadership to be ‘masculine in nature’, in contrast to feminine traits (TED, 2017). “a killer producer, history tells us, looks like a man.”, says singer-songwriter, Caroline Polachek (cited in Saxelby, 2014), who suggests that artists not working with female producers may be less about bias and more about ‘playing safe’, given that most notable producers are male. There is also a stark contrast in the ratio of male to female producers, so many less to choose from. The topic of stereotypes and male preference is pertinent to the idea that socialisation is at fault for the lack of females in production and engineering. TOKiMONSTA, a record producer and DJ from Los Angeles, thinks that “Culture has systematically engrained this idea that technology is more of a man's thing” (TOKiMONSTA cited in Saxelby, 2014), with men being the “ones that fixed the VCR”, and women merely watching the VHS. The stereotypes of men being more technologically inclined may lead some to believe that men are more capable to deal with the technical aspects of music, which are crucial components in production and engineering.

As mentioned in this chapter, some studio professionals think it could be possible that the ‘patriarchal’ role of a sound engineer could be more suited to men (Marling, 2016a). One must ask themselves whether women rationalising the lack of females in engineering as the role being ‘better suited’ to men is the result of perceived differences in strengths or, in fact, the result of women believing that they are not good enough. This belief of incapability is contrasted by the choice of some artists to choose female creatives exclusively. Susan Rogers, technician and engineer for Prince, stated that he only worked with women because he “needed to be the alpha male” in order to be productive, and “women are… more inclined to let a man lead” (Susan Rogers cited in Beaumont-Thomas, 2017). Female engineers are, therefore, occasionally preferred due to their perceived submissive nature which allows the artist to take control, and not battle for “dominance or position” (Beaumont-Thomas, 2017). However, this representation of female technicians as submissive may ultimately be detrimental when a female wishes to take control, as they may not be taken seriously.

8iii. Visual Identity

In the last few years, women have seemingly become more visible in the music industry. A new generation of pop artists are emerging from the shadows, with the 2019 Grammys xhibiting a record breaking increase in female achievement. Ariana Grande, H.E.R., Cardi B and Lady Gaga and were among the many women taking home a Grammy for major categories, including ‘Album of the Year’, which went to Kacey Musgraves (Billboard, 2019). The growth of women in music seems, however, to be confined to the visual and performance sides of the industry rather than the solely creative fields. After the launch of MTV in 1981 (‘MTV’, 2019), music videos put visuals at the forefront of an artist’s identity. Both male and female musicians are objectified in music videos, with MTV helping to establish or further the careers of many visually appealing artists like Madonna and Duran Duran (Macaluso, 2017). Although the fields of production and engineering do not demand the same visual identity or public lifestyle, the focus on looks may leak into those industries as a result of how women are perceived in the rest of the creative music world, and in fact, by society in general. In a study conducted in Italy (Busetta et al, 2013, p.6), there was a

16 large disparity in callback rates to jobs for attractive women (54%) versus attractive men (47%), unattractive men (26%) and applicants with no photo (35%). The lowest callback rate of all was obtained from the CVs of unattractive women (7%).

While the study above may suggest that attractive women have an advantage over men, the objectification of female producers may act to deter women from entering the industry. Caroline Polachek remarks that female producers are looked at more as ‘producer-icons’ (Saxelby, 2014) whereas men exist in ‘unglamorous isolation’, learning their craft before becoming successful. Women that have less of a visual identity could be deterred from entering the field for this reason. There are many examples of women being viewed aesthetically before being viewed creatively. In one such example, song-writer Emma-Lee Moss, otherwise known as Emmy the Great, told The Guardian that an old manager said he would send out her photo to labels instead of her music (Larsson, 2017).

Some artists, however, such as Anna Lunoe, think that the key to more female representation is for women to become more visible;

“she must not only be a producer but also potentially have what it takes to be a performer- publicly seen and embraced” (Lunoe cited in Saxelby, 2014).

It is becoming clear that women must be multi-talented and perform at a higher level than men in many areas if the disparity between the number of male and female producers is to be improved. Being a female producer concerns more aspects than simply being creative, as her visual identity, along with her music, is made a focus.

8. The male perspective

9i. Male studio professionals

It is important to note that during subject-relevant interviews, male producers and engineers are rarely asked the question of why there is a lack of female representation in the craft. Female producers, however, rarely participate in an interview where the topic is not discussed. This sub-chapter will contain the viewpoints and attitudes of men who work in the industry, their experiences working with women, and how they believe the discrepancy between male and female producers and engineers could be changed. Laura Marling’s Soundcloud podcast, ‘Reversal of the Muse’, interviewed American producer Jonathan Wilson, who highlighted the issue of stereotyping;

“I have seen a lot of examples where the guy figures a girl can’t set up the mic…I’ve seen women get shut down to the fact where they can’t be creative” (Marling, 2016c).

Wilson, much like Nina Smith on page 12, speculates whether men even realise their demeaning nature in the studio environment. Producer and writer Nick Stez is studio manager at the ‘Community Recording Studio’ in Nottingham, which works to develop

17 young people’s studio skills and provide a platform through which to create music. Stez thinks that changing ‘old and boring’ traditions and women empowering women are the solutions to increasing the number of women that are interested in music technology. He states that;

“…if a female walks into my studio a lot of the time… straight away most of the men will say ‘ah, do you sing?’. They will never even think of asking [if they produce]” (Stez interviewed by Makis, 2018a).

This, again, suggests that there is an ingrained assumption that women do not engage with production, which could lead to women being underestimated and misrepresented in the studio.

Case Study 3: Yoad Nevo

In order to view the male perspective on this topic in more depth, a comprehensive interview was conducted with acclaimed mixer, producer, and inventor of ‘Waves’ plugins, Yoad Nevo (‘Yoad Nevo’, 2019). Nevo’s extensive discography includes producing and mixing for music icons such as Sia, Moby and the Sugababes (Yoad Nevo, no date). Yoad highlighted that his extreme levels of focus and discipline, characteristics he had acquired through engineering school, had aided in his production journey (Nevo interviewed by Makis, 2019). Through his expansive career, spanning more than 20 years, Nevo stated that he had only worked with 2 or 3 female engineers, and they were all assistants at the start of their professional lives. He had encountered one of the engineers in later years and seen that she had progressed into a higher engineering role, but speculates whether women may choose different professions because of the applicability to their future plans. For example, working ‘crazy hours for years’ (Nevo interviewed by Makis, 2019) may not be suitable for women who wish to bear children, and freelance engineers do not possess the benefits of maternal leave. According to Nevo, when the matter is broadened to touring and live sound engineers, there are even less women, which may be due to the male-centric environment associated with touring.

Nevo noted that producers are in the spotlight more than they used to be, and this may contribute to the number of girls striving for this label. The promise of fame may be a driving factor for some, and music videos promoting money and ‘hip-hop culture’ are also incentives (Nevo interviewed by Makis, 2019). There has been an emergence of more female DJ’s in recent years, and an increased focus on the visual aspects of the industry has led to further media attention for creators. This glamorous view of producers, in Nevo’s opinion, will draw both men and women to the profession, leading to increased numbers of producers in general. The more recent representation of production as a career which generates fame may alter music culture as a whole, with appearance being more of a focus. This may negatively impact the representation of both men and women in the studio, as serious producers may find themselves being objectified.

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9. Solutions

Careers in production and engineering utilise skills in technology, computing and arrangement. The exploration of these influential areas and the issues that cause the disparity in male and female representation may create solutions leading to more sex- balanced industries. This chapter will highlight the current organisations, workshops and research dedicated to creating equal opportunities in the studio, promoting fair treatment of both men and women and encouraging women in the pursuit of these careers.

10i. Role Models

Lockwood (2006) suggests that women in particular benefit from a positive female role model, due to their perceived incompetence in the workplace leading to a lack of confidence. By observing a successful and skilled woman subvert stereotypes, other women would gain confidence and thus strive for success themselves (Lockwood, 2006, p.36). In the case of same sex mentors, higher reports of psychosocial support were recorded (Koberg, Boss and Goodman, 1998, p.68) than the protégés of opposite-sex mentors. There is an argument to suggest that male and female mentors would be better suited to different roles, with women purportedly being more effective at emotional wellbeing and counselling, and men being more inclined to mentor career-related affairs (Allen and Eby, 2004, p.136). However, where role models are concerned, same sex identification is more effective due to shared similarities that the mentor and protégé possess (Lockwood, 2006, p.37). One solution to the lack of women in the studio may be to give more exposure to current female technicians, or establish a mentor system in schools whereby female music technology teachers are paired with female students to give them knowledge and monitor their progress.

Role models in education

In one of the secondary schools recorded in Armstrong’s (2011) study, one female student highlighted the difference between encounters with both her male and female music teachers. The student, named ‘Gemma’, expressed that ‘Mr Clarke’ expects the students to be “A-star standard” and ridicules them if they do not know something he perceives to be common knowledge (Gemma cited in Armstrong, 2011, p.60). ‘Miss Prime’, on the other hand, who says she is a ‘confident user’ of music technology (Armstrong, 2011, p.65), is ‘really helpful’ and would “actually explain… how to do things with computers” (Armstrong, 2011, p.60). It is noteworthy that, in interviews. the perceptions of the male students towards Miss Prime conflicted with the girl’s perceptions. The boys saw Miss Prime as the least technologically skilled out of the three music teachers at the secondary school, with the other two male teachers being given the label of technological expert and only one being mentioned as having the ability to give technological help (Armstrong, 2011, p.67). This study suggests that girls may be more responsive to the teaching methods of female mentors, which means that music technology departments with both male and female teachers may be more effective in the development of girl’s knowledge and maintained interest in the field, while also being stimulating for the boys. As a result of the increased interest, more girls in music technology classes may choose to pursue further education and perhaps see production or engineering as a viable career option.

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There is evidence that female role models contribute to girls choosing production and engineering. Beth McGowan, music production teacher at Shrewsbury College, remarks;

“Purely by being a female teacher and because I've actually been out there and done it, is attracting more females to our course… I have a lot of female students who want to be sound engineers now, whereas before… they weren't really sure what they wanted to do in the industry." (McGowan cited in Moayeri, 2018).

The new generation of girls are growing up with more female role models. Artists like Beyoncé and Kathryn Bigelow, who are proficient in production as well as in other aspects of music creation, are subverting the cultural attitude that these fields are only accessible to men (Haruch, 2010). As the new generation encounter more females engaging with the technological side of music, this may influence girls to explore these fields further, which may lead to a larger percentage of females opting for music technology modules. The more women in the industry, the less female producers and engineers will be seen as a novelty, and this may therefore positively affect the representation of women in the studio.

10ii. Women empowering Women

Many music professionals, including Nick Stez interviewed on page 15-16, believe that it is important for women in the industry and beyond to actively support other women in the pursuit of production and engineering. Artist and record producer, Lari White, exclaims that “women taking an active role in creating opportunities” (Haruch, 2010) is what will create change. In light of this, The Fader’s article (Saxelby, 2014) asked 13 specialist females what strategies they would implement to alter the ‘male-dominated studio culture’ (Saxelby, 2014), and women taking the initiative to empower other women was a common response;

“The few women in high positions should take other women under their wing and help them.” (Jubilee cited in Saxelby, 2014).

Encouragement from ‘family, friends [and] supporters’ (Maroof cited in Saxelby, 2014) is also noted as a factor contributing to change. Composer, Fatima Al Qadiri credits her mother for her success in the industry (Qadiri cited in Saxelby, 2014). DJ/Producer Nightwave states that female artist mentoring, “bigger female representation in music events and music press” and more focus on women’s work will encourage the next generation to become involved with production, but also stresses that it is important not to exclude men from the debate, as working together will help “shift [the] paradigm” more effectively (Nightwave cited in Saxelby, 2014).

While women may have a responsibility to support other women, many argue that the onus also falls on other influential figures to create diversity within the studio. Emily Reo suggests that “labels and high profile artists” should actively connect with skilled females, increasing female profiling, but without using their sex as a “qualifier” (Reo cited in Saxelby, 2014). UNiiQU3 believes that, regardless of genre, the industry should highlight established females that excel in areas other than the vocal booth, praising ‘Sylvia Robinson’s’

20 production on hip-hop record ‘Rappers Delight’ as an example. The New Jersey based artist pointed out that “males get plenty of attention” in contrast with the fewer established professional females (UNiiQU3 cited in Saxelby, 2014).

10iii. Organisations

‘Go to school. Learn everything you need to know technically, so that when you walk in the room, nobody can one-up you. And always fly by the seat of your pants at least once in a while; try something new, something different, instead of constantly relying on what you already know.’ (Carla Olson cited in Massey, 2009, p. 129).

In recent years, the music industry has seen an influx of organisations dedicated to creating equal opportunities for women in careers in which there is a considerable male to female ratio discrepancy. This chapter will detail the methods in which these organisations tackle the problems facing female representation and scarcity in the studio, and critically, whether they have made a difference.

International Organisations

Although issues concerning female representation and scarcity in production and engineering are prevalent in the UK, this concern extends to other areas of the world, specifically in regions where culture and society is more intolerant to females exploring roles that are perceived as male. In India, female instrumentalists are viewed as a novelty and women are taught to “accessorise” rather than “equip” (Ashraf cited in Gurbaxani, 2017). There is an emphasis on female performers “making sure that they look[ed] sexy” (Ramya Pothuri cited in Gurbaxani, 2017), and many women are discouraged from pursuing music due to the image of a performer being likened to “prostitutes” in bars (Ashraf cited in Gurbaxani, 2017). Notable organisations are involved in combatting the issue in countries other than the UK, including the British Councils 2018 partnership with music magazine, ‘Wild City’, to host weekend long Ableton and DJ workshops in 4 locations in India spanning the months of March and April (Wild City, 2018). This project was supported by many distinguished artists, including Nightwave, E.M.M.A and Ikonika, who also run UK workshops for women under the initiative PRODUCERGIRLS (Wild City, 2018). The initiative provides girls with ‘music production tips, expert advice and free software’ from Ableton and FL studio (PRODUCERGIRLS, no date).

The 21st century has seen a significantly large increase in the establishment of female- focused music technology projects. Women’s Audio Mission was founded in 2003 by Professor Terri Winston in California (Burgess, 2013, P.195), and includes ‘the only professional recording studio in the world built and run by women’ (Women’s Audio Mission, no date) as well as an ‘award winning curriculum’ intended to attract women to ‘STEM and creative technology studies’ (Women’s Audio Mission, no date). Women’s Audio Mission has yielded notable results, by giving over 14,000 girls music technology classes and placing over 700 women in paid positions with top companies such as Sony, Pixar and Dolby Laboratories (Women’s Audio Mission, no date). Winston expresses that she has witnessed changes in gender inequality since starting the organisation, being accepted by the Audio

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Engineering Society conference after having trouble attending in the first year (Haruch, 2010). This suggests that female focused organisations have a significant impact on both the representation and scarcity of women in production and engineering.

The genre of country has often received criticism surrounding the representation of women. During ‘Tomato-gate’, a controversial incident which occurred in 2015, radio consultant Keith Hill advised stations not to play music from women back to back, likening female artists to the tomato garnish in a salad, while men were the more filling foundation, namely lettuce (Keel, 2015). The Tennessean reports that in 2017, the percentage of ‘purely female country songs charted by Country Aircheck’, a news and information source (Country Aircheck, no date), was 10.4%, a drop of 2.6% from the year before (Watts, 2018). Country music is most prominent in Nashville, Tennessee (‘Music of Tennessee’, 2019), and with women accounting for only 2% of producers and 3% of engineers in 2018 (Stefano, 2019), organisations combatting the representation of women in this area are extremely important. ‘Empowering Women in Audio’, a series of recording and production clinics for women in Nashville, was founded in 2016 and hosted for the first time in 2017 by Fett (See Appendix A). These clinics provide women with the fundamentals of recording, studio techniques (Azalea Music Group, no date) and improve women’s confidence to explore music technology. Fett has observed a profound difference in the attitudes of women participating in the clinics, who had previously been ignored and disrespected in the studio environment (See Appendix A). The attendees have described the project as “life-changing” or “transformational”, and share many achievements with Fett during the time after the clinics completion (See Appendix A). International organisations clearly play a significant role in improving the representation and scarcity of women in music technology.

Organisations within the UK

“When powerful organisations like PRS start trying to make movements and conversations happen, that’s when the rules change…” (Emma Lee-Moss cited in Larsson, 2017).

2018, 2019 and 2020 will bring new opportunities for female producers and engineers, with notable organisations, the PRS Foundation and Festival Republic, releasing a new project called ‘ReBalance’ (Festival Republic, 2017). The 3-year programme will offer core female bands studio time and apprenticeships to two budding female sound engineers, taught by in-house engineers at Leeds based Old Chapel Music Studio. Their aim is to increase the number of women in roles in fields cited as male ‘closed shop’s (Music Week, 2017). Ticketing platform, DICE, has expanded their annual ‘Girls Music Day’ to ‘Girls Music Week’ (NME, 2019), hosting panel discussions, performances and masterclasses for women aged 16-24 at their offices in east London. This allows women to develop their skills and connect with other creatives, promoting alliances and accumulating female interest in musical fields other than performance (Chappelhow, 2019).

As well as the formation of larger organisations, there has been a considerable increase in local, grass roots style production workshops catered to women during the 21st century. These groups, including Saffron Records in Bristol (Saffron Records, no date), contribute to establishing gender equality in the studio environment. One benefit of the creation of these

22 female-centric workshops is that the issue of female scarcity in the music studio is being recognised and confronted, and therefore, a change is likely to be observed.

It is important to note that all organisations mentioned in this chapter were formed recently, specifically during the 21st century. This may suggest that the music industry will see a rapid growth in women striving for careers in production and engineering. This increase in female presence and representation of more females as experts is likely to have a positive impact on the treatment of women in these professions, as females in the studio would be viewed as less of a novelty and for this reason, perhaps deal with less discrimination from male technicians.

10iv. Accessibility

A factor visibly contributing to change within the industry is increased accessibility. The growth of the internet and YouTube has provided musicians from a variety of different backgrounds with information on how to use the hardware found in high end studios, and given access to software that provides indistinguishable emulations of this studio equipment.

Digital audio workstations, or DAW’s, allow anyone with a computer to be a fully functional producer or engineer at home. Functions include recording, producing and mastering, and most workstations include stock plugins all the necessary components after a one-off purchase of the software (‘Digital audio workstation’, 2019). The top two DAW’s, namely Ableton Live and Logic Pro X, are $301-500 dollars and $101-300 dollars respectively (Mayzes, 2019), which is relatively affordable compared to buying the hardware found in studios. Studio hire can also be expensive, with some high end establishments costing $20,000 dollars to rent out (Recording Connection, no date). Tutorials for software can be found online for free online from media outlets like YouTube, which benefits musicians who prefer independent learning.

10. Conclusion

‘Well, it goes way deeper than just engineering- it’s almost in every aspect of the music business: producing, being an artist, working at a record label. Sadly, many of the women that do get hired give up way too quickly.’ (Ann Mincieli cited in Massey, 2009, p. 308).

A century ago, during the first developments of sound recording, social and cultural roles dictated that a woman’s place was not at a mixing desk. This perception, although arguably not as extreme, still exists in the current day, with female producers and engineers experiencing sexism in the studio through judgmental attitudes and a tendency to be dismissed. It has become clear that the female producer must work harder than her male counterpart, as a result of the negative stereotypes ingrained within society, and must battle the inner saboteur who causes them to give up early on in their career. Music production and engineering are difficult careers as it is, and require immense mental dedication and time commitment, which could conflict with a woman’s desire to experience non-studio life or start a family in her late 20s. While numerous factors could be responsible

23 for the lack of women behind the scenes, the evidence most strongly suggests that psychological and social aspects are most significant, as the differing treatment of boys and girls starts from childhood and occurs in all forms of interaction, be that at home, in school or amongst peers. It may be the case that males are simply more interested in the technological aspects of music, however, this conclusion is hard to draw when the experiences of men and women differ so greatly.

With this said, there has been some momentous changes in the accessibility of music technology for women in the last decade, especially. More professionals are recognising that the lack of women is an issue, and actively striving to create solutions to the problem. The Annenberg Inclusion Initiative (Smith et al, 2018) published their findings in 2018, and the 2019 Grammys was one of the most impressive years for female achievement. More articles are published talking to female frontrunners which means that the next generation of female producers have a more diverse range of role models and a better understanding of the topics that may concern them in later life. Organisations have been created with the sole focus of increasing female technicians, and female industry professionals are encouraging women to empower each other and work together. The evidence in his paper strongly suggests that understanding and accepting the issues that affect the representation of women in production and engineering is the first step to improving the studio environment, and subsequently, creating new opportunities for females.

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Access to sources

Transcripts and/or audio files of interviews available on request.

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12. Appendices

Appendix A – Email from Fett, founder of ‘Empowering Women in Music’