The New "Role Model" for the Hip-Hop Generation: Dissecting the Hype to Locate Eminem, Slim Shady, and Marshall Mathers through Race Relations, Black Cool, Media Coverage, and the Search for Hip-Hop Credibility Denise Fernandes Graduate Program in Communication Studies Department ofArt History and Communication Studies McGill University, Montreal September 2002 A thesis submitted to the Facu1ty ofGraduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment ofthe requirements ofthe degree of Master ofArts. Copyright © Denise Fernandes 2002 National Library Bibliothèque nationale 1+1 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisisitons et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Canada Canada Your file Votre référence ISBN: 0-612-85853-7 Our file Notre référence ISBN: 0-612-85853-7 The author has granted a non­ L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/film, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts from it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou aturement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. Canada TABLE OF CONTENTS AB8TRACT 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 3 INTRODUCTION 4 CHAPTER 1: REFLECTING ON BLACK COOL: MUSIC, IDENTITY AND CONTROVERSY Il DISADVANTAGE BECOMES COOL 12 THE SUCCESSES AND FAILURES OF HIP-HOP COOL 17 HIP VS. COOL IN BLACK MUSICAL FORMS 20 NORMANMAILER AND "THE WHITE NEGRO" 24 EMINEM AND HIP-HOP COOL 26 CHAPTER 2: EMINEM IN THE NEWS: RAISIN' HAVOC AND PLAYIN' THE MEDlA GAME 34 A BRIEF OVERVIEW OF HIP-HOP MEDIA COVERAGE 36 ISSUES CONCERNING THE MEDIA'S COVERAGE OF HIP-HOP 37 THEY WANNA GROW UP TO BE JUST LIKE EM .42 THE MAINSTREAM SCAPEGOAT 45 THE 2001 GRAMMYAWARDS 46 SUMMITS, HEARINGS, AND THE FCC TARGET EMINEM 49 SEEING PAST THE HYPE: HIP-HOP/MUSIC MAGAZINES 52 CHAPTER 3: FROM INFINITE TO THE MARSHALL MATHERS LP: EMINEM'S SEARCH FOR HIS OWN HIP-HOP VOICE 57 HIP-HOP FROM LIVE PERFORMANCE TO STUDIO STARDOM 58 A VIEW OF "THUG LIFE" FROM STRAIGHT OUTTA COMPTON 59 OGs REFLECT ON THEIR MOTIVATONS AND DESIRES 61 SLIM SHADY EMERGES THROUGH EMINEM'S CHANGING STYLES 63 1996: INFINITE 65 1997 & 1999: THE SLIM SHADYALBUMS 69 2000: THE MARSHALL MATHERS LP 74 CHAPTER 4: KEEPIN' IT REAL IN A FANTASY WORLD: PERSONA, PARODY, AND PLAY IN EMINEM'S LYRICS 79 SHADY CREATIVITY TO MAKE IT IN THE RAP GAME 80 SLIM ATTACKS: EMINEM'S PARODY VICTIMS 88 HIS STAR STATUS 89 HIS STATUS A "WHITE" RAPPER AND A ROLEMODEL. 91 CRITICS, SOCIETY, AND PARENTAL NEGLECT 94 CONCLUSION 104 BIBLIOGRAHPY lOS DISCOGRAPHY 113 AB8TRACT This thesis examines and analyzes the controversy around white rapper Eminem to inspect the way in which black and white theories of belonging function within an American context. The assumption behind the racial dichotomy that defines whites and blacks in oppositional positive and negative terms presumes that identity is structured along race stereotypes. This belief is evident in the differing responses to Eminem's affiliation with hip-hop culture and through the extent in which he employs hip-hop cultural forms, styles, and traits into his rap image. Although a popular mainstream artist, Eminem (and his "thug" Slim Shady alter ego) maintains his credibility within hip-hop circ1es by using elements of parody, play, and persona to depict his satirical views of American life. Finally, the systematic attacks against Eminem that label him as deviant are rarely levelled against other black rappers, exposing the different societal expectations that exist for whites and blacks. Ce mémoire examine et analyse la controverse qui entoure le rappeur blanc Eminem dans le but d'étudier comment fonctionnent les théories d'appartenance des blancs et des noirs dans le contexte américain. Derrière la dichotomie raciale qui définit les blancs et les noirs en termes d'oppositions positives et négatives se cache la supposition que la notion d'identité s'établit selon des stéréotypes raciaux. Cette conviction est évidente dans les différentes réactions face à l'attachement d'Eminem à la culture hip-hop, ainsi que dans l'étendue de l'emploi qu'il fait des pratiques culturelles, styles et caractéristiques du hip­ hop dans son image de rappeur. Bien qu'il soit un artiste populaire, Eminem (et son alter ego délinquant Slim Shady) maintient sa crédibilité au sein du monde hip-hop en utilisant des éléments de la parodie, du théâtre et du jeu de rôle pour illustrer sa vision satirique du mode de vie américain. Finalement, les attaques systématiques contre Eminem qui le caractérisent de deviant son rarements dirigées contre les rappeurs noirs, démontrant qu'il existe dans la société des attentes différentes pour les blancs et les noirs. 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS l would like to express my gratitude to Professor Will Straw for his guidance and patience while supervising this project. l would also like to thank Elsa Deland for helping me translate the abstract into French. My appreciation also goes to my family - my parents Joanita and Maurice and my Aunt Lena - for the unwavering support throughout my life and especially while l wrote this thesis. (A special note ofthanks to my parents, who were the perfect research assistants. Thanks for sending me aIl those newspaper articles!) 3 INTRODUCTION Currently, hip-hop's musical and commercial successes are unparalleled by other sub(cultural) musical forms. Rap albums debut at the top of the BiIlboard music charts consistently and rap songs dominate the airwaves of popular music radio stations. Rap music videos are even among the most requested videos on music video television stations, such as Music Television (MTV) in the United States and Europe, and MuchMusic in Canada. Hip-hop clothing labels, such as Sean Jean and Enyce, are also among the most popular clothing labels for present day's youth. Moreover, hip-hop's cool, defiant attitude, which is also associated with overt expressions of manhood, is becoming a popular way of showing one's opposition to the values and morals of society's dominant group. This rebellious nature, disregard for societal conventions, and infatuation with everything taboo has struck a chord with youth who are searching for an outlet for their own feelings of anomie and distrust of authority figures. Not only is hip-hop cool more confrontational than previous forms ofblack cool, but it also best represents the negative stereotypes of blackness that have developed out of white privilege and rebukes openly the constraints that white society places upon black individuals. Thus, members of society's dominant group often view the elements of hip-hop culture as the basis for the increased resentment that white youth hold toward these conventions. Attacks on hip-hop culture are often launched based on a purported desire to protect the most vulnerable in society. Most often, these "innocents" are white children, whose increasing attraction to and adoption ofhip-hop's external elements, such as music and clothing, have become problematic for parents who fear the effect of the negative elements that are associated with blackness and hip-hop (for instance: rejection of white norms, violence, drug use, celebration of guns) on their children. Since the most weIl recognized members of the hip-hop community are rappers, they often fall under heavy scrutiny from political and cultural critics and have received special attention from groups (for instance, the PMRC, Parental Music Resource Centre) designed specifically to protect children from the corrupt nature ofrap music. The consumption ofhip-hop culture by white youth raises interesting issues about appropriation, (race) theories of belonging, and authenticity. Since hip-hop is a cultural 4 form that developed out of the ghettos and inner-cities, it is widely accepted that hip-hop speaks to and from a black ghetto point-of-view. In expressing trepidation over the influence of white institutional constraints on their lives, rappers often expose how these elements of the dominant structure exploit and restrain their rights. Moreover, thanks in large part to the impression left by white rapper Vanilla Ice, white hip-hop fans are often made to feel that their love of hip-hop is a mere fascination with the rebellious nature of the culture, than a "true" or "real" understanding ofwhat those e1ements represent. Thus, while white, suburban youth may enjoy "borrowing" elements ofhip-hop culture, they are perceived as not having a full understanding ofits underclass roots. The wholehearted embrace ofwhite rapper Eminem by his hip-hop peers and the utter loathing of him by the mainstream, dominant group in the US have made the enjoyment of hip-hop easier for white youth. Through his stylistic innovations, narrative and storytelling ability, and the way that his use of parody mocks the changes to his life and mainstream opinions ofhis lyrics, Eminem has established himself as a credible and "real" hip-hop voice. While his awareness ofthe issues surrounding his whiteness and his popularity make him a hit within the hip-hop community, it also makes him more well­ liked by suburban youth. Thus, Eminem has become an instant target of familiar hip-hop foes. Politicians, cultural critics, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC), and Federal Trade Commission (FTC) have aIl accorded special attention to Eminem, claiming that his rhymes promote violence, scatology, and hatred.