IIWith Credit and Honour: 1I Archaeological Investigations at the Plantation of John Whitesides, A Small Planter of Christ Church Parish, Charleston County, South Carolina , •• . • , __ . •t . .... ' ------',"-_. _..... ,. , •
~I~ ~I~ CHICORA FOUNDATION RESEARCH SERIES 48 · "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR:" ARCHAEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS AT THE PLANTATION OF JOHN WHITESIDES, A SMALL PLANTER OF CHRIST CHURCH PARISH, CHARLESTON COUNTY, SOUTH CAROLINA
Research Series 48
Michael Trinkley Debi Hacker
With Contributions by: Arthur Cohen Irwin Rovner
Chicora Foundation, Inc. P.O. Box 8664 • 861 Arbutus Drive Columbia, South Carolina 29202 8031787-6910
April 1996
ISSN 0882-2041 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publications Data
Trinkley, Michael. IIWith credit and honour" : archaeological investigations at the plantation of John Whitesides, a small planter of Christ Church Parish, Charleston County, South Carolina / Michael Trinkley, Debi . Hacker; with contributions by Arthur Cohen, Irwin Rovner. p. cm. -- (Research series / Chicora Foundation; 48) Includes bibliographical references (p. ). 1. Whitesides Plantation Site (S.c.) 2. Plantations--South Carolina--Charleston County. 3. Plantation life--South Carolina -Charleston County. 4. Charleston County (S.C.)--Antiquities. 5. Excavations (Archaeology)--South Carolina--Charleston County. I. Hacker, Debi. II. Title III. Series: Research series (Chicora · Foundation) ; 48. F279.W54T75 1996 975.7'91--dc20 96-8823 CIP
The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences - Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. 00 A Description of Charles Town in 1769
Black and white all mix'd together, Inconstant, strange, unhealthful weather Burning heat and chilling cold Dangerous both to young and old Boisterous winds and heavy rains Fevers and rheumatic pains Agues plenty without doubt Sores, boils, the prickling heat and gout Musquitos on skin make blotches Centipedes and large cock-roaches Frightful creatures in the waters Porpoises, sharks and alligators Houses built on barren land No lamps or lights, but streets of sand Pleasant walks, if you can find 'em Scandalous tongues, if any mind 'em The markets dear and little money Large potatoes, sweet as honey Water bad, past all drinking Men and women without thinking Every thing at a high price But rum, hominy and rice Many a widow not unwilling Many a beau not worth a shilling ~any a bargain, if you strike it, This is Charles-town, how do you like it.
-- Capt. Martin, captain of a Man of War South Caroliniana Library ABSTRACT
Christ Church Parish was situated just house, and a diet of pork and fish seem to northeast of Charleston, South Carolina. This area characterize the Whitesides. The ceramic was characterized by infertile soils, large areas of assemblage includes primarily plain or simply sloughs with poor drainage, and marsh frontage. decorated vessels, most of which were bowls. Although close to Charleston, and consequently settled early, the soils of Christ Church were Also examined in some detail is the small generally not well suited to plantation agriculture collection of Colono wares present in the main and holdings were small. In the late eighteenth settlement. Almost all of these best fit the century, for example, Christ Church had the lowest description of River Burnished pottery, suggesting value of estates of all the parishes and tied with that they may have been produced by Native Prince Frederick's Parish for the lowest average · Americans, rather than the African American number of slaves held. Christ Church was an slaves. While the current study does not attempt to enclave of small planters - yeoman farmers by no demonstrate the origin of the pottery, it does means, but still far removed from the grand provide additional information concerning the planters of St. George, St. James Goose Creek, development of a Colono ware typology. and Prince William's parishes. An examination of both pollen and This study descnbes the historical and phytolith data reveal the importance of these archaeological examination of one of these small techniques to a complete understanding of the plantations in Christ Church, owned early by ecology and agricultural development of plantation Thomas Whitesides and, in 1762, willed to his son, society. John Whitesides. John Whitesides apparently held the tract into the mid-antebellum, although there This study focuses attention on the large is relatively little historical evidence of his activities number of small planters who made up the at the tract. majority of free land holders in the eighteenth century. It reveals that our understanding of The rise of gentility and the refinement of plantations and planters has been based on the the planter class which began in the early wealthy elite of the eighteenth century and urges eighteenth century ran along a continuum. Just as exploration of the more common planter. ceramics range along a smooth-rough continuum from the finest porcelain to the crude earthenwares and colono wares, so too did genteel culture and those practicing it. The Whitesides were not yeoman farmers, with estates of only a few hundred dollars, although their wealth was limited. In the early antebellum John owned around 237 acres and only 15 slaves, while his brother, Moses, owned 309 acres, 30 slaves, and a lot in town.
Although only the main house was examined in this study, the range of artifacts, including ceramics and personal items, provides an exceptional view of a small planter's life. An assemblage dominated by kitchen items, a simple
11 TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Tables v
List of Figures xi
Acknowledgements xiii
Introduction 1 Development of the Project 1 Research Strategy and Questions 4 The Natural Setting 13 Curation 18
Historic Synopsis 19 English Settlement 19 Economic Development 19 Antebellum Charleston, Cotton Production, and the Civil War 21 Postbellum Period 35 Twentieth Century 37 Summary 40
Excavations 41 Strategy and Methods 41 Excavations 44 Distribution Studies 47 Summary 47
Artifacts 51 Introduction 51 38CH1471, Main Settlement 52 Overview of Dating at the Plantation 61 Pattern Analysis 61 Ceramics and Status 63 Summary 66
Colono Ware 69 Introduction 69 Brief Synopsis of Previous Research 69 Analytical Methods 73 Results of Traditional Analytical Techniques 75 Conclusions 82
Pollen Analyses from the Whitesides Plantation ... Arthur Cohen 83
Phytolith Analysis from the Whitesides Plantation ... hwin Rovner 85 Introduction 85 Results 86 Discussion 87 Conclusions 88
111 Floral and Faunal Remains 89 Ethnobotanical Remains 89 Faunal Materials 91
Conclusions 95 Overview of Ecology, History, Artifacts, and Ecofacts 95 The Research Questions 97 Toward a Broader View of Planters 98
Sources Cited 101
iv LIST OF TABLES
Table 1. Mean ceramic date for 38CH1563 4 2. Wealth of colonial Assemblymen 9 3. Comparison of artifact patterns for the Elfe plantation with the Baxter settlement 10 4. White and slave population of South Carolina in 1720 17 5. 1850 agricultural production in Christ Church Parish and on the Whitesides plantation 30 6. 1860 agricultural production in Christ Church Parish and on the Bonneau plantation 31 7. Major types of dateable pottery at 38CH1471 53 8. Shape and function of ceramic vessels 55 9. Mean ceramic date for Whitesides main house 56 10. Buttons recovered from Whitesides plantation 60 11. Artifact pattern for the Whitesides main settlement compared with previously published patterns 62 12. Ceramic motifs by percent 64 13. Ceramic index values for the Whitesides plantation 66 14. Attribute summaries for Yaughan and River Burnished potteries 70 15. Colono wares and European ceramics from Charleston area slave sites 71 16. Percentage of Colono wares and European ceramics at eighteenth century plantation sites 75 17. Pollen materials identified from Feature 1 83 18. Frequency of counts of selected phytolith types 86 19. Ratios of grass short cells 87
v LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1. Area location map showing the Charleston vicinity 2 2. Location of archaeological sites associated with the Whitesides occupation 3 3. Plan view of 38CH1473 after impacted by construction 5 4. View of damage to 38CH1473 discovered in January 1995 5 5. Plan view of 38CH1563 discovered during efforts to re-identify 38CH1471 6 6. Site 38CH1563 showing damage when found in late January 1995 6 7. Plat of the John and Moses Whitesides tracts in 1798 22 8. Close-up view of the John Whitesides settlement 23 9. 1804 plat of the western portion of Thomas Whitesides' estate 25 10. Charleston County property map, compiled 1932-1934 26 1l. Portion of the 1841 William Mathews plat 28 12. 1856 Thomas D. Wagner plat of the re-assembled Whitesides tracts 32 13. Portion of the 1863 "Map of Charleston and Its Defences" 33 14. Portion of the 1919 Wando topographic map showing the project area 38 15. View of the 38CH1471 site after hydroaxing 41 16. Auger tests, area of the block excavations 43 17. Plan view of the excavations at 38CH1471 45 18. Feature 1 in Unit 5 46 19. Distribution of kitchen group artifacts in the block excavations 48 20. Distribution of architecture group artifacts in the block excavations 48 21. Distribution of brick in the block excavations 48 22. Distribution of oyster shell in the block excavations 48 23. Block excavations at 38CH1471 49 24. Artifacts recovered from Whitesides main settlement 58 25. Comparison of Miller's ceramic indices for a variety of sites 66 26. Colono ware from Whitesides main settlement 72 27. Temper shape 76 28. Sand temper size range 77 29. Frequency of sand inclusions 77 30. Oxidation observed from fresh breaks 78 31. Degree of exterior and interior smoothing 79 32. lip forms of the Colono ware 80 33. Rim decorations on the River Burnished sherds 80 34. Vessel diameters of the River Burnished collection 81 35. Vessel diameters of River Burnished specimens plotted as trends 81 36. Evidence of sooting 82 37. Pollen recovered from Feature 1 83
Vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We want to thank Mr. John C Darby for including the South Carolina Historical Society, his support of Chicora Foundation and for the South Caroliniana Library, and the South allowing us to participate in this project. It is Carolina Department of Archives and History. Dr. always a pleasure working with a group, such as Eric Poplin of Brockington and Associates kindly The Beach Company, which is so committed to the shared a management summary of data recovery preservation of Charleston's heritage. Many excavations conducted at the nearby slave individuals associated with The Beach Company settlement of John Whitesides. have assisted us in our project and deserve to be mentioned, especially Mr. Kenneth Holseberg, We would also like to thank the field Construction Operations Manager of Gulf Stream director of this project, Ms. Natalie Adams, for her Construction Company, Inc.; Mr. W. Scott Parker assistance. In addition, Dr. Arthur Cohen, with Design Works in Charleston; and Mr. Ken University of South Carolina, and Dr. Irwin Smoak of Sabine and Waters in Summerville. Rovner, Binary Analytical Consultants, assisted us in the analysis of the collection, exploring pollen Mr. Keith Derting of the S.C Institute of and phytolith samples. Ms. Windi O'Conner Archaeology and Anthropology assisted us with the assisted in the tabulation and analysis of the site numbering for the project. Ms. Sharon Pekrul Colono ware data from the site. Mr. Fritz Hamer, provided assistance in the curation of the Curator of History at the South Carolina State collection with the S.C Institute of Archaeology Museum, provided a peer review of this report and and Anthropology. The staffs of a number of we appreciate his thoroughness and willingness to research institutions have provided exceptional assist in our efforts in such a timely manner. support and assistance on very short notice,
Vll
INTRODUCTION
Development of the Project 1788.7. The soils were found to be Scranton loamy fine sands, with about 0.9 foot of dark brown In late 1992 Chicora Foundation, Inc. (lOYR3/3) sand overlying a brown (10YR4/3) conducted an intensive archaeological survey of sandy subsoil. . what was then known as Seaside Farms (Adams and Trinkley 1993). Situated south of U.S. 17 and Fifteen shovel tests at 25 and 50 foot Rifle Range Road, just northeast of City of intervals were excavated at 38CH1473, with 10 Charleston and the Town of Mount Pleasant, the producing cultural materials. A 4-foot square test project area incorporated about 400 acres (Figure unit was excavated at this site as well. A total of 1). The property was being considered for 132 artifacts were collected, including white salt development as single family home sites by The glazed stoneware, yellow combed slipware, Beach Company and the investigations were creamware, pearlware, lead glazed redware, burnt conducted to satisfy the requirements of the South earthenwares, Colono wares, "black" bottle glass, Carolina Coastal Council (now the Office of Ocean light green bottle glass, window glass, wrought and Coastal Resource Management within the nails, a gunflint, kaolin pipe stems bowl fragments, South Carolina Department of Health and and animal bone. The mean ceramic date of the Environmental Control). collection was found to be 1752.3, somewhat earlier than the main settlement. The soils were The study found two prehistoric sites classified as Rutledge loamy fine sands and the (38CH1466 and 38CH1474) and three historic sites excavation unit produced a foot of dark brown (38CH1471, 38CH1473, and 38CH1477) eligible for (lOYR3/3) sandy loam overlying a brown inclusion on the National Register of Historic (10YR4/3) sandy subsoil. This site was estimated to Places and one prehistoric site (38CH1475) cover an area about 300 feet north-south by 250 potentially eligible for inclusion on the National feet east-west (Adams and Trinkley 1993:64). Register. The historic sites included the main settlement for John Whitesides (38CH1471), the The main settlement for Moses slave settlement for John Whitesides (38CH1473) Whitesides, John's brother, was heavily damaged and the slave settlement for Moses Whitesides during the construction of the Isle of Palms (38CH1477). Connector and no longer exhibited sufficient integrity to warrant its recommendation as eligible This survey produced relatively few (Adams and Trinkley 1993:77) (Figure 2). These remains from the main settlement at 38CH1471, assessments were concurred with by the South likely the result of the dense vegetation which Carolina State Historic Preservation Office precluded a great deal of close interval testing. (SHPO) and the planning for the development Twenty-eight shovel tests were excavated, with four continued. yielding cultural remains, which defined the site size as about 250 feet in diameter. In addition, a 4- Eventually a portion of the property foot square unit was also excavated, which containing one of the historic sites, 38CH1473 (the produced small quantities of Notingham and white John Whitesides slave settlement), was subdivided salt glazed stoneware, creamware, pearlware, burnt off and sold to the Lutheran Homes of South earthenwares, Colono wares, "black" bottle glass, Carolina. Consequently, this site was not covered clear bottle glass, nail and slate fragments, and in a Memorandum of Agreement between the kaolin pipe stems (Adams and Trinkley 1993:59). SHPO, the Coastal Council, and The Beach These materials yielded a mean ceramic date of Company. Meanwhile the first phase of the
1 N
~ ~ ..,~ ~ ~ ~ ~
) o 5 I I CHARl.ESTON MILES Figure 1. Seaside Plantation in the Christ Church area, shown in relationship to Charleston. INTRODUCTION
Figure 2. Location of archaeological sites associated with the Whitesides occupation in the study area.
3 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" development was initiated and The Beach obtained (Table 1). In terms of status, they most Company requested that Chicora Foundation closely resembled those from the slave settlement, conduct archaeological data recovery excavations at 38CH147l. The site was found to be about 0.54 the John Whitesides main settlement, 38CH1471. acres in size, although about 0.3 acres had been A proposal was approved by The Beach Company disturbed by clearing with grubbing damage to 0.3 on September 29, 1994 and a copy was submitted foot. In addition, about 0.11 acre of the site had to the SHPO for comment. None were received approximately 0.8 foot of soil removed, with only and field investigations were begun on January 23, patches of the original A or Ap horizon left intact. 1995. Given the damage to the site, the area with greatest disturbance (on the eastern edge of the Since the project area was densely wooded site, measuring about 0.11 acre) was stripped to at the time of the survey, several years earlier, the the subsoil to determine the presence of features. first task was to relocate 38CH1471 using ground With this rather minimal exercise, four posts were features, distances and bearings, and limited shovel found and plotted (Figure 6). Although no testing. During this effort, conducted within the patterns, or large features, were identified, this first several days of the project, it was discovered that site 38CH1473 was being impacted by construction associated with the Lutheran Homes Table l. of South Carolina. It was determined that the site Mean Ceramic Date for 38CH1563 originally incorporated about 0.29 acres, of which only about 0.24 acres physically remained after Mean Date construction damage was discovered. The Ceramic (xi) (fi) fi x xi Overglazed porcelain 1730 1 1730 northwest edge of the site, accounting for the 0.05 Underglazed porcelain 1730 5 8650 acre, was destroyed by the construction activities, Westerwald 1738 6 10428 primarily through the excavation a hlrge canal, White SG SW 1758 2 3516 about 40 feet in width and upwards of 5 feet in Lead glazed slipware 1733 4 6932 depth. From the canal southeastward for about 50 lackfield 1760 1 1760 Decorated delft 1750 3 5250 feet the site area had been cleared, grubbed, and Plain delft 1720 2 3440 graded to about 0.8 foot below the pre-existing Creamware, undec. 1791 7 12537 grade, resulting in the effective loss of another 0.14 Pearlware, edged 1805 1 1805 acre of the site. In this portion of 38CH1473, on undecorated 1805 _1 1805 average only 0.1 foot of A or Ap horizon was left 33 57853 intact. Consequently, only about 34.5% of the site Mean Date = 57853 ..;- 33 = 1753.1 was left intact at the time our field crew made the discovery. The remainder of the site either had been completely destroyed or else was so damaged area is on the edge of the site and relatively little to be able to contribute only feature data through time was spent carefully cleaning the stripped area stripping. All of the overlying artifacts, necessary (the goal being simply to determine whether for dating and cultural context, were removed. The features might be present). nature of this impact is shown in Figures 3 and 4. In spite of the damage to the two sites, it At the same time the damage to was our opinion that they were too significant to 38CH1473 was identified, a new site was also dismiss. In order to explore the possibility that found, also on the Lutheran Homes property. This information concerning slave lifeways might still be new site, recorded as 38CH1563, had its present, we recommended that 38CH1473 be boundaries established through a series of four subjected to combined block excavations and transects with 23 shovel tests excavated at 25 foot stripping and that 38CH1563 be subjected to close intervals (Figure 5). The artifacts were found to be interval testing, metal detecting, block excavations, consistent in age with those from 38CH1471 and and stripping. We cautioned that both sites likely 38CH1473. A mean ceramic date of 1753.1 was had a low density of artifacts, probably since they
4 INTRODUCTION
o 40 80
SCALE IN FEET
_____ SITE BOUNDARY /.,.------...... / , - / ' ...- / """, / ...... / - "" • STAKE ("50' CENTER LINE D 1+93 II C6.45") / "" / ~~~ ...... -...... // S) ~ ~~~" I ~~~\) ~~~O\)' · WOODS "~~C:,~tyO~ ...... / I \ \.\:) .' I " _v,~·/ WOODS I STAKE'- '" <"\ ~~ ••• / / 9<¢V...:::.· / 0# .' ------"" 0« DITCH <¢ Figure 3. Plan view of 38CH1473 after impacted by construction. Figure 4. View of damage to 38CH1473 discovered in January 1995. 5 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" o ST9 SITE BOUNDARY ~ __O~T~ e POSmVE SHOVEL TEST / ST7 e ' o NEGATIVE SHOVEL TEST / LT, SHELL / / WOODS e ST2 0- STAKE "38 SAVE" ! eST! WET " e STS,AREA o STIS o ST6 e / 4() 80 STn/ / SCALE IN FEET / """----~ o ST!8 Figure 5. Plan view of 38CH1563, discovered during efforts to re-identify 38CH1471. Figure 6. Site 38CH1563' showing damage when found in late January 1995. 6 INTRODUCTION reflected low status slave sites. Our concern was Research Strategy and Questions . that artifact quantity might be mistakenly equated with significance. In both cases, we believed that Site 38CH1471 was recommended eligible significance was based on the reasonable hope that for inclusion on the National Register for its architectural features will be present, in potential contribution to our understanding of conjunction with the known artifact assemblage. In small planters in Christ Church Parish. Much of other words, a combined approach of block the historical, and archaeological, research has excavation and mechanical stripping was necessary focused on the wealthy planters. In general, to recover the significant data from the sites. These historical research has explored the gentry, or recommendations were concurred with by the planter elite - those who estates of over (and SHPO. frequently well over) £1000. The Lutheran Homes eventually Perhaps the most notable example of this contracted with a colleague, Brockington and historiography isA New World Gentry: The Making Associates, for the data recovery of at least one of of a Merchant and Planter Class in South Carolina, these sites. A management summary of work at 1670-1770 by Richard Waterhouse (1989), while 38CH1563 (Anonymous 1995) was provided by Peter Coclanis' (1989) The Shadow of a Dream: Brockington and Associates. This document reveals Economic Life and Death in the South Carolina that considerable additional construction related Low Country, 1670-1920 explores how illusionary damage occurred after the site was identified and much of this wealth actually was. Kevin Sweeny flagged in the field (on January 31, 1995) and explores the complex inter-relationships which before the field work (which began on February formed the genteellifeways of the elite: 23, 1995). This, unfortunately, prevented the use of the grid which we established during the initial Their houses became survey of the site. The Brockington and Associates embodiments of power, and goods study included the excavation of 73 50-em. units, that had once been exotic and six 1-m squares, and one 1 by 2 meter square unavailable became essential parts (several of which were not screened). In addition, of genteel lifestyles and four site areas were mechanically stripped, reinforced the claims of social representing about 20% of the site. Features status and political leadership of recovered from the site included two probable the colonies' essentially bourgeois structures, a well, a post hole, and two small pits. upper classes (Sweeny 1994:2). We have no additional information concerning 38CH1563 and no information concerning Only recently have the yeoman farmers of 38CH1473. the low country been examined in any detail. Stephanie McCurry (1995) begins this process with Data recovery' excavations continued at Masters of Small Worlds, which explores the ties 38CH1471, the John Whitesides main settlement, which bound both gentry and yeomanry together. from January 23 to February 8, 1995. A total of But, in general, these small farmers are very hard 509 person hours were devoted to the work, which to see historically - they left little record of their included the primary excavation of 1,062.5 cubic existence. Nearly three decades ago Aubrey Land feet of Zone 1 soils, opening a total of 925 square (1989) remarked: feet. A management summary of these investigations was produced in February 1995 and By any standards their lives were forwarded to the SHPO in fulfillment of the drab. Their houses more nearly Coastal Council MOA on February 22, 1995. No resembled shacks than the comments were received. This final report on the mansion of tradition, and almost excavations at 38CH1471 fulfills the requirements all of them have disappeared. of The Beach Company to this particular Their stocks of worldly goods archaeological site. 7 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" comprised the bare essentials of £1,000 to invest, sufficient to purchase 1,000 acres daily living . . . . The drama of and 30 slaves, and resulting in an annual return of marketplace and political forum at least £300 (Greene 1989:25-26), they did not passed them by (Land 1989:3). ignore those of more modest means. Nairne, for example, promised that for only an initial Between these two worlds, however, lies investment of £100, a newcomer could live in that of the small planter. Land suggests the most "Comfort and Decency." With even this small sum obvious distinction might be the value of property a small planter could purchase at least 200 acres of with these small planters having estates ranging land, two black slaves, a range of stock, and tools from perhaps £100 to £1,000. Neither poor nor and supplies. Such individuals could clear and rich, he notes they were, "families of substance - plant enough land the first year to be self a description that carried definite meaning to the .sufficient. In short order such an individual could eighteenth century mind" (Land 1989:3). At the "get a competent Estate, and live very handsomly" same time he warns us not to think of these three (Nairne, quoted in Greene 1980:11). Norris broadly defined groups as "classes," since indeed described a similar situation, explaining that such they were not. Richard Bushman (1992) insists that an individual could acquire "great quantities of this new gentility most often was adopted as bits Land as well as Stock" and many slaves who would and pieces. He notes that, "gentility flecked lives in tum plant rice and make naval stores to the without coloring them." Perhaps even more to the "great Profit and Advantage" of their owners. point is Sweeny's observation that competitive These small farmers, "in Time, [would] thereby consumption and the rise of consumer goods in the become able to build fine Brick Houses" and late eighteenth century "could blur rather than otherwise maintain their families "with Credit and strengthen class distinctions" as previously Honour" (quoted in Greene 1989"11). expensive, rare, and specialized goods became more readily available to all classes (Sweeny 1994: Small planters, therefore, were expected to 29). aspire to greater heights and should be able to achieve the genteel life in Carolina. As Norris put Both Sweeny and Bushman agree that by it, to "live ... Plentiful, and get Riches withal to the end of the eighteenth century and beginning of Admiration" (quoted in Green 1989:14). the nineteenth, the genteel life had spread dramatically to what might be considered the As both Waterhouse (1989:196) and middle class - including the modest (or small) Coclanis (1989:56-59) discovered: planters, as well as merchants and professionals Bushman, for example, observes that: . the dominant impulse in South Carolina was a material one, by the middle of the nineteenth involving the ruthless exploitation century, vernacular gentility had of natural resources, native become the possession of the inhabitants, and imported slaves American middle class. All who (Waterhouse 1989:196). aspired to simple respectability had to embody the marks of the Yet, the road to wealth and gentility was more genteel style in their persons and open in some parishes than others. The most their houses (Bushman 1992:xiii). wealthy (and most genteel) planters became socially and politically entrenched in St. Andrew's, Far earlier, into the late seventeenth and St. John's Berkeley, St. James' Goose Creek, St. early eighteenth centuries, the importance of the Thomas and St. Dennis, St. George's, and St. small planter was recognized by such promoters of Stephen's parishes. the Carolina Colony as Thomas Nairne and John Norris. While clearly encouraging those with Waterhouse uses data concerning colonial 8 INTRODUCTION assemblymen (Table 2) to reveal the stark support for such an observation (South Carolina differences between the various parishes. St. Department of Archives and History, B.P.R.O. George's and St. John's Berkeley elected Transcripts of Records Relating to South Carolina, assemblymen with estates valued at £8691 to £6737 vol. ix, pp. 22-23). sterling, and average slave holdings of 137 and 107, respectively. In contrast, Christ Church Parish Even into the 1850s and 1860s Christ elected assemblymen with an average wealth of Church exhibited stunted economic growth, never only £2009 and owning only 37 slaves. fully participating in either rice or cotton cultivation. Instead, as Michael Scardaville These economic differences can be seen in observes (Brockington et al. 1985:35) Christ the politics of the parishes, even as late as the 1832 Church Parish created its own niche by supplying nearby Charleston with beef, vegetables, and orchard products - an early effort at truck farming. Table 2. Wealth of Colonial Assemblymen The planters in Christ Church were (adapted from Waterhouse1989:Table 11) therefore different - politically, economically, average and socially. They were masters of smaller value of estate average acreage, owners of fewer slaves, and less focused on the cash crops of monoculture. As a result, Parish £ sterling slaveholding they were less wealthy and participated less St. Phillip's & aggressively in both colonial and antebellum St. Michaels 8883 79 politics. Nevertheless, they were still bound St. Paul's 4910 106 together by the web of social interaction and Christ Church 2009 37 marriage. The resulting small planter society - St. John's Berkeley 5299 84 St. James' Goose Creek 6737 107 its people, its goods, and its way of life - is St. George's 8691 137 reflected in Christ Church. St. Andrew's 4208 93 St. James' Santee 4209 80 A considerable amount of plantation St. Thomas & St. Dennis 4101 71 archaeology has focused on the nineteenth St. Bartholomew's 3605 76 century or antebellum plantations, especially on St. Helena's 3216 73 the African-American slaves, helping to give a Prince George's 2713 66 voice to their muted existence. Less common are St. John's Colleton 4468 56 archaeological investigations of eighteenth Prince Frederick's 2153 37 century slave life. Most notable are those of Prince William's 5045 104 Yaughan and Cumboo (Wheaton et al. 1983), Lesesne Plantation (Zierden et al. 1986), Wappoo Plantation (Gardner and Poplin 1992), Stanyame Plantation (Adams 1994), and the nullification vote. While nullifiers easily won in Wando River Lexington Plantation (Wayne and parishes such as St. Bartholomew's, St. Paul's, St. Dickinson 1990). Andrew's, St. John's Berkeley, and St. Stephen'S, Christ Church voted overwhelmingly for the Union Of these, only the last, focuses on the (60.9% to 39.1%) (McCurry 1995:273). particular situation of slaves to Christ Church masters and even here the plantation offers a As Waterhouse (1989:176) observes, Christ somewhat unusual situation, since it was focused Church was never a political stronghold for the not only on growing cotton (in the uplands) and planter elite. He attributes this to the "inferior soil rice (along the Wando), but also on brick and general poverty" of the area. Indeed there is production using clays native to this area of the 9 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" Wando (Wayne and Dickinson 1990:3-20 - 3-21). 1754. Although Wayne and Dickinson note that Baxter may have practiced subsistence farming, he When archaeological research has focused was hardly a planter, relying on his preaching to on the plantation owners, it again seems to meet his worldly needs. Curiously, the artifact concentrate on the elite. Examples include the pattern identified at the site is very similar to that examinations of the Broom Hall and Crow field identified from the Elfe Plantation (Table 3). plantations in St. James' Goose Creek (Trinkley et al. 1992 and Trinkley 1995). Other studies of high While the small planters and yeomanry status plantations include Archdale (Zierden et al. made up the vast majority of the eighteenth and 1985), Drayton Hall (Lewis 1978; Wheaton 1989), nineteenth century population, they are rarely and Green Grove (Carrillo 1980). represented in the archaeological literature. This may be at least partially the result of biases Examinations of small planters in the inherent in the discovery and evaluation of eighteenth century, while typically not explicitly archaeological resources - small sites are less articulated as such, might include the examination easily observed and may be more often evaluated of the Elfe Plantation on Daniels Island (Trinkley as not worthy of additional research. It may also be 1985). This work revealed relatively low status ceramics with no clear evidence of structural remains. At least some characteristics of this Table 3. assemblage may be explained by Elfe's Charleston Comparison of the Artifact Patterns from lifestyle and primary occupation as a craftsman. the Elfe Plantation with the Baxter The plantation was primarily used by his widow Settlement (adapted from Wayne and after his death. Dickinson 1990:11-15) Martha Zierden and her colleagues also % % explored portions of the eighteenth century Artifact Grou2 Elfe Baxter Fairbanks Plantation on Daniels Island, revealing Kitchen 85.2 88.8 that the planter and slaves apparently lived in close Architecture 8.6 8.6 Anns 0.2 proximity, at least early during the site's history Clothing 0.4 0.1 (Zierden et al. 1986). While additional yard and Tobacco 1.3 1.9 . trash features were encountered, the work was able Personal 0.3 to provide relatively little information on the Activities 4.3 lifeways of the site's early owner. Early remains from a small planter were a function of where the vast majority of also reported by Kennedy and Roberts (1993) from archaeological research has taken place - on large excavations at 38BU1289 in Prince William's sea islands opened for development which Parish and somewhat later remains are reported historically supported the largest cotton and rice from another Prince William's plantation (Adams planters. Regardless, there has been no et al. 1995). examination of Christ Church planters - the "South Carolina Establishment" referred to by One of the very few accounts of a Christ Anne King Gregorie (1961). Church owner's site in the eighteenth century is provided by Lucy Wayne and Martin F. Dickinson Based on this overview of the historical (1990:11-1 - 11-15). Mean ceramic dates range and archaeological resources available, five specific from 1737 to 1755, consistent with the historical research questions were proposed at the conclusion research which suggests that the site was owned by of the survey: the Rev. John Baxter and his wife, Sarah, the daughter of Thomas Lynch, from about 1738 to • The nature of Euro-American architecture 10 INTRODUCTION at small plantations during the early to mid Carson et al (1988) suggest that in the eighteenth century. Previous research has Chesapeake region the plantation main house documented the changing styles of architecture development consisted of "hovel, house, home," from the eighteenth into the nineteenth century attempting to suggest a continuum from the initial (see, for example, Adams 1990 and Brooker 1990). modest simple home through large, expensive brick Many of the changes observed by Colin Brooker, mansion. Unfortunately, little more is known about and earlier authorities such as Samuel Gaillard the early stages of plantation architecture today Stoney (1989), are likely efforts to adopt to the than when Stoney was writing in the 1930s. Carolina setting, while still other changes represent immediate needs. The investigation of 38CH1471 was thought to offer an opportunity to explore the Stoney, for example, offers one ofthe best architecture of a small plantation. Not only was the sources of information about plantation main plantation probably engaged in a different form of houses, commenting: economic activity than the cash crop plantations which focused on rice and cotton, but the In general there are several archaeological remains are early, offering a glimpse seemingly notable things about of what a small planter might find fitting. the Low Country plantation houses, among them their • The effects of the economic base of cattle planning. Before the Revolution, ranching on owner lifeways. One question which most particularly for the length of reappears throughout 'our study of Christ Church the territory we cover, and from is how did the lives of owners engaged in different the opening years of the economic pursuits differ? Just as the architecture eighteenth century almost to its was likely affected by the plantation economics, so ending, one plan was used over too would have been the lifeways of the owners and over again with only a slight and their families. variation. In point of time we find it first at Mulberry, where, if you Many of the early settlers and would-be will imagine away the towers, you planters engaged in cattle ranching, allowing cattle have the scheme that is repeated to free range, foraging for food. Hewatt remarked at Hanover, Brick House, that: Fenwick Hall, Crowfield, Limerick, and Lewisfield; at cattle increased in an amazing Fairbanks and Hampton in their manner, and thrived exceedingly final condition; and after the well in their forest. Having little Revolution at Eutaw. With its winter, the woods furnished them unequal division of the front of a with both shelter and provisions house, and the central stair hall, it all the year; neither houses nor is also the plan of the upper story attendants were provided for of the Charleston Double Houses them, but each planter's cattle, - the scheme of most of the finer distinguished by his mark, every houses of the 1750's and '60's where grazed with freedom not found in the city (Stoney (Hewatt 1971:1:95 [1779]). 1989:44). Edmund Ruffin was less gentle, remarking Stoney, however, fails to distinguish between the that often the cattle "cannot find enough food in high status brick houses of the elite planters and the pine woods & bays or swamps to keep them the lower status homes of the small planter - alive" (Mathew 1992:210). In July or August they probably because so few of the latter existed. would be gathered up and driven into Charleston to be sold. In spite of the problems, Ruffin 11 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" suggests that at least some managed to obtain a Research at 38CH1471 might help place 15% return on their investment, largely he the site into the continuum from rural to urban. explains, since the land being used was so We anticipated that exploration of small worthless that it sold for almost nothing. It is likely plantations, in close proximity to Charleston, but that this return, on so little capital investment, still independent of its social and economic sphere, encouraged many small planters throughout the would likely provide different reconstructions. eighteenth century, to become ranchers. • The relationship of such small plantation Contrary to Ruffin, Rebecca Starr has settlements to the close urban setting of Charleston. attempted to demonstrate the economic motive Small plantation owners, focused on ranching in encouraging the transition from ranching to indigo the early eighteenth century, · may have had (and, we would guess, rice). She suggests that relatively little contact with Charleston. It may be indigo production on a typical (ca. 625 acre that the urban-rural dichotomy is especially strong plantation with perhaps 30 acres in indigo) might at such plantations, both because of their early result in the gross return of £3150 about 1750. In period of occupation and also because of their comparison, she suggests an annual return of setting. On the other hand, the very (posited) perhaps £500 for cattle production (Starr 1984). It function of the plantation as a cattle ranch assumes is this difference she contends, that spurred cattle very close ties with the urban Charleston market, ranchers to quickly shift into indigo. Of course, this which may actually increase opportunities for scenario makes several assumptions - for example, economic and social interaction. This is a very Starr has not factored in the differences in costs, broad topic and we recognized that we might only instead she offers only gross, not net, returns. It begin to explore the issue. Very much to the point also seems that she ignores the likelihood that are the comments offered by Zierden et al. almost all successful planters incorporated a range (1986:7-98) noting that archaeologists are only of pursuits, when they were able. Co clan is (1989:58), beginning to discern subtle differences between too, suggests that ranching, as an early land rural and urban settings. The full extent of these intensive activity similar to extraction and plunder, differences will not be known, much less gradually gave way to economic activities which . understood, until a variety of sites are explored. required greater inputs of labor and capital. For the Christ Church planters, constrained by..... small • The nature of landscape altering activities holdings and poor soils, but in close proximity to on the plantation. Archaeologists are increasingly Charleston, there may have been relatively few aware that the activities on the plantation affected options. This shift may never have occurred. the broader landscape. Roads were built, fences were maintained, fields were subdivided, clusters of Most archaeological research has examined structures with functional if not aesthetic meaning these later developments of rice and cotton. The were developed - all affecting, organizing, and research at 38CH1471 was thought to allow an seeking to control the landscape. Often the small opportunity to explore an even earlier aspect of the buildings, such as the kitchen, dairy, or office, may plantation's Marxian accumulation. tell us as much about the plantation owner as the main house. Taken together, the plantation • Euro-American foodways during the complex can help us better understand not only colonial period. The extensive research of Elizabeth how this owner lived, but also how others like him Reitz (1987) has begun to offer a distinction attempted to control the landscape in order to between the foodways of rural and urban settings. present a particular world view. In general, she suggests that urban residents used more domestic species, especially domesticated birds. As a consequence, wild animals are found to a lesser extent at urban sites and fewer wild species are recovered. 12 INTRODUCTION The Natural Settiug area of mud and sand beaches which gradually rise to relatively poorly drained interior "high lands." Physiography Elevations in the project area range from Charleston County is located in the lower about 5 to 15 feet AMSL, with most of the Atlantic Coastal Plain of South Carolina and is property falling at or below 10 feet AMSL. There bounded to the east by the Atlantic Ocean and a is a gradual slope toward the marsh on the series of marsh, barrier, and sea islands (Mathews southern edge of the property, while elsewhere the et a1. 1980:133). Elevations in the County range tract is nearly flat with numerous wetlands and from sea level to about 70 feet above mean sea low, swampy areas. During the survey of the level (AMSL). The mainland topography, which Seaside Farms tract numerous ditches were consists of subtle ridge and bay undulations, is encountered and many were likely antebellum in characteristic of beach ridge plains. origin - evidence of efforts to drain and make productive the otherwise low, unhealthy "sea shore" Seven major drainages are found in lands. . Charleston County. Four of these, the Wando, Ashley, Stono, and North Edisto, are dominated by Flooding, however, was not limited to tidal flows and are saline. The Wando forms a ground water and rain water on the interior portion of the County's the interior boundary portions of the plantation. Coastal fl00ding was northeast of Charleston, while the Ashley flows also a serious concern. A berm or dike found along west of the peninsular city of Charleston. The the marsh front dates from at least the late three with significant freshwater flow are the eighteenth century, based on its presence on early Santee, which forms the northern boundary of the plats, and was almost certainly designed to protect County; the South Edisto, which forms the the fields and buildings from excessively high tides southern boundary; and the Cooper, which bisects and the occasional northeastern storm. the County. Geology and Soils Because of the low topography, many broad, low gradient interior drains are present as Coastal Plain geological formations are either extensions of the tidal rivers or as flooded unconsolidated sedimentary deposits of very recent bays and swales. Extensions include Hobcaw, age, primarily Pleistocene and Holocene. They are Rathall, Foster, Horlbeck, Boone Hall, Wagner, found lying unconformably on more ancient Toomer, and Allston creeks which flow west, north, crystalline rocks which are rarely exposed by nature or northeast into the Wando (see Figure 1). (Cooke 1936; Miller 1971:74). Flooded bays and swales are equally common in the project area, typically being shown on historic The soils formed from these Holocene and plats as "galls" or "swamps." While these area often Pleistocene soils were typically deposited in various exhibit productive soil, they must be drained and stages of coastal submergence. Soil formation is the drains kept open - both were laborious and affected by the parent material (primarily sands unhealthy tasks assigned to African American and clays), the temperate climate (discussed later), slaves. the various soil organisms, the flat topography of the area, and time. The project area is situated just 8 miles from Charleston in what historically was known as Mainland soils are primarily Pleistocene in Christ Church Parish. It is protected from the age and tend to have more distinct horizons and Atlantic Ocean by Dewees Island, the Isle of greater diversity than the younger soils found ion Palms, as well as a host of small marsh islands and the sea and barrier islands. Sandy to loamy soils large bays. Behind this marsh fringe is what predominate in the level to gently sloping mainland historically has been called the "Sea Shore" - an areas. The adjacent tidal marsh soils are Holocene in age and consist of fine sands, clay, and organic 13 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" matter deposited over older Pleistocene sands. where secured from freshets, are These soils are frequently covered by up to 2 feet equally valuable with the tide of saltwater during high tides. Historically marsh lands. The oak and hickory soils have been used as compost or fertilizer for a highlands are well suited for com variety of crops, including cotton (Hammond and provisions, also for indigo 1884:510) and Allston mentions that the sandy soil and cotton. The value of these of the coastal region, ''bears well the admixture of may be stated at from ten to salt and marsh mud with the compost" (Allston twenty dollars per acre. The pine 1854:13). barrens are not worth more than one dollar an acre (Mills As the colony was being settled and 1972:442-443 [1826]). promoted, the soils were described simply. John Norris told his readers in 1712: Even the detail of this account, however, fails to provide a very clear picture of the soils in Christ the Soil is generally Sandy, but of Church where the sands were low and commonly differing Colours, under which, interspersed with galls or small inland swamps. Two or Three Foot Deep, is Clay Here the property, even the supposedly good of which good Bricks are made hickory and oak lands, were poorly drained. (Greene 1989:89). A number of period accounts discuss the In the last quarter of the eighteenth century, importance of soil drainage. Seabrook, for William DeBrahm's Report provides little more example, explained in 1848: information, stating only that, "the Land near the Sea Coast is in general of a very sandy Soil" and subsoil so close as to be noting that this soil "along the Coast has as yet not impervious to water; so that the been able to invite the industrious to reap Benefit excess of the rains of winter of its Capacity" (DeVorsey 1971:72). cannot sink. Nor can it flow off, because of the level surface .... By the nineteenth century, Robert Mills in The land thereby is kept his Statistics of South Carolina provides slightly thoroughly water-soaked until late more information concerning the current in the spring. The long continued understanding of the soils: wetness is favorable only to growth of coarse and sour grasses Lands here [in Charleston and broom sedge . . . acid and District] may be viewed under six antiseptic qualities of the soil ... divisions in respect to quality; 1st, sponge-like power to absorb and Tide swamp; 2d, Inland swamp; retain water ... is barren, (for 3d, High river swamp (or low useful crops) from two causes - ground, commonly called second excessive wetness and great low grounds); 4th, Salt Marsh; acidity. The remedies required 5th, Oak and hickory high lands; are also two; and neither alone and 6th, Pine barren. The tide will be of the least useful effect, and inland swamps are peculiarly with the other also. Draining must adapted to the culture of rice and remove the wetness - calcareous hemp; they are very valuable, and manures the acidity (Seabrook will frequently sell for $100 an 1848:37). acre; in some instances for more. The high river swamps are well A somewhat sinlilar account was still be provided calculated for raising hemp, by Hammond in the postbellum: indigo, com, and cotton; and 14 INTRODUCTION drainage . . . has of necessity frequently within a foot of the surface. The typical always been practiced to some profile reveals a black to very dark brown loamy extent. The remarkably high beds fine sand to about 1.8 feet, providing clear on which cotton is planted here, evidence of chemical reduction. Surface runoff is being from 18 inches to 2 feet very slow and water is frequently ponded on these high, subserve this purpose. The soils (Miller 1971:24, 56). Historically they were best planters have long had open associated with the galls or sloughs which ran drains through their fields. These through the tract and were used for the cultivation were generally made by running of interior swamp rice. two furrows with a plow and afterward hauling out the loose The tidal marsh soils, which account for dirt with a hoe, thus leaving an 4.4% of the two plantations, represent a tidal flat open ditch, if it be so termed, a which extend into the area. These broad, level flats foot or more in depth (Hammond are typically covered by 0.4 to 2 feet of salt water 1884:509). at high tide (Miller 1971:28). Today a portion of this area has been impounded to create a small The number of drainages still found on the Seaside lake. Farms tract in the late twentieth century offers mute testimony to the problems planters The most common soils, accounting for encountered on these soils and their efforts to 79.0% of the Whitesides' plantations are Scranton make the land productive. These problems have soils. These consist of somewhat poorly drained also been briefly mentioned by Hilliard, who soils which are sandy throughout. The typical comments that soils in the region were, "seldom profile reveals about 0.8 foot of black loamy fine well enough drained for most crops" (Hilliard sand overlying a dark grayish-brown loamy fine 1984:11). sand to a depth of about 2 feet. Like the Rutledge soils, the Scranton Series may have a seasonal high If the soils from the John and Moses water table within 1 to 2 feet of the surface, Whitesides tracts are examined (see Figure 2), only although they are not as prone to flooding and four series are encountered: Rutlege, Scranton, poor drainage is most notable during heavy rains. Chipley, and tidal marsh. Of these, only the Regardless, the inherent fertility is low and the Chipley soils, which account for only 8.9% of the soils must be drained for productive agriculture two tracts, are moderately well drained. The (Miller 1971:26,56). remainder of the soils range from wet or very poorly drained to somewhat poorly drained. If the plats of the Whitesides plantations are examined (see the following section), numerous These Chipley soils, depending on their references will be found to bushy or open ponds slope and location may actually range from and galls. Trees were noted as pines, water oaks, moderately well drained to somewhat poorly gum, bay, and red cedar. Only occasional drained. They are sandy throughout, having a very references are made to trees found on drier soils, dark gray loamy fine sand surface layer overlying such as live oak or magnolia. Tracts or sub-parcels a yellowish-brown loamy fine sand which gets on the plantations are noted as "mixed flat land," lighter with depth. The inherent fertility of these "flat land in places low, mixed timber," and "pine soils is low and permeability may be impeded by land." the a water table which may range from 2 to 5 feet below the surface (Miller 1971:10-11, 54). Taken together, the current information and the historical documentation reveal low, poorly The Rutlege soils account for about 7.7% drained soils with. only limited agricultural of the two tracts and are found in nearly level to productivity. The impact of this on the agriculture depressional areas. They are poorly drained to very and wealth of the Whitesides will be discussed in poorly drained and the seasonal high water table is greater detail in the following section. 15 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" Climate been compiled by John Duffy (1952), who found that the average European could expect to live to The weather was all important in Colonial the age of about 30 in South Carolina during the society, affecting the crops which in tum affected first quarter of the eighteenth century. Yellow trade and wealth. Just as importantly, the Carolina fever, smallpox, diphtheria, scarlet fever, malaria, climate affected, usually for the worse, the dysentery all were at home in Carolina. Using the planter's health. Greene notes that: Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (SPG) records, Duffy found that from 1700 to 1750, 38% the prospects of obtaining wealth of the missionaries either died or were coIP-pelled with ease . . . meant little in a to resign because of serious illness within the first menacing environment, and both five years of their arrival. Within 10 years of their Nairne and Norris took pains to arrival, 52% had died or resigned because of their minimize the unpleasant and health. After 15 years in the colony, the combined dangerous features that already death toll and resignations from sickness reached had combined to give South 68% - two out of every three missionaries. Carolina an ambiguous reputation. They had to admit African Americans fared no better. Frank that throughout the summer Klingberg (1941:154), using SPG records found temperatures were "indeed that in a single four month period over 400 slaves troublesome to Strangers." But died of "distemper." William Dusinberre, exploring they contended that settlers had rice plantations along the Carolina coast, entitled quickly found satisfactory one of his chapters "The Charnel House" - a remedies in the form of "open reference to the extraordinary morbidity of African airy Rooms, Arbours and Americans on rice plantations. He reports that on Summer-houses" constructed in some plantations the child mortality rate (to age shady groves and frequent cool sixteen) was a horrific 90% (Dusinberre 1996:51), baths and insisted the while the probable average for rice plantations discomfitures of the summers was around 60% (Dusinberre 1996:239). Cotton were more than offset by the plantations were healthier, but even there fully a agreeableness of the rest of the third of all slave children did not live to see their seasons. [They also suggested] sixteenth birthday. that ill-heath was largely limited to newcomers before they were Beginning in the last third of the seasoned to the climate, to people eighteenth century the life expectancy began to who insisted in living in low increase. Merrens and Terry suggest that this was marshy ground, and to those who the result of the occupants beginning to understand were excessive and careless in the cause of malaria: their eating, drinking, and personal habits. "If temperate," During the middle of the they asserted, those who lived on eighteenth century South "dry healthy Land," were Carolinian's perception of the "generally very healthful" (Greene wholesome environment of the 1989:16). lowcountry swamps began to change. People no longer While making for good public relations, preferred these areas on the score the reality was far different. Roy Merrens and of health as a place of summer George Terry (1989) found that in Christ Church residence. Instead, residents Parish, 86% of all those whose births and deaths began to view the lowcountry as are recorded in the parish register, died before the fostering both mosquitoes and age of twenty. Equally frightening statistics have 16 INTRODUCTION death (Merrens and Terry the sun's beams, and preventing the 1989:547). exhalation of these stagnating waters, occasions the lands to be always wet, but The Charleston climate, with its moderate by cutting down the wood is partly winters and long, hot summers, affected not only evaporated, and the earth better adapted the health of the population and the crops grown, to the culture of rice (Catesby, quoted in it also influenced the politics of Carolina. The Merrens 1977:93). summer climate of Carolina, while causing the Barbadian immigrants to feel that they had He also mentions that these swamps, filled with "a resettled in the tropics, also convinced most that profusion of flagrant and beautiful plants give a slavery was inevitable. Not only was slavery the most pleasing entertainment to the senses, therein accepted order to the planters from Barbados, . excelling other parts of the country, and by their Jamaica, Antique, and St. Kitts, it seemed closeness and warmth in winder are a recess to impossible for white Englishmen to work in the many of the wading and water-fowls" (Catesby, torrid heat - making African American slaves that quoted in Merrens 1977:93). much more essential (Donnan 1928). Even in Christ Church parish, which in 1720 had a very low The Whitesides' plantations on the "sea settlement compared to other parishes (Table 4), shore" of Christ Church, while being low and slaves comprised 85.6% of the population. generally unfavorable to agriculture, incorporated a number of distinctly different ecotones, many of Vegetation which are actually very productive. Along the southern edge of the property, for example, would Just as the early explorers described the have been the salt marsh and its border zonation. climate as healthful, the Carolina vegetation was The upper marsh would have been dominated by usually descnbed as bountiful and fruitful. Catesby marsh elder, sea myrtle or groundsel, and descnbed the swamp lands, typical of many areas marshhay cordgrass. Slightly lower marsh areas in Christ Church, in the first decade of the might be dominated by glasswort, smooth eighteenth century: cordgrass, and sea oxeye. Regardless, these communities are almost entirely dependent on the before they are prepared for rice, duration of flooding and the salinity of the water. are thick, over-grown with undeIWood and lofty trees of Just behind the marsh, and only slightly mighty bulk, which by excluding further inland, would be the maritime forest, where the salt spray is enough to influence the development of the climax vegetation Table 4. (Barry 1980:178). Here live oaks, White and Slave Population of South Carolina palmettoes, and slash pines are most in 1720 (Adapted from B.P.R.O. Transcripts, vol. 9, frequently found. Other species might page 23) include the loblolly pine, turkey oak, red bay, and wax myrtle. Principallianas, the Parish Whites Black Slaves % Slaves St. Phillip's Charles Town 283 1390 83.1 curse of coastal archaeological surveys Christ Church 107 637 85.6 even today, might include yellow St. Thomas & St. Denis 113 942 89.3 jessamine, greenbrier, Virginia creeper, St. John's 97 1439 93.7 and poison ivy. St. James' Goose Creek 107 2027 95 .0 St. Andrew's 210 2493 88.9 St. George's 68 536 88.7 Further inland there would likely St. Paul's 201 1634 89.0 be a mixture of different communities, St. Bartholomew's 47 144 75.4 many influenced by the action of humans St. James' Santee 42 584 71.5 - earlier by the Native Americans and St. Helena 30 42 58.3 17 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" later by the English planters. Areas of mesic mixed Curation hardwood and pine might be found on the better drained soils. The dominant species would be white An updated archaeological site form for oak, often in combination with loblolly pine. Found 38CH1471 has been filed with the South Carolina as occasional overstory trees would be sweetgum, Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology beech, southern red oak, post oak, maple, and (SCIAA). The field notes, photographic materials, hickory. Understory plants would include dogwood, and artifacts resulting from these investigations redbud, and holly. have been curated at that institution under site number 38CH1471. In addition, small cOllections While classic cypress-tupelo swamps are from the testing of 38CH1473 and 38CH1563 are found in some areas along the coast, the study also curated at SCIAA. The collections have been tract does not exhibit areas of alluvial soil with an cleaned and/or conserved as necessary. Further open circulation of water. Instead, what are called information on conservation treatments may be upland swamps are present. While still having acid found in a following section. All original records conditions and wet soils, the vegetation is often and duplicate copies were provided to the very different. The upland swamps are dominated curatorial facility on pH neutral, alkaline buffered by pond cypress, pond pine, and slash pine (Barry paper and the photographic materials were 1980:150-151). processed to archival permanence standards. Also present would be old growth pine communities, created by disturbances such as fire or clear cutting the hardwoods. In these areas longleaf pine culminates in a closed canopy with a very sparsely populated understory. Hardwood introductions are exceedingly uncommon, but where present may include sweetgum, persimmon, and hickory (Barry 1980: 172-173). These areas presented the pine flat woods shown on many plats and mentioned by many early accounts as being unproductive (even along the coast being called "pine barrens"). These are closely related, biologically, to the pine savannahs which might best be described as longleaf pine pyric climax forests. While Christ Church has historically presented a challenge to planters, it is clear from even this general account of its vegetation, that there is tremendous diversity. Unfortunately, it was that diversity, engendered by the soils and climate, which made the area seem so unproductive. Although planters could · fathom draining huge acreages of river swamps for rice, there was little interest in draining the seemingly infertile pine barrens which dominated Christ Church. Consequently, the unique combination of physiography, soils, climate, and vegetation dramatically affected the development of the area. 18 A HISTORIC SYNOPSIS As previously mentioned, most planters design of some skillful Artist than lived their lives in historical obscurity, leaving the accidental position of nature behind relatively little evidence of their (Mathews 1954:153). accomplishments or hopes. As a lot, the small planters were literate, without being lettered. What As previously mentioned, early settlers we see of them through historic documentation came from the English West Indies, other may be little more than deeds, occasional court mainland colonies, England, and the European actions (typically over debts), census accounts, and continent. It has been argued that those from the perhaps wills. Taken together, this is hardly the English West Indies were the most critical to the stuff forming intimate views. Nevertheless, careful future of the colony, as they brought with them a scrutiny, combined with a fair amount of intuitive strong agrarian concept, involving both staple crops logic, can sometimes provide a fair insight. and, especially, slave labor (Sirmans 1966). In the case of Seaside's early owners, a fair Early agriculture experiments which understanding can be pieced together even though involved olives, grapes, silkworms, and oranges we have no plantation diaries, account books, or were less than successful. Ironically, it was often family papers. Certainly enough is present to help the climate which precluded successful results. us interpret the archaeological record and address While the Indian trade was profitable to many of some of the questions posed for this work. the Carolina colonists, it did not provide the proprietors with the wealth they were expecting English Settlement from the new colony. While ranching offered quick, and relatively easy, cash, the proprietors The English established the first resisted such efforts, realizing that the profits they permanent settlement in what is today South would reap were far smaller than possible from the Carolina in 1670 on the west bank of the Ashley mercantile system. Consequently, the cultivation of River. Like other European powers, the English cotton, rice, tobacco, and flax were stressed as were lured to the New World for reasons other these were staple crops whose marketing the than the acquisition of land and promotion of proprietors could easily monopolize. agriculture. The Lord Proprietors, who owned the colony until 1719-1720, intended to discover a Economic Development staple crop whose marketing would provide great wealth through the mercantile system. Although introduced at least by the 1690s, rice did not become a significant staple crop until By 1680 the settlers of Albemarle Point the early eighteenth century. At that time it not had moved their village across the bay to the tip of only provided the proprietors with an economic the penmsula formed by the Ashley and Cooper base the mercantile system required, but it was also rivers. This new settlement at Oyster Point would to form the basis of South Carolina's plantation become modem-day Charleston. The move system (Carpenter 1973). Over production soon provided not only a more healthful climate and an followed, with a severe decline in prices during the area of better defense, but: 1740s. This economic down swing encouraged at least some planters to diversify and indigo was [t]he cituation of this Town is so introduced (Honeycutt 1949:33). Indigo convenient for public Commerce complemented rice production since they were that it rather seems to be the grown in mutually exclusive areas. Both, however, 19 ------"WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" were labor intensive and encouraged the large mention in Anne King Gregorie's history of Christ scale introduction of slaves. Church was that he was a Vestryman in 1755 (Gregorie 1961:46). It appears that only in death Although four counties, Berkeley, Craven, did Thomas Whitesides leave a clear historical Colleton, and Granville, were created by the legacy. Proprietors between 1682 and 1685, the Anglican parishes, established in 1706, became the local unit Thomas Whitesides' will, although not of political administration. Christ Church, situated dated, was proved on August 15, 1762 which immediately east of Charleston and confined by suggests that he died only a week or two earlier. In the sea shore on one side and the Wando River on the will, Thomas left his wife Sarah a life estate in the other, was closely aligned with Charleston his plantation as long as she maintained his throughout its history. While Charleston County children, "without charge" and under his name. At was created toward the end of the colonial period her death or remarriage it appears that the in 1768, the division of Christ Church remained a plantation lands would be evenly divided among significant social, as well as political, unit into the his five sons, Thomas, John, William, Edward, and late nineteenth century (see Gregorie 1961 for Moses, while his three daughters would each be further information on the social and religious given a lump sum of £200, to be paid by all his influence of the parish). sons except Moses (Charleston County WPA Wills, volume 9, p. 305). South Carolina's economic development during the pre-Revolutionary War period involved Christ Church was the scene of relatively a complex web of interactions between slaves, little economic development during the late planters, and merchants. By 1710 slaves colonial period. Zierden and Calhoun note that: outnumbered free people in South Carolina. While Christ Church Parish was sparsely populated, it, Charleston was the economic, too, was dominated by African American slaves. By institutional and social center of the 1730s slaves were beginning to be concentrated the surrounding region. The on a few, large slave-holding plantations. At the necessity of transacting business close of the eighteenth century some South in Charleston drew planters eager Carolina plantations had a ratio of slaves to whites to transform their crops into cash that was 27:1 (Morgan 1977). While over half of or goods . . . it [was] virtually eastern South Carolina's white population held imperative for a planter interested slaves, although few held very large numbers. The in society to reside in Charleston Charleston area had a slave popUlation greater at least occasionally (Zierden and than 50% of the total population by 1790. This . Calhoun 1984:36). imbalance between the races, particularly on remote plantations, may have lead to greater They argue that Charleston provided an "freedom" and mobility (Friedlander in Wheaton et opportunity for conspicuous consumption, a al. 1983:34). By the antebellum period this trend mechanism which allowed the display of wealth was less extreme. accumulated from the plantation system (with this mechanism continuing through the antebellum The early history of the study tract is still period). Scardaville (in Brockington et al.1985:45) poorly understood, although it is clear that in the notes that the plantation system which brought mid-eighteenth century the property was owned by prosperity·through the export of staple crops also Thomas Whitesides. Virtually nothing could be "made the colony ... highly vulnerable to outside discerned about his public or private life. He does market and political forces." not appear in the Combined Alphabetic Index at the S.c. Department of Archives and History. The most obvious example of this is the There is no entry for him in the genealogical files economic hardship brought on by the American of the South Carolina Historical Society. His only Revolution. Not only was the Charleston area the 20 A HISTORIC SYNOPSIS scene of many military actions, but Charleston and Marsh belonging to Mr. itself was occupied by the British for over 2% years Moses Whitesides between 1780 and 1782. The loss of royal bounties on rice, indigo, and naval stores caused B found to contain 220 considerable economic chaos with the eventual acres 51 H. exclusive of Sands "restructuring of the state's agricultural and and Marsh belonging to Mr. John commercial base" (Brockington et al. 1985:34). Whitesides Antebellum Charleston, Cotton Production, and NB The Tract A is the tract N4 in the Civil War a partition plat of a body of Lands and Marsh belonging to One means of "restructuring" was the the Estate of Mr. Whitesides emergence of cotton as the principal cash crop. deed. divided amonst his Sons, Although "upland" cotton was available as early as Said N4 being allotted to Mr. 1733, its ascendancy was ensured by the industrial Moses Whitesides for 225 acres. revolution, the invention of the cotton gin in 1794, and the availability of slave labor. While "Sea The Tract B is the lot Island" cotton was already being efficiently cleaned~ N 03 allotted to Mr. John the spread of cotton was primarily in the South Whitesides now held by his son Carolina interior. Consequently, Charleston John also said to contain 225 benefitted primarily through its role as a acres (McCrady Plat 5966). commercial center. The partition plat or at least a working The 1790 census lists the estate of Thomas copy, while undated, is also found in the McCrady Whitesides in Christ Church, noting that there collection. It shows the division of the plantation were two males under the age of 16, two females into four tracts, for Edward, Thomas, John, and (one of whom was certainly Sarah), one other free Moses Whitesides (McCrady Plats 5590). William, white. While the census doesn't enumerate the who died only two years after his father, in 1764, is estate's land, it does reveal the presence of 19 not included on the plat. African American slaves. By 1790 it appears that Moses Whitesides had struck out for himself, Returning to the plat showing the division establishing his own household with his wife and between Moses (to the northeast) and John (to the nine slaves. Sarah Whitesides is still listed as the southwest), there is considerable detail revealed. head of the household in 1800 census, although Previous mention has been made that the plat Moses is not listed. documents the physiography and drainage of the area. The boundary trees, for example, include In spite of these curious census results, a primarily mesic or wet species, such as gum, water May 1798 survey by Purcell (found in Charles oak, pines,laural oak, and holly. The several live Parker's papers and copied in 1861) shows the oaks are found primarily in the maritime forest division of a portion of Thomas Whitesides lands adjacent to the "sea shore." The plat also shows between his sons Moses and John (McCrady Plat three large galls running northeast-southwest 5966) (Figure 7). The apparent original, from through the northwest end of both tracts. Open or which this copy was produced, is also present in busy ponds are found scattered through the tracts. the McCrady collection, cataloged as Plat 2357. A The property is described as "Hat Land in places careful examination of the two reveals no low in woods mixed Timber," or as "Mixed Hat substantive differences. The notes on the plat Land," or simply as "pine land." reveal that: The Moses Whitesides tract, encompassing Tract A found to contain 210 210 acres, included one "old field" of about 7.2 acres 93 hundreds exclusive Sands 21 1:3 ~' ; '\i~sl~1~ .,...~~-..: .~, . ':' :t· ~ ...... :"~t:' ' • \I :t ~ ~ <, 7, '~~_~_k~_, , "; . ," -: -~~- " .. ~ ~ ~ ...,~ ~ -~ " ?- . !.- - - . i --~ . ~ _.- ---t.-.. -ll0'l(i4 :.-;~b~1- -.--" -- .. __ 0 1000 _._ _ _ Ai;'il~~ 1:7:=,-~~~~C · );J: -~-~k~ 2000 cu.... J~,,---r:; ' &. L-z "rw...... ;;:S' . /. .___ .'r-.--;( .j.' ,1.,f.;tA. ,,!,.• ,r-;--. .4~ rI ';'/~ . ,_/..£:.... . ~--....,.,.---:~~- . _.--+_ 1"7ft~. _-A.~ .... __ .f.L,- SCALE IN FEET Figure 7. Plat of the John and Moses Whitesides tracts in 1798 (McCrady Plat 5966). A HISTORIC SYNOPSIS acres and one "Field Flat Land" of about 38.9 acres. This large field, however, is also shown to include the main settlement, consisting of a main house and fenced area of about 0.4 acre. Two additional buildings are found to the east and north of the main house and access is by a road which runs parallel to the long dimension of the tract but northeast of the main settlement. There is, in other words, no direct avenue or allee to this settlement. There does, however, appear to be an avenue running directly from the main house to the "sea shore." SCALE IN FEET Such a landscape feature would not Figure 8. Close-up view of the John Whitesides settlement only permit a view of the marshes, but (McCrady Plat 5966). would also encourage a breeze, making the settlement more healthy. is the location of a ''well,'' situated at the "sea West north-west of the main settlement shore" end of the tract, between the two brother's are the "negro houses," a double row of three property. structures for a total of six. When compared to the 1790 census which listed only nine slaves, this The main settlement consisted of the main suggests that either several cabins were empty or house within a fenced area and four structures, all that Moses Whitesides had substantially increased bounding this fenced area, but outside. Three are in his slave holdings. on corners and one is centered on the southwest line. South of the main house was a structure Situated in the same field as .the mam labeled ''barn'' and even further, at the house, this settlement likely took up an additional southwestern edge of the tract, were the "Negro 1.0 acre. Consequently, Moses Whitesides was Houses," comprising a single row of four structures. cultivating approximately 37.5 acres of "high ground" (or 17.9% of the total) and may have been John Whitesides property include three growing rice in the sloughs or galls which were fields. One, encompassing 3.9 acres along the found on the tract. access road is labeled only "Cleared Land." Around the main and slave settlements are "Clear Land," To the southwest of Moses was his totaling 34.7 acres (with the main house brother, John Whitesides, with 220 acres. Situated encompassing about 0.8 acre). Finally, at the "sea almost dead center on the parcel was the main shore" end of the tract, there is a field of "rice and settlement and the slave row, taking a form very corn" covering 25 acres. In the eastern corner of similar to that seen on Moses' property (Figure 8). this field there is a single structure. In all, John The main house was accessed by an avenue coming apparently had 62.8 acres (28.5 % of the plantation) off the "Road to Christ Church." This was not the open for cultivation. Charleston-Georgetown Highway (which developed into U.S. 17), but rather a precursor to modern Apparently both Moses and John Rifle Range Road. Immediately before John Whitesides were involved in planting rice in the Whitesides house the road forks and lead over to upland swamps shown as galls on the plats. In the access road for his brother's property, addition, John was planting corn and rice on a suggesting that relations between the two were tract near the sea shore. Its likely that the good. Also suggesting some degree of mutual aid remainder of the land in plantations was devoted 23 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" to subsistence crops or fodder since there is no 198 acres belg to the heirs of mention of another cash crop. Thos. Whitesides deceased. No.2 -167 & 33 - makes 290 belong Between the last decade of the eighteenth to Charles Whitesides provided century and the first quarter of nineteenth century the Division line is to remain as our understanding of the ownership of the land is here referenced. But there is yet confused. The title search reveals that the study 25 acres to be taken from the tract can be traced back to three lines, one of N.W. end of No.2 & amount to which covers only a few years. The lines can be No.1 then will be - No.1 198 + only tentatively tied into the will of Thomas 25 = 223. No.2 290 - 25 = 265. Whitesides or the plats shown as Figure 7. Exclusive of a large Body of Sands & Marsh Bounds uncertain. In 1804 Jacint Laval, Sheriff, sold what was J.D. (McCrady Plat 6206). thought to be 200 acres (but upon survey discovered to be 100 acres) to William Mathews. This suggests that at the tum of the This property was part of the estate of Thomas century there were additional divisions of the Whitesides and the sale was the result of legal Whitesides estate and, for some reason, Edward action brought by James Bollough (Charleston Whitesides failed to take possession of his share County RMC, DB M-8, p. 447). The lands sold and it passed to Charles Whitesides. were bounded to the northeast by lands of Charles Whitesides, to the southwest by lands of Nicholas The two plats also reveal what was almost Venning, and to the south by the "Sea Shore," or certainly the original Thomas Whitesides the marshes of what was then called Copahee settlement, shown as three structures on the Sound. Curiously, this deed was not witnessed until completed plat and as several structures in a 1816, suggesting that it may have served to clear damaged fold of the undated plat. Also present is the title at that time. Regardless, Mathews sold the another settlement on the edge of the "sea shore" tract, described as containing 166 acres, to Eliza toward the southeastern boundary of the plantation Barksdale the following year (Charleston County (shown on the undated sketch, but not included on RMC, DB U-7, p. 81). At that time a plat was also the dated 1804 plat). The plats also show a landing recorded showing the tract (South Carolina and lime kiln on a branch of what is today Inlet Historical Society 33-62-28; Figure 9) and revealing Creek. it to be the western edge of the Thomas Whitesides estate shown in Figure 7. The plat After Eliza Barksdale's purchase in 1805, specifies that the tract contained 223 acres divided this tract disappears for about 30 years. The into five parts. Part A contained 166 acres, B confusion regarding this small piece of the Thomas contained 32 acres, C and D contained 25 acres Whitesides property is revealed in a twentieth each, and E contained 33 acres. Based on the century reconstruction of plantations which shows original partition plat the bulk of this tract would part of the Seaside tract extending west into Myrtle have been that allotted to Edward Whitesides. Grove (Figure 10). Parcels C and D, however, would have been struck off from the lands allotted to Thomas Whitesides. Myrtle Grove was a major plantation of Nicholas Venning, the patriarch of the Charleston An undated working copy of this plat Venning family. The Venning and Whitesides (McCrady Plats 6206) shows the same general families are connected through the marriage of divisions, but includes more detailed side notes: Moses Whitesides (1763?-181O, son of Thomas Whitesides, Sr.) to Mary Venning. Unfortunately, N.B. This is a sketch of an no early plat of Myrtle Grove could be identified, unfinished Plan of two plant in although an undated plat (ca. 1793) does show the Christ Church Parish, viz. No.1 location of Venning's settlement and other Contg 166 & 32 detach makes 24 ~~ f " J. ,- ~, ~ .. ~ . ~ :> ::z:: ~ . ~ .. c: t)')+ ',' '~" () , 4 ~'-'; '. '.' . I ':' ~ <": ~; ... ~ ,~ '.. :. r :".;. ,..(.: .. ~ ¥,f' Vl . ~" ~ . r.:. ~- . ." .... . Figure 9. 1804 plat of the western portion of the Thomas Whitesides estate, originally partitioned to Thomas and Edward Whitesides (South Carolina Historical Society, 33-62-28). ~ ~ \ £ ~ til ~ ...,SZ ~ ::r: ~o ~ R ?\ . H,;sLC OF" ~) .\(J"~~ . ~ -----. Figure 10. Charleston County property map, compiled 1932-1934, showing the project area. A HISTORIC SYNOPSIS plantations just outside Mount Pleasant (South reflecting the first line from Laval to Mathews to Carolina Historical Society 33-62-28). The central Eliza Barksdale. Also included was a 33 acre tract portion of Myrtle Grove was platted in 1899 obtained from John Johnson in 1822 (Charleston (Charleston County PB A, p. 22) and a notation on County RMC, DB K-9, p. 159). the plat indicates the main house was in ruins, having burned in 1886. Nicholas Venning, in his In 1845 the executors of William Meree 1835 will, established "a Burial place for me and (Merree), John and Thomas Meree, sold the 500 my descendants forever," to be 105 feet square on acre parcel to Mrs. Ann Venning (Charleston the "road leading from the Sea Shore to the public County RMC, DB Q-ll, p. 154). This deed reveals Road" (Charleston WPA Wills, volume 40, p. 259). that the acreage included "the sands, marsh and A twentieth century plat was made Of the Venning Islands on the Sea Shore in from of the settlement Burial Ground, showing the actual dimensions to of said plantation." This also reveals that the be 122 feet by 103 feet surrounded by a ditch and original Thomas Whitesides plantation house was bank (Charleston County PB H, p. 17). In the likely still present, perhaps with those of his two center of the cemetery was a 40 inch oak, mute sons, Moses and John. The boundaries are the testimony to the antiquity of the cemetery. The same as the earlier deed from Pickens to Merree. cemetery is still shown on the USGS map of the area. During this same period the third line of the property, representing the eastern portion of Although there is considerable confusion the parcel, was being passed through the surrounding the land transfers and partition of this Whitesides family. In 1838 Moses Whitesides tract, it is situated at the southwestern end of our deeded a 225 acre parcel as a gift to James Daniel study area. Jeffords Whitesides, his son (Charleston County RMC, DB T-I0, p. 226). The deed indicates that A seemingly second line was identified in the tract was purchased by Moses Whitesides from the sale of 234 acres of high land ("exclusive of a Jack Whitesides. In spite of extensive research, no body of sands and marsh") to Elizabeth Pickens by Jack Whitesides has been identified in the John Walker and Daniel Joy in 1816 (the same Charleston area, so this may represent an error in year that the Mathews deed was the deed preparation (see South Caroliniana witnessed)(Charleston County RMC DB X-8, p. Library, 2266). Regardless, the description of the 287). The recital reveals that the deed involved the parcel, bounded to the east by Moses Whitesides, lands of Charles Whitesides who died without to the west by Thomas Meree, to the south by issue. This suggests that the tract may be the same marsh lands, and to the north by William Mathews, as shown on the 1804 John Diamond plat at the reveals that it was situated at the east edge of the southwestern edge of the Whitesides holdings. study tract. Apparently Moses Whitesides property Regardless, the land apparently went to his widow extended even further to the east. (Rebecca Whitesides, later Rebecca Dieckert, later Rebecca McKintosh) and his brothers and sisters An 1841 plat showing the lands of William of half blood (Daniel Joy, William Joy, and Mathews on both sides of the Charleston Charlotte Joy, later Charlotte Severance). Georgetown Highway (McCrady Plat 5564). It is most useful since it carefully delineates the Elizabeth Pickens, in 1834, sold 500 acres surrounding property owners. To the south of this to William Merree (Charleston County RMC DB holding are the lands of Moses Whitesides, John G-I0, p. 113). The recital reveals the property was Whitesides, Thomas Whitesides, and Nicholas bounded to the west by Nicholas Venning, to the Venning - exactly as laid out in the earlier plats east by John Whitesides, to the south by the "Sea (Figure 11). This suggests that while some portions Shore," and to the north by William Mathews. The of the Whitesides estate were being conveyed, the dead also reveals that the 500 acres includes the tracts of Moses and John remained distinct at least property previously obtained from Walker and Joy, through the early and mid-antebellum. as well as from William Mathews, perhaps 27 ~ ~ " ·-l . ~ .. ' .r( ""~~~...z-.::::: .. , 7~ ___ ~::~ .. ,._~.c, ~~~~~:~~ ~ ~.~ • '.~ ' .a.. _ .. • s a..,,, h .. _._. .". '_"-"•. . • .. .=.'_'',_.. " " ~ .~.~ -_ .. --- ,' ':\. . .~;~:~~-. <- .i.-;; ...... -~~ ~~ .~" , '.,,~== ~~,~::.~ . J"._!" ,~-~/, . >" •'~~'~;;~~·"!~~'Y~:~.,;::=: ,...,. "'::'V u -;t.... " , .. ,.,. " .c<,....-~* -. of ___' __::;. ••.. ~~ " n ' '. ~ , ,>. ~ S j ?-it, .. ' • /..,.,U :c;;:..:-- - z...-- "\~ .. " F..--I b 'L~:::''''_~r--'-' •. g'~'> ~" ...'~, .~.... "'. ___ ...,,..~ ,,~=__.~ ~"-ir c- .;" L , ~ ~ .. _ ,.". ~:J- (I -"--- " ";',~- '-'...... "'~ ....., ::'"." _ ' ___ '_'_".. -~'~'Tn ~ .~-~~-;-'- ':'?~~~~", .~ .~::~-: :~-;~~~;.:!:: ::; ~ ---' .. ", ... - r1". "v- . . "F~-'~:~~~ ~ ~',';' .. :--_ __ ~_,~,~~\ 1~i~::-:,='~~~:~.... .~~':: ~=~_~. ~~::':.:~. ___ ,"/ ., ~ . . . . I. '=- ..... - ;:ro' . , "_ ... ~ ~~O"" ~_'''>' ~ -. -'. = . ..:.. '. ' ... --. ; -- ....'. ;- .... -. n. • . I.iI' ... -'-'S.. "v . ~"'--:'"-"-'---.. -:~-:- ::.:-.--~: .-=-~~-;----:...---. --4-~",f.:-=':'':'}l!''~':-.C~ -----:~'~~:\'--::?":!I";r'-('-• -'/.--, . /fI ."""t~~". /.,.,_r'.":....-..."'~':~: ~ :", ~-. ;r,~ ~~.:=.:::':~~,~...'" ;,,~_ ~ "". . , . .• ~. , , , .• -(; '- J .,"" . _.; . ~ ..~- ...... - .• . ,,'.I " ."'-",-" . . . ' " ' .", • '" r-. . "". . oJ;( 't...... _ ...... __. __ _ ~ -... '-. -=--~n.' . . ../ - ~...... '''''''';'-''r~,' . ~ ._, '.,~- ~~, . ,~. I. ~ . ~"1_ . ~.:...... ,•. ~ .. .. '. - .: ~ C"', ;tI ,_ L .. ~.~. ... . &._ .~ ~ , ,..' . -",--" ;[/::-- ".,;;oc, (_ ~_ , ~ " , ' , . -" I .. .. ·. ---'~:"--"T:' .• ~-:::J:c,. " ... • ;- ~ '-T'-;-:--! . •4';J .~ I -.-. --.-= .; .-: ~ "A"'--". --.,," ",....1-'''1 ...... ' ! ,;;;;-' {,', ' :j.'" . --; -.---~ ..:-- ~ ~.~"':" ,,~.' " "," -". r....[,.(:~ ~ __ . o 500 1000 " .. -. . ..- . --- .. --' '.'.'" ..... '''-.-----:r-. ~ .' .J ...... ~ SCALE IN FEET Figure 11. Portion of the 1841 William Mathews plat showing the arrangement of bordering Whitesides tracts on its southern boundary (McCrady Plat 5564). A HISTORIC SYNOPSIS James Daniel Jefford Whitesides Miserable and poor indeed is the apparently died without heirs in 1852 and the state of a dependent clergyman. property returned to his father, Moses Whitesides, ... I am disposed to attach all as well as his sisters, Anne Meree and Elizabeth the blame to [John] Whitesides, M.E. Houston (Charleston County RMC, DB X- who is a miserable creature, and 12, p. 343). Moses sold his portion of the property more fit for a tavern keeper, than to T.D. Wagner in 1853, as did Thomas H. Meree Warden to a respectable body of and his wife Anne, and William H. Houston and men. I hope the vestry will make his wife, Eliza M.E. (Charleston County RMC, DB a more judicious choice hereafter X-12, p. 341, p. 345). In each case the property is in appointing such a man as one described as 224 acres of high land, bordered to of a Committee (Gregorie the north by lands of William Mathews, now 1961:80). McCants, to the south by marsh, to the east by lands late of Moses Whitesides, deceased, and to Before rushing to judgement, however, it is only the west by lands of Thomas Meree, deceased. In fair to also point out that Muller disliked residing 1853 Ann Venning also sold her 500 acres of land in the parish, apparently being far happier in acquired from the estate of William Meree to dowritown Charleston. He was always pleading for Theodore D. Wagner (Charleston County RMC, more money and eventually left the parish in 1823, DB A-13, p. 487). for a time even leaving his family destitute (Gregorie 1961). It may be that John Whitesides The census records provide some idea of financial troubles gave him less patience with a activities during this period, as well. In 1810, for constantly complaining minister. example, John is listed with his wife, two children, and 12 slaves. This is the first record of his slave The 1825 tax returns for John and Moses holdings and suggests that each of his four slave Whitesides provide another view of their two houses held a family of four. operations. Moses filed his return for 309 acres and 30 slaves, paying a bill of $27.59%. Two Sometime in the first decade of the hundred and ten acres were assessed at a value of nineteenth century Sarah Whitesides apparently $4/acre, while 99 acres were assessed at only 20e died, since Robert Dorrill, in his 1807 action an acre, suggesting they were essentially waste against John Whitesides and James Hibben, is lands. The slaves were taxed at the standard 75e a listed as the administrator of Sarah Whitesides head. In addition, Moses declared a town lot, (S.c. Department of Archives and History, B1AE valued at $500 (S.c. Department of Archives and 002 1807 0972A 00). Another summary judgement History, 0014 052 1824 00236). that same year found that John and Moses Whitesides had been bound to their mother, Sarah, In contrast, John Whitesides possessed 238 for the sum of £40 (S.c. Department of Archives acres, all appraised at $4/acre, and 15 slaves. This and History, B1AE 002 1808 0002A 00). In represents only a very most increase from the 12 another case, John Whitesides was sued by James reported a decade and a half earlier. John also Ballough for $24.94 on an open, unpaid account reports no town property and paid a bill of (S.c. Department of Archives and History, B1AE $14.80% (S.c. Department of Archives and 019 1812 0198A 00). History, 0014 052 1824 00234) . . Taken together, these suggest that John The 1830 census reports that John again Whitesides may have been struggling to "make slightly increased his slave holdings to 17. At the ends meet." An 1821 letter by the Rev. Albert time of the census the only members of his family Arney Muller, rector of Christ Church, to William were two younger males. Perhaps his wife, Hannah, Hart, would seem to support this. Muller was elsewhere. complains that: 29 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" John Whitesides Table 5. is not shown in the 1840 1850 Agricultural Production in Christ Church and on the census (his brother, Whitesides Plantations Moses, is still listed), but his wife, Hannah, is Christ parish Hannah Moses shown as the head of Category Church mean Whitesides Whitesides household on the 1850 Acres improved 6,765 60 20 40 census. This suggests that Value of fanns $302,200 $2,698 . $1,000 $3,000 sometime between 1830 Value of fann implements $11,000 $98 $0 $0 Value of livestock $38,762 $346 $275 $850 and 1840 John Whitesides Value of animals slaughtered $8,670 $77 $75 $100 died, although his Value of orchard products $730 $7 $0 $0 plantation continued to Value of market produce $4,900 $44 $0 $0 be operated by his widow. Indian corn (bu) 26,565 237 200 210 The most likely will for Oats (bu) 5,330 48 0 0 Rice (lbs) 964,800 8,614 0 0 John Whitesides is one Ginned cotton (400 lb bales) 111 1 0 0 proved on December 22, Wool (lbs) 1,541 14 0 0 1834 (Charleston WPA Peas and beans (bu) 4,450 40 0 0 Wills, volume 40, p. 148). Irish potatoes (bu) 2,280 20 0 0 It Sweet potatoes (bu) 60,686 542 250 500 states simply that his Bu tter (lbs) 7,450 67 0 0 real and personal property was to be divided equally between his two sons, John Hugh plantations, in the 1850s, were little more than and Thomas J. Whitesides, and his daughter, Sarah small subsistence farms, perhaps focusing on cattle, A. Holmes. Curiously his wife is not mentioned. even this late in time. No cash crops are reported and the quantities of crops and livestock are very Regardless, the 1850 agricultural schedule modest. This impression is made even stronger for Christ Church provides data on the operations when the two tracts are compared to the rest of of both Moses Whitesides and Hannah Whitesides. Christ Church (Table 5). In many respects the Hannah was operating a farm with 20 acres of plantation of Moses Whitesides comes close to the improved land and 130 acres of unimproved land, "average" or "typical" 1850 Christ Church representing a total value of $1000. This may plantation. The differences in some areas, such as suggest that she was operating only a portion of orchard products and rice are of no concern since the previous holding, but given the errors in the these were commodities produced on a relatively agricultural census records relatively little should few Christ Church plantations. In terms of acres be made of this discrepancy. The plantation improved, cash value of the farm, value of included three houses, two milk cows, 30 head of livestock, and value of slaughtered livestock, Moses cattle, and 15 swine, for a total value of $275. Whitesides fits the mean. Hannah Whitesides, on Production included only 200 bushels of com and the other hand, operated a very modest farm, even 250 bushels of sweet potatoes. The value of in the context of Christ Church. animals slaughtered was a very modest $75. Regardless, it is clear that the John In contrast, Moses Whitesides claimed 40 Whitesides plantation, along with the other small acres of improved land and 640 acres of tracts subdivided at the death of Thomas unimproved property, worth $3000. The plantation Whitesides in the late eighteenth century, were all included 10 horses, four mules, one milk cow, 100 recombined by Theodore D. Wagner in one 1158 head of cattle, and 10 swine, for a value of $850. acre tract. Relatively little is known about Wagner, But like Hannah, Moses produced only com (210 although it is clear that he was a prominent bushels) and sweet potatoes (500 bushels). Charleston merchant. He was a partner is the factor house of John Fraser & Company, with These figures suggest that the Whitesides G.A. and E.L. Trenholm, for a number of years 30 A HISTORIC SYNOPSIS (South Carolina Historical Society 11/448). He was also an owner of Hassell, East Bay, Table 6. and Pritchard Street property in Charleston 1860 Agricultural Production in Christ Church and on the (McCrady Plats 7214). It seems likely that Bonneau Plantation his ownership of the Sea Shore tract was a Christ parish business investment - an opportunity to Category Church mean Bonneau "comer the commission market" by being Acres improved 12,821 217 250 both a producer and a merchant. Value of farms $431,900 $7,320 $12,000 Value of farm implements $28,165 $477 $ 500 Value of livestock $78,176 $1,325 $3,000 These combined Wagner lands are Value of animals slaughtered $5,270 $89 $100 shown by a Robert K. Payne plat dated July Value of orchard products $1,035 $18 $0 21, 1856 (McCrady Plat 6204; Figure 12). Value of market produce $4,006 $68 $0 This plat shows the lands of Moses Indian corn (bu) 37,115 629 1000 Oats (bu) 2,825 48 Whitesides, with the boundary line between Rice (Ibs) 180,000 3,051 ° Moses and John still clearly shown on the Ginned cotton (400 Ib bales) 460 8 30° plat. Both the main settlement and the Wool (Ibs) 3,484 59 300 slave settlement for Moses Whitesides are Peas and beans (bu) 5,870 100 150 still shown on the plat in the same locations Irish potatoes (bu) 915 16 Sweet potatoes (bu) 42,300 717 2,000° as revealed initially on the 1798 plat. The Hay (tons) 464 8 6 main settlement is now shown as Bu tter (Ibs) 3,240 55 100 encompassing three structures and there is a new access road, forming an avenue or allee leading to the settlement. The slave settlement is shown as a double row totalling six Wagner held the property for less than houses - the same as 58 years earlier. four years, selling the 1158 acre (more or less) tract to B.J. Johnson in 1857 (Charleston County The Payne plat, while delineating what RMC, DB T-13, p. 198). The mortgage on the would have been the John Whitesides estate, shows property, held by Wagner, was satisfied two years no evidence that either the main house or slave later, on August 1, 1859, although Johnson sold the settlement is still present, suggesting that it has property on April 8, 1859 to Peter P. Bonneau. At been demolished or fallen into disuse. The absence this time the tract was descnbed in terms of the of even an "old settlement" notation, however, 1856 Wagner plat and the acreage continues to be suggests that Payne saw no use in even recording described as 1158 acres. Bonneau continued to be its previous existence. shown as the owner on the 1863 "Map of Charleston and Its Defenses" (Figure 13). In 1859 By this time the main Wagner settlement Bonneau mortgaged the property to William L. had sifted back to the vicinity of the original Venning, perhaps to guarantee a loan for the Whitesides settlement. There is a curious purchase (Charleston County RMC, DB H-14, p. arrangement of two fenced areas (totalling about 169). Regardless, the mortgage was satisfied in 2 acres) abutting each other, each with what 1863, just before Bonneau sold the tract to appears to be central, large structure in the center Theodore Stoney (Charleston County RMC, DB T- of the enclosure. In addition there are at least six 14 #2, p. 78). smaller structures scattered in the enclosures. Bonneau is another of those relatively By this time the cultivated fields are all unknown characters in history. Nothing relevant consolidated along the "seas shore," protected by could be found in the S.c. Department of Archives dikes and ditches. These fields account for about and History's Combined Alphabetic Index. He 240 acres, or 20.7% of the total tract. does not appear in the files of the South Carolina 31 ~ N ../ ' \ . ~ , . .~ .f . I -, ,...... ·'.n .,-" .. ~ ~ ~~ : '.;: ·~ fi~3~ "~~'-" ~ ...,.;.."\,(..,.. :\\~ ' :J:K i \. , \ '.\ " \ ./ \ .-'.-- . \~i\ / . ~\ '»~ \" ,(/ " ' , '. " ..: .;-.\" ,., ..:' ...... , .... , .,., ..•.:- ... ;, \\I 1 \ r:;':>/ l~ . ,~ ' L"",-:~~,~~·~~- ""< -' ."':~ -~ ·.... .l~: l·G . "'. >: ," :. ~~ . .~:' ~\ ~ " .... : . ...: : _ ~•. ::::'.::.J .:,>< :~ ..:[ ~.~ ..' "><',,' ',:~») , '" ",. -. ~ Sl ~ ~ ~ ::t: <:)~ ~ \ ~ ···•· ...... '1 ". ';01'/ . .... " .... . <:: .~ . ." "/ f;C~o4' . f : ~... ~\ .. Figure 12. 1856 Thomas D. Wagner plat of the re-assembled Whitesides tracts (McCrady Plats 6204). A HISTORIC SYNOPSIS :-.~ ...... ~... ; ',. - . ~. ~< .. .,: Figure 13. A portion of the 1863 "Map of Charleston and Its Defences" showing the Bonneau settlement and the Confederate earthwork from the sea shore to the headwaters of the Wando River. 33 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" Historical Society. He is not even listed in either 1819 and remained low through the 1820s, the 1850 or 1860 federal census for South primarily because of competition from planters in Carolina. No Bonneau appears in the Charleston Alabama and Mississippi. Friedlander, in Wheaton Museum's survey of retailers, craftsmen or others et al. (1983:28-29) notes that cotton production in advertising in the South Carolina Gazette (Calhoun the inland coastal parishes fell by 25% in the years and Zierden 1984). from 1821 to 1839, although national production increase by 123%. Production improved Bonneau is, however, listed on the 1860 dramatically in the 1840s in spite of depressed agricultural schedule as owning a tract in Christ prices and in the 1850s the price of cotton rose. Church Parish (Table 6). It is enumerated as containing 250 acres of improved land, surprising The Charleston area did not participate close that estimated from the Wagner plat. Only directly in the agricultural activity of the state. 350 acres of unimproved land are listed, suggesting Scardaville (in Brockington et al. 1985:35) notes either an error or possibly that unimproved as used that "the Charleston area, as a result of a large by some owners or enumerators as meaning other urban market and a far-reaching trade and than woodland. The plantation's value, $12,000, commercial network, had carved out its own suggests the acreage may have been under niche in the state's economic system." Zierden and reported. Bonneau reported $500 in machinery. Calhoun remark that: Livestock included 17 horses, three mules, 50 milk cows, four working oxen, 25 head of cattle, 40 [c]ountry merchants, planters, and sheep, and 60 pigs, with a total value of $3,000. strangers "on a visit of pleasure" The plantation produced 1000 bushels of com, 30 flocked to Charleston. Planters bales of cotton, 300 pounds of wool, 150 pounds of continued to establish residences beans and peas, 2,000 bushels of sweet potatoes, in Charleston throughout the 100 pounds of butter, and 6 tons of hay. The antebellum era and "great" animals slaughtered on the plantation were valued planters began to spend at $100. increasing amount of time in Charleston (Zierden and Calhoun The operation ofthe plantation had clearly 1984:44). changed dramatically from even 10 years earlier. Certainly this is partially the result of the In spite of this appearance of grandeur, operation's scale having been dramatically Charleston's dependence on cotton and ties to an increased. It also appears that Bonneau sought to international market created an economy create a more conventional "plantation," moving vulnerable to fluctuation over which the merchants away from ranching and subsistence farming and planters had no control. toward a diversified farm focused on cotton. While the wealthiest farms were those on The Bonneau plantation stands in contrast the sea islands producing cotton (such as Edisto to many of the other plantations in Christ Church. Island where the value of the average plantation Although containing about the average number of was over $44,000), plantations in Christ Church (as improved acres and having about the average of well as other inland, non-cotton producing areas) plantation implements, the Bonneau plantation had an average value of around $7,300. Christ produced substantially larger quantities of com, Church Parish grew only 1.7% of the district's wool, butter, sweet potatoes, and especially, cotton. cotton, although it formed 10.1 % of the improved acreage. An examination of the agricultural Cotton provided about 20 years of schedules for the Charleston area in 1850 and 1860 economic success for South Carolina. During this provides evidence for this economic slump. period South Carolina monopolized cotton Scardaville (in Brockington et al. 1985 :39-40) notes production with a number of planters growing that produce, farm, and livestock values for Christ wealthy (Mason 1976). The price of cotton fell in Church Parish were below what would be expected 34 A HISfORIC SYNOPSIS and outputs of many crops ha:d decreased over war, that this line was "tested." A Union assault time. But most significantly, rice was no longer an on Bull's Bay was begun on February 13, economically significant crop, production dropping although weather, poor planning, and shallow by over 81% from 1850 to 1860. water prevented a landing until February 17, when the troops were put ashore at Graham's Creek The Christ Church Parish response to the near Buck Hall Plantation, several miles northeast reduction in rice was a shift to ranching and of the line. It was that same day that Confederate livestock production as a substitute. Between 1850 forces retreated from Charleston and the assault and 1860 the value of livestock increased by 120%, on Bull's Bay accomplished little other than com increased by 44%, and wool production preventing the Confederate troops from marching increased by 126% (Scardaville in Brockington et north to Georgetown (Burton 1970:316). al. 1985:41). It seems clear that Christ Church was engaged in a gradual shift from monocropping to Postbellum Period truck farming. Its unique location at the doorstep of Mount Pleasant and Charleston allowed Christ After the Civil War Charleston and the Church to focus its agricultural pursuits on the surrounding countryside lay in waste. Plantation needs of an expanding urban market. houses were destroyed, the city was in near ruins, the agricultural base of slavery was destroyed, and An appropriate summary is provided by the economic system was in chaos. Rebuilding Zierden and Calhoun: after the war involved two primary tasks: forging a new relationship between white land owners and [t]he economic decline of black freedmen, and creating a new economic Charleston occurred as the city order through credit merchants. General sources was growing increasingly defensive discussing the changes in South Carolina include of its "peculiar institution." The Williamson (1975) and Goldenwieser and Truesdell city sullenly withdrew into itself, (1924). Scardaville (Brockington et al. 1985:43-48), eschewing the present and however, provides information on the changing glorifying its past. The great fire labor patterns specifically in the study area. of 1861 devastated much of downtown Charleston. The War Theodore Stoney, postbellum owner of the between the States . . . set the Seashore tract, is one of those tragic figures of the seal on a social and economic era late Civil War - early postbellum who is known (Zierden and Calhoun 1984:54). primarily through a string of bankruptcies, forced sales, and related legal problems (see Charleston While the fortifications and numerous RMC, DB G-15, p. 189; DB K-16, p. 202; DB G battles fought around John's, James, and Folly IS, p. 733; DB C-16, p. 210; DB E-16, p. 317). islands during the Civil War are well known, the Throughout most of this period he was a partner other defenses of Charleston are perhaps less of the Stoney, Lowndes & Co., Brokers, with understood. One author has suggested that, "it is Henry D. Lowndes and T.S. Snowden. He is listed doubtful if any city in the Confederacy had more in the 1870 population census as residing in Ward or stronger defenses than those around Charleston" 2 of downtown Charleston. (Burton 1970:132). In Christ Church parish, about five miles north of Mount Pleasant, the In April 1868 Stoney provided Arthur Confederate forces built a line running from the Hammond a large mortgage and by December of headwaters of the Wando River to the Atlantic that year the U.S. District Court for South Ocean marshes. This line is situated about 0.5 mile Carolina (with a parallel claim in Circuit Court) northeast of the study tract. It was terminated at found him bankrupt. In April 1869 Stoney the "sea shore" end with a major fortification. managed to reclaim his Sea Shore tract from the Court, although his other plantations, including the It wasn't until 1865, at the very end of the 1602 acre Laurel Hill and the 133 acre Elm Grove 35 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" plantations, both in Christ Church Parish, were sold 8% acres to Samual Frazer (Charleston sold in 1872. County RMC, DB A-31, p. 90). Additional parcels ranging from 1 to 15 acres were sold through 1896 Stoney again mortgaged the Sea Shore (Charleston County RMC, DB A-31, p. 143, 160, tract in October 1873, only to again be found 229; A-36, p. 70). Stoney, however, divested the bankrupt in December 1873. In 1876 the Sea Shore bulk of the property in two separate sales to tract was sold to B.H. Rutledge, Receiver of the H.F.W. Breuer. The first sale, in 1885, was for Estate of Otis Mills (Charleston County RMC, DB 372.25 acres of high land and 407 acres of marsh X-16, p. 432). (Charleston County RMC, DB A-31, p. 147). The second, for a total of 236% acres, was in 1886 It is likely that Stoney continued to (Charleston County RMC, DB A-31, p. 259). This operate the plantation using one of several second sale was shown on a plat recorded in common forms of tenancy (see Scardaville in Berkeley County (Berkeley County RMC, PB A, p. Brockington et al. 1985:46). While tenancy was 18). This second transfer was of interior lands, increasing throughout South Carolina during this bordered to the south on lands of Breuer. period, it was increasing at a far greater rate in Christ Church. The number of farm units increased In spite of his problems, Stoney was from 810 in 1860 to nearly 2,500 in 1870, an apparently an active member in the Christ Church increase of over 207%, more than double the Agricultural Society, organized in 1882. The statewide rate. While only about 20% of the farms Society'S membership, like that of other in South Carolina were under 10 acres, almost half organizations of the period, consisting of the of the farms in Charleston County were that size. remnants of the Southern planting aristocracy. The In Christ Church Parish over 70% of the farms organizations, founded to encourage and promote were under 10 acres in size. Scardaville suggests the return of the "agrarian south," were concerned that, "a larger black population (86.3% in rural with a vast range of issues, including planting Charleston County and only 58.9% statewide) and practices, the prices offered for various crops, the henceforth more intensive demand for land area transportation of crops at reasonable prices on the might explain the greater division of the land in new railroads, and resolving what were considered Charleston" (Brockington et al. 1985:47-48). It has constant labor problems. also been suggested that the Christ Church plantation owners were more amenable to renting For example, as late as 1909 the members land to blacks. of the Christ Church Agricultural Society agreed to a list of labor rules, including: The disposition of the property by Rutledge is not clear, but in 1881 Stoney • no laborer shall be taken who is purchased Seaside Plantation from Rosa Bryan, . in debt, without payment of such then owner (Charleston County RMC, DB K-18, p. debt. 108). The property is described as bounded to the north by lands of William McCants, to the east by • no laborer who has been lands of Mr. Corbett, to the west by lands of Mr. discharged for insubordination Venning, and to the south by the "sound." The shall be taken during the current property is still described as containing 1158 acres year or within six months. and reference is made to a plat by Robert K. Payne. • that all tenants shall agree to give there [sic] spare time to their Beginning shortly after this purchase, land-lords when called on (South Stoney began to sell small tracts to local blacks, Carolina Historical Society, Christ perhaps supporting the idea that Christ Church Church Agricultural Society planters were more willing to integrate the Minute Book, 34-197) freedmen into the postbellum economy. In 1882 he 36 A HISTORIC SYNOPSIS The society's constant interest in agricultural prices prosperity returned. and conditions is shown by a 1902 report: In terms of relative importance, cotton and unusually fine com crops planted livestock were the two most important agricultural in the parish, and also find the activities in Charleston County, followed by truck acreage a large one, which gives farming and grain production. During the early promise of a large yield. Peas and postbellum period there is also evidence of some potatoes have not been neglected land consolidation -- ihe four tracts in excess of and, on the whole, the crops 1,000 acres in 1870 had increased to 151 tracts by generally are up to the standard. 1880. Probably caused by high property taxes, The committee found the foreclosures, and low selling prices this trend asparagus crops in good condition continued only for a decade (Scardaville in and some of the crops of young Brockington et al. 1985:57). During the late asparagus above the average. No postbellum tenancy increased dramatically complaints were made of rust ... throughout South Carolina, except for several . Labor is abundant, but getting coastal areas where Scardaville suggests black more and more inefficient each farmers were able to purchase small tracts. Where year . . . . Until we cease tenancy did exist, it was largely cash rep-tal, not employing labor that has been sharecropping, and Scardaville argues that this discharged for cause, inefficiency, formed the vital link allowing black ownership etc.... so long will we make the (Scardaville in Brockington et al. 1985 :62). labor more and more worthless. We pay from 40 to 50 cents per The Twentieth Century day for our labor and I doubt if, under the best management, we Breuer sold a portion of the Sea Side tract receive 20 to 25 cents value for it in 1903 to J.E. Williams and T.H. Williams, Jr. . . . . The prices obtained for (Charleston County RMC, DB N-24, p. 74). Breuer truck, during the past year have strictly established the disposition of the tract, not been remunerative, more stuff noting that it would be held by J.E. and T.H. being shipped and less money Williams as a life estate, then to go to their oldest realized; in some instances the son, Arthur Middleton Williams. Only Arthur falling off amounting to 30 would have complete right and title to the tract. In percent (South Carolina 1913 J.E., T.H. and Arthur M. Williams sold the Historical Society, Christ Church tract to The Palms Estate, Inc. (Charleston County Agricultural Society Minute Book, RMC, DB N-26, p. 71). Apparently unable to 34-197). satisfy the mortgage held by Arthur Williams, the property was sold at a Master's sale three and a As Scardaville notes (Brockington et al. half years later on May 30, 1916 (Charleston 1985:52), it is very difficult to use the agricultural County RMC, DB 1-28, p. 18). The purchaser, schedules for economic analyses after 1870. The Arthur Williams, fared little better, being sued in 1880 schedule seriously under-represents tum by the Southern Home Insurance Company, Charleston District, the 1890 schedules were which purchased the tract at a Master's sale on destroyed by fire, all subsequent schedules are December 22,1917 (Charleston County RMC, DB provided only on a county level (the individual S-24, p. 346). parish and farm level information being destroyed under authority of Congress), and vital information Just two days after their purchase, the is missing from the 1900 census. At a county-wide Southern Home Insurance Company sold the level, however, it is clear that between 1870 and 779.25 acre Sea Side Plantation to John T. 1910 Charleston's agricultural production gradually Leonard (Charleston County RMC, DB 0-25, p. increased, the labor system stabilized, and 351). The deed again refers to the F.J. Smith plat 37 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" of 1885, although Leonard had a new plat made, 1925 Caroline M. Ohlandt sold the 241.5 acre tract dated January 1917 (McCrady Plat 2843). The plat to James S. Simmons (Charleston County RMC, shows only three structures, labeled "residence," in DB V-32, p. 166). In 1931 the same tract was sold the same location as the 1858 Payne plat. by Burnet R. Maybank to Lester A, Wilson (Charleston County RMC, DB U-35 , p. 316). A 1919 War Department topographic map Although the derivation in the deed lists the of the area provides considerably more information previous sale to Simmons by Ohlandt, it has not than the modem plat, revealing that a series of been possible to determine how Maybank acquired houses were already built along what would later the property. Regardless, Lester A Wilson devised become Rifle Range Road (Figure 14). the tract, through his will, to his sons, Lester A Wilson and Julian M. Wilson. In 1968 the Wilson's Breuer also sold a 50 acre tract to William sold the tract to J.e. and Alberta Long (Charleston James Robinson in 1895 (Charleston County RMC, County RMC, DB N-91, p. 311). DB A-36, p. 94), although the line of title was not researched for this particular parcel. In addition, John Leonard held the western three the eastern portion of the property was sold by quarters of Sea Side Plantation until his death in Ella Breuer, the executrix of H.F.W. Breuer, in 1936. That year Leonard sold the pine timber 1912 to Ida Wilson (Charleston County RMC, DB rights on the tract to J.R. Herrin and it is likely G-26, p. 83). A reference to the R.V. Royall plat that the pines were logged before the end of the of November 1911 is made in the deed, although year (Charleston County RMC, DB D-38, p. 481). this particular plat has not been identified. As a result of a 1923 complaint against Ida H. Wilson, There is some evidence that Leonard also the property was sold by F.K. Myers, Sheriff, to operated a canning factory not far from the old John F. Ohlandt and Caroline M. Ohlandt in 1924 Venning estate, near Gennealtle's Casina Farm (Charleston County RMC, DB U-30, p. 107). In which was engaged in producing casina (or yaupon o 1000 2000 SCALE IN FEET Figure 14. Portion of the 1919 Wando topographic map showing the project area and structures along what would later become Rifle Range Road. 38 A HISfORIC SYNOPSIS holly) tea (South Carolina Historical Society, tract, including the "settlement" in essentially the William Henry Johnson's Scrapbook). It is likely, same location as that shown on the 1804 Diamond however, that the major economic activities of both plat, the 1858 Payne plat, and the 1917 plat for the Leonard and Wilson tracts was truck farming. John T. Leonard. No other structures or features are shown, and even the causeway to the landing is Beginning shortly after the Civil War, missing from the plat. The entire Sea Side truck farming became one of the primary Plantation, at this time, is shown in fields. agricultural activities of Christ Church farmers. The combination of soil fertility, climate, and Socarnat Bank Corporation held Sea Side proximity gave truck farming an edge in the effort for just over a year before selling it on December to supply Charleston with produce. As early as 31, 1938 to Mary e. Sottile of Charleston 1873 it was noted: (Charleston County RMC, DB E-40, p. 546). In 1945 Sottile exchanged Sea Side for three lots in the cultivation of garden produce the Wagner Terrace Subdivision in Charleston, for export in the neighborhood of owned by developer J.e. Long (Charleston County Charleston, was not pursued as an RMC, DB C-46, p. 187). Throughout his long occupation previously to the years career long, involving the buying and selling of 1865 or 1866. [Recently,] there much Charleston property, Long held the Sea Side are a large class of farmers & tract, as well as the Wilson tract to the east. In planters in St. Andrew's and 1952 he devised a portion of the property including Christ Church Parishes· ... who, 76.5 acres of high ground and 62 acres of marsh to in connection with a crop of Sea his wife, Alberta S. Long (Charleston County Island cotton, grow vegetables for RMC, DB N-55, p. 611). Because of questions export (Charleston Chamber of regarding the original deed, the· property Commerce 1873:32-33). boundaries were clarified in a 1955 deed (Charleston County RMC, DB B-60, p. 177). The As a result many blacks were employed as tract included basically the western end of Sea wage laborers. Produce increased from about one Side, including the residence and Sea Side Island. quarter of the county's agricultural production in The plat (Charleston County RMC, PB H, p. 14) 1890 to over three-quarters by 1930 (Scardaville in showing this tract unfortunately provides few Brockington et al. 1985:74). Much of this details. It fails to show the main settlement, any prosperity, however, disappeared during the Great roads, or the vegetation on the tract. In fact, the Depression, when trucking in Charleston County only useful feature is the revelation that there is declined by 75%. bank paralleling the marsh, keying in to the presence of a bank on the 1858 Payne plat for Upon Leonard's death the property was Wagner. sold by the Master in response to court action by South Carolina National Bank, who purchased the In 1962 J.C. Long began the process of plantation for $15,000 (Charleston County RMC, developing Sea Side Plantation. A plat drawn May DB W-33, p. 291). About a year later, in late 1937, 1962 shows the eastern two-thirds of the tract the property was sold to Socarnat Bank divided into a series of eight 25 acre strips, Corporation of Delaware for $13,587 (Charleston allowing a buffer between the proposed County RMC, DB S-39, p. 579). It is likely that the development lands and the property given to his property, during the height of the Great wife 11 years earlier (Charleston County RMC, PB Depression, was seen only as dead weight and even P, p. 22). A few months later, in August 1962 Long taking a loss was better than continuing to pay the began the process of divesting himself of the Sea taxes. It was during this period that a number of Side tract, selling three lots (numbers 1,2, and 3) South Carolina plantations were purchased by out to The Beach Company for $97,500. The Wilson of-state investors. A January 1939 plat (Charleston tract, of about 74 acres, was also sold to The County RMC, PB E, p. 59) shows the Sea Side Beach Company in 1973 (Charleston County RMC, 39 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" DB J-103, p. 74). Alberta C. Long sold 219.15 dwelling - providing additional privacy. Such an acres to Dieci, Inc. in 1987 (Charleston County approach would also have distanced the two slave RMC, DB N-l71, p. 62). At the time of the initial settlements - perhaps not only a sign of power survey, the study tract consisted of essentially four over the lives of the slaves, but also as an effort to parcels owned by The Beach Company (139 acres); minimize contact and reduce collusion between the Dieci, Inc. (486 acres); Longs Seaside Farms (69 two groups. Examination of the plats reveals that acres); and Pastime Amusement Company (45 even the fields are separated by woods, further acres). reducing the opportunities for interaction between the slave populations. Summary Although there is only limited data for this Our primary interest, and hence focus, has early period, there are a few relatively good been on the mid-eighteenth through mid indications that John Whitesides attempted to nineteenth century. It was during this period that focus his plantation on a diverse mix of fodder for the plantation of Thomas Whitesides was sub his cattle, com and probably sweet potatoes for his divided (perhaps as early as 1762 and at least by slaves, and rice as a money crop. As time went on, 1798) and his son, John Whitesides began his it is possible (but hardly provable based on the farming operation. John died in 1834, although his historic documents) that the plantation shifted widow apparently continued the operation for further away from rice as a cash crop and toward perhaps an additional decade. Likely by the time ranching and perhaps subsistence farming. It wasn't Theodore Wagner obtained the Whitesides probably until the decade before the Civil War, property the John Whitesides settlement was no under Wagner's ownership and with the small longer used and by the time Payne made his plat Whitesides' tracts combined, that the plantation in 1856 the settlement was entirely gone. began to focus on cotton. Consequently, at the outside, we may John Whitesides appears to be a planter of calculate the mean historic date for the John very modest means, eking out a living for himself Whitesides settlement using 1762 as the beginning and his family on a relatively small parcel inherited date and 1856 as the terminal date - yielding a from his father. He does not seem to have mean of 1809. It seems likely, however, that the expanded his property holdings and even the bulk of the activity at the plantation occurred number of his slaves remained fairly stable, between 1762 and 1834 when John died and this between about 12 and 17, through time. His would produce a mean historic date of 1798. dealings with others in the parish occasionally placed him in court, being ordered to pay just Of equal importance, the settlements are debts. His association with Rev. Muller at Christ small and compact. The main settlement, as Church was stormy, to say the least, although it is previously discussed, consisted of only five likely that both contributed to the discord. buildings on less than a acre of land. Unlike his brother Moses, John located his settlement away In sum, the historic evidence paints a from the moderating breezes of the "sea shore," in picture, as earlier suggested, of a very modest an area which would have been dominated by plantation owner, supporting his family (for the mosquitoes and wet ground. While it may be that most part) "with credit and honour." John John wished to have his operations better centered Whitesides, however, was far from what is usually on his plantation, or that he wanted closer access thought of when plantations are discussed. to the main road, or that he desired to be closer to the primary swamp areas producing rice, it may also be a response to the long, linear nature of the parcels. John may have located his settlement inland to distance himself from his brother's 40 EXCAVATIONS Strategy and Methods essential to have better information on the exact boundaries of the site, as well as good data on the As previously discussed in the density and distribution of artifacts. An auger Introduction, the Whitesides settlement area had survey was chosen over the more traditional shovel been previously examined during the site survey testing for several reasons. Auger testing has been (Adams and Trinkley 1993), but there had been no found to be less destructive to the archaeological intensive testing. Further, the site, which was remains and to also be more efficient that heavily wooded at the time of the survey, became individual shovel tests, especially when there is free virtually impassible in the intervening years. A series of additional shovel tests were placed in the woods off Rifle Range Road in order to once again locate the site. Although it took about half a day, the site was relocated, and was again noted to be in the immediate area of a large tree fall. Given the heavy vegetation, the Figure 15. View of the 38CH1471 site area after hydroaxing, looking to the north. The next action was to large tree throw in the center of the photograph is the general vicinity of the site have the site area core. hydroaxed, removing virtually all of the undergrowth. This process also allows small trees movement. We have explored auger testing at 50, to be removed to ground level while causing only 25 or 20, and 10 foot intervals. Fifty-foot intervals minimal ground disturbance and virtually no provide very little information concerning structure subsurface disturbance (Figure 15). Once locations or intra-site patterning. As a result, we completed, it was possible to see that there were avoid using such large intervals wherever possible. no above ground in~ications of the plantation, such While there is little doubt that 10-foot intervals as brick piles or rubble scatters, although they provide the very best information on site density weren't expected given the age of the site. The and the distribution of artifacts, this approach is hydroaxing, however, did allow us to see that clear very labor intensive. Consequently, 20 or 25-foot plow ridges were still visible, indicating that the intervals are typically selected as the best site area had been cultivated in the past. compromise. They tend to provide fairly reliable information site patterning and provide reasonably Auger Testing and Metal Detecting good indications of structural remains. With the site open we decided that it was 41 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" A grid was established at the site using the Of the 69 auger tests only 16 (21.7%) orientation ofthe John Whitesides settlement (see produced artifacts. These included small quantities Figure 8), which also approximates that of Rifle of ceramics, glass, and nails. Only one produced Range Road and the general layout of the any brick. None produced shell. These remains development. The site's grid north was therefore were loosely clustered in the center of the auger magnetic N50°E. The grid was also tied into nearby test grid (Figure 16). While artifacts extended development markers for long-term horizontal outward from this concentration the spread was so control, although we recognized that this area was weak that it seems best attributable to plowing and to be developed shortly after the completion of the the natural dispersion of materials. In other words, field work. Pin flags were placed at 20 foot the auger testing revealed only one structure, intervals covering an area 120 feet east-west by 120 situated in the center of the test area. This was feet north, encompassing about 0.3 acre. These interpreted to represent the main house. points were numbered sequentially as shown in Figure 16. In order to explore for any additional, but ephemeral structures, a metal detector survey was As the testing progressed additional points combined with the auger survey. The hope was were established to the north, west, and south of that small buildings which might be unitarian and the original grid in order to ensure that the site therefore contain few artifacts except those core had, indeed, been located. At the conclusion associated with its construction, would be found of the testing 69 auger tests were conducted, through concentrations of nails or other covering an area 180 feet east-west by 140 feet architectural hardware. north-south, or about 0.6 acre. While it might be argued that the grid would have been effectively This survey was undertaken using a Tesoro covered the Whitesides settlement had it been Bandido UTM with an 8-inch concentric coil longer north-south than east west (thereby taking (electromagnetic type operating at 10KHz). The on the proportions of the settlement fence), we instrument has the capability to operate in either were concerned that at least two sides be picked an all metal mode or discriminate mode (which up in the testing. This could be more cost eliminates ferrous metal response). The all-metal effectively assured by attempting to identify the mode is the industry standard VFL type which narrow width, rather than the longer length, of the does not require motion of the search coil for settlement. Based on the historic research, this proper operation. The discriminate mode is based testing encompassed 55% of the area shown on the on motion of the search coil, but allows control 1798 plat. over the detector's response to ferrous metals. The tests were conducted with a two Since the primary goal of this work was to person power auger equipped with a lO-inch bit. determine if additional low density architectural Each test was augered to a depth of 1.5 to 2.0 feet remains were present, the instrument was operated below the current ground surface. All soil was in an all-metal mode. This would ensure that screened through %-inch mesh and all remains, architectural hardware, especially nails, would be including shell, brick, and mortar, were collected. identified. Materials from these tests were sorted in This survey involved walking transects the field laboratory, with brick, mortar, and shell through the gridded area, and about 50 feet weighed and discarded. Historic artifacts were beyond in all directions, "sweeping" the metal counted, although no effort was made to detector across the ground surface. "Hits," or areas distinguish between different classes for the were metal was identified, would be flagged for purpose of the density mapping, primarily because ground truthing through shovel testing. The study, the sample sizes were found to be very small. Brick however, found no "hits" whatsoever. and mortar weights were equally small and could not be further utilized in density mapping. The reason for this absence, in retrospect, 42 • 49 • 36 • 35 • 22 021 \ 8 • 7 ~( • 57 .50 • 20 .9 .6 • 58 • 48 • 37 CD• 34 • 23 ~ .56 • 38 • 33 .10 GRID • 59 r51 • 47 • 5~ NORTH 02\~ CD ~ ~ '0, •.u, I • 60 0 .46 ,~I • 25 4-J1R \. 11 .4 \ MAGNETIC 05/ 52 G) NORTH _ \ • 61 .5 • 53 • 45 40 • 12 50° I (j) t ~ O(j 0/17 • 3 ~ CD 1 CD CD ~ ::l 67 • 66 \ 0 • 44 • 41 • 30 -13 Z 02;016 • 2 Vl --\~~' • 68 ...... 65 .42 • 15 o (;) • 43 • 29 • 28 1~ • 1 ,"''1-' / 0 'V6...... b.! • 69 / \ • 64 • 63 • 62 0 40 80 CD REPRESENTS NUMBER OF ARTIFACTS SCALE IN FEET Figure 16. Auger tests, area of the block excavations, and topography of the John Whitesides settlement core. ~ f.;J "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" is clear. Given the very early date of the site it is and was separately photographed, plotted, and likely that most structures, including utility profiled. buildings, were of peg construction. In the eighteenth century craft tradition very few nails Field notes were prepared on pH neutral, would be used. Those which might be present, for alkaline buffered paper and photographic materials example associated with roofing, would be small. were processed to archival standards. All original The site's wet and acidic soils have likely field notes, with archival copies, are curated at the significantly reduced the numbers of such nails South Carolina Institute of Archaeology and through corrosion. Indeed, very few identifiable Anthropology (SCIAA). All specimens have been nails were found even in the block excavation, evaluated for conservation needs and have been serving to confirm both their rarity and poor treated prior to curation (this process is discussed condition. in a following section of the study). The materials have been cataloged as 38CH1471-1-1 through Block Excavation 38CH1471-67-1, using SCIAA's proveniencing system. The auger test grid at 38CH1471 served as the basis for the general site grid. Units were 10 Excavations foot squares, although each one was further subdivided into four quadrants (SE, SW, NW, and The first two 10-foot excavation units were NE) in an effort to maximize spatial distnbution placed based on the auger study. Unit 1 was placed data. Units were simply identified by sequential north of Auger Test 18, in an area of low artifact numbers in the field, since the auger test data density, but which produced a small quantity of indicated that only one tightly contained block brick rubble. Unit 2, on the other hand, was placed would be excavated. In total 11 units were northwest of Auger Test 32, which produced the excavated, totalling 1025 square feet (Figures 16 largest quantity of materials. and 17). In both cases the soil stratigraphy at the Vertical control at the site was maintained site were found to be very simple. The surface soil, through the use an off-site mean sea level to a depth of about 0.9 to 1.0 foot was a very dark development stake. Elevations were expressed as gray (10YR3/1) loamy sand, overlying a dark feet above mean sea level (AMSL) as determined grayish brown (10YR4/2) sand. On occasion it was by reference this established datum. This system difficult to distinguish the two, but universally the allows widely separated areas of the site (and subsoil was slightly lighter in color, or slightly between this site and other plantation components grayer, than the overlying Ap horizon. such as 38CH1473 and 38CH1562) to be precisely compared. These soils, which throughout the excavation in late January and early February were Soils from the block excavation were wet, reflect chemical reduction caused by the lack screened through %-inch mesh using mechanical of oxygen in the soil. Because of the high water sifters. Units were troweled at the top of the table, aerobic organisms quickly deplete the supply subsoil, photographed in b/w print and color of oxygen, dying or becoming dormant. Anaerobic transparency film, and plotted. Excavation was by microorganisms multiply rapidly and use oxidized natural soil zones and soil samples were routinely soil compounds such as iron and manganese collected. The one feature identified was bisected. oxides, nitrate, sulfate, and their own metabolites Normally both a small soil (approximately 2 as electron acceptors in redox reactions. The point quarts) and flotation samples would be collected. is that under such conditions, nitrates are rapidly Given the low incidence of features and the mucky converted to ammonia and nitrogen gas and are nature of the soil, all of the fill from this feature lost from the soil: Manganese is readily reduced to was collected for mechanized water flotation. The a soluble form and also lost. Ferrous iron is even feature was also excavated by natural soil zones 44 EXCAVATIONS tEl DARK BROWN SOIL • TREE STUMP ~ MORTAR SPECKS a BRICK & MORTAR RUBBLE AT 39 AT 32 NOT EXCAVATED o 5 10 SCALE IN FEET Figure 17. Plan view of excavations at 38CH1471. 45 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" brought into solution and eventually lost (Merkle brick and mortar rubble. The surrounding soils 1955). Consequently, reduced soils not only make were a mucky very dark gray (10YR3/1) loamy clay the differentiation of stratigraphic zones difficult, so it was not possible to determine if this feature but also precludes chemical studies of occupation. may have been impacted by plowing, but the sides were generally well defined and the rubble fairly Another side effect of the wet soils was compact (Figure 18). that excavation screening, which normally progresses at the rate of around 12 cubic feet per Upon excavation the feature was found to person hour slowed to as low as 8 cubic feet per a maximum of 0.4 foot in depth and to be confined person hour. The obvious solution would have to a basin with sloping sides. No articulated been to either conduct the excavations during dry materials were found, although the feature did weather, precluded by the developer's schedule, or contain several areas of dense brick or mortar use water screening, precluded by the distance to remains. Also recovered from the features were even a fire hydrant. Consequently, excavation noticeable quantities of plaster, some with lathe progressed as quickly as the soils would allow using impressions. Most of these were highly fragmented mechanical sifters. and none were found which evidenced pigment. Unit 1 was found to produce very low Artifacts recovered from the feature quantities of artifacts (only 26 were recovered from included a small quantity of delft, slipware, and the 10-foot square). Five pounds of brick were pearlware. Also present was a possible fish hook recovered from the northeast quadrant of the unit. fragment, a brass pin, bottle glass fragments, and Although none of this brick was articulated and most of the fragments were under two inches in diameter, it nevertheless did suggest that the unit was placed in close proximity to a brick feature, perhaps a hearth or pier. Meanwhile, excavations in Unit 2 produced 156 artifacts, but only 4 ounces of brick. Although not as clearly associated with structural remains, the decision was made to focus on excavations in the Unit 2 area, hoping to not only obtain a larger sample of the t cultural remains associated with the structure, but to also work toward what we perceived to I be an architectural feature. As can be seen in Figure 17, excavation 12.00' . generally expanded southward, eventually encompassing a block of 925 square feet. As the EAST· WEST PROFILE LOOKING NORTIl work progressed careful note was maintained of 11.00' · artifact densities by 5-foot quadrants, since we wanted to encompass the densest portions of ------. TP5 the artifact scatter. ~ MORTAR • BRICK As excavation progressed only a single IT] MORTAR FRAGMENTS SCALE IN FEET feature, identified as Feature 1, was o MORTAR SPECKS encountered along the east wall of Unit 5 Figure 18. Feature 1 in Unit 5, representing a chimney (Figure 17). Measuring about 4 feet east-west by footing. about 3 feet north-south, it contained a mass of 46 EXCAVATIONS window glass. Perhaps the most interesting somewhat more diffusely spread across the recovery from the feature was a large quantity of excavations than the architectural remains, which charcoal and a relatively large quantity of very form a northeast-southwest linear pattern. In both small fish bone and fish scales. cases, however, the density of remains begins to drop the further away from the core found in The feature appears to represent a portion Units 3, 4, 5, and 8. of a probable hearth pad or chimney footing. It also appears that the area around this footing was Brick weights are very clearly associated a collector of small debris, such as the pin and fish with Feature 1, being concentrated in the northeast bones. During the demolition of the structure, as quadrant of Unit 5 and the northwest quadrant of the chimney was being salvaged, fragments of Unit 8. The brick density declines quickly as you plaster and other refuse were likely intermixed with move away from Feature 1, with the outlying the remains of the footing. quadrants suggesting little more than a smear of brick scattered by plowing. Taken in the context of the other excavation units, this chimney was probably There is a curious correlation between the situated at the western end of the structure. The brick and shell. Shell is concentrated in the brick encountered in Unit 1, 60 feet to the northern half of Unit 5 and the northwest quadrant northeast, may be the remaip.s of a second end of Unit 8 and tends to smear outward from this chimney, at the other end of the structure. If so, core no more than about 5 feet. Although the then the archaeological data suggest that the main origin and function of this shell is not well house measured about 55 feet in length. This understood, it appears to closely associated with explanation, however, seems unlikely since the the chimney footing or at least the western end of artifact density falls off so dramatically to the the structure. northeast. Summary In addition to the feature, two post holes were also identified. Found only a few feet apart in The excavations produced only one Unit 3, they do not fit into any obvious structural identifiable feature - a probable chimney footing pattern. Nevertheless, each was well defined. Post consisting of a shallow depression filled with brick Hole 1 measured 0.4 foot in diameter and had a and mortar rubble. No other well defined depth of 0.6 foot, terminating with a point. One evidence of architectural features was found. The undecorated creamware sherd was recovered from two post holes identified, for example, do not the fill. Post Hole 2 measured 0.8 foot in diameter appear to form any definable portion of the and was 0.9 foot in depth with a rounded bottom. posited structure. While there is a second brick This post hole produced a fragment of ''black glass" concentration about 55 feet east of Feature 1, and a lead glazed slipware ceramic. there are few artifacts in association. Distribution Studies The architectural artifacts suggest a linear smear running northeast-southwest, the anticipated The excavation of the units by quadrants orientation of the John Whitesides' structure. And allows the density of remains in the block Feature 1 does appear to be in an appropriate excavation to be more carefully explored. Figures location for a western end chimney (Figure 23). 19 through 22 present the density of kitchen artifacts, architectural artifacts, brick, and shell. Research at several other late eighteenth and early nineteenth century low status structures, Kitchen and architecture artifacts are both such as the Rose Hill plantation house in Prince concentrated in the center of the block (in the William's Parish (see Adams et al. 1995) suggests southeast quadrant of Unit 3 and the northeast that structural remains and artifact concentrations quadrant of Unit 8. Kitchen artifacts appear to be will be closely associated. If this is also the case at 47 ~ 00 <.:<-:•• •• :-:.:-••:-:• <-:-:-:••• :-:-:-:-:••• • ...... :-:-:.> -:.:.:-:...... :-:.:-:- .:-:-:-:- ...... :-:-:- :- .:-:. :-:- ...... , ...... I •.· ...... " ...... I •...... KITCHEN ARTIFACTS ARCHITECTURAL ARTIFACTS 80+ 20+ • 60 -79 .- • 15-19 ~ 10-14 40- 59 • •~ ~ E3 20- 39 0 0-9 0 <20 0 NOT EXCAVATED 10 20 0 NOT EXCAVATED •0 10 20 ~ = SCALE IN FEET SCALE IN FEET :ij Figure 19. Distribution of kitchen group artifacts in the block excavations. Figure 20. Distribution of architectural group artifacts in the block excavations. ~ ~ :A ....•••...... • •••, . . ~ ...... ' ...... , ...... ····· ...... ·...... · ...... · ...... t .· ...... ~ ! m...... · ...... I •...... ~ BRICK WEIGHTS IN OUNCES SHE LL WEIGHT IN OUNCES 220+ • 30+ • lSO- 219 • 20-29 •~ 100- 149 ~ 10-19 E3 SO-99 o 0-9 0 SCALE IN FEET SCALE IN FEET Figure 21. Distribution of brick in the block excavations. Figure 22. Distribution of oyster shell in the block excavations. EXCAVATIONS (see Carrillo 1978; Adams 1995), but generally they were rebuilt or enlarged in the late eighteenth century or early nineteenth century when rice cultivation became more profitable or when the planter began to reap the profits of Sea Island cotton. Based on the historic documentation it is unlikely that John Whitesides saw any great profit from his small patch of rice and the plantation never Figure 23. Block excavations at 38CH1471 showing the location of Feature 1. participated in the View is to the west. cotton boom of the nineteenth century. 38CHI471, then the structure is probably little The limited archaeological evidence, more than perhaps 30 by 20 feet. therefore, suggests a very modest structure with a single, gable end chimney. The scatter of brick to This is an exceptionally modest structure the northeast may represent an anomaly, or more - a concern which was also faced at Rose Hill, likely the remains of a utility building not where the structure was found to measure about 24 associated with large quantities of domestic by 28 feet with a gable end chimney located on the remams. east end with a door centered on the south wall facing the oak allee. There was also evidence of a porch at Rose Hill, perhaps 7 feet in depth. The Rose Hill structure, associated with a planter of modest means, was built on shallow brick piers with a wood superstructure. The intemallayout of the house was thought to be a simple two room plan with the east room measuring about 24 by 18 feet and the smaller room measuring 24 by 10 feet. There was possibly additional space in an overhead 10ft, but the posited floor plan provided around 672 square feet of living space. Both the Whitesides house and the rather better defined structure at Rose Hill are very small, especially by nineteenth century standards. Small main houses have been located at plantations dating to the early eighteenth century 49 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" 50 ARTIFACTS Introduction archival copies, are also curated with these facilities. All materials have been delivered to the This section is intended to provide an curatorial facility. overview of the material culture present at Whitesides Plantation. Since the excavation Analysis of the collections followed focused on one portion of the plantation through professionally accepted standards with a level of the excavation of one block (and one isolated 10- intensity suitable to the quantity and quality of the foot unit), these discussions combine all of the remains. Prehistoric pottery was so uncommon in materials recovered into one analytical unit. A these investigations (and outside the scope of the general overview of the recovered artifacts, their research plan) that it is not included in the study. contribution toward architectural or feature The temporal, cultural, and typological reconstructions, mean ceramic dating, artifact classifications of the historic remains follow such pattern analysis, and exploration of status authors as Cushion (1976), Godden (1964, 1985), indicators (including, where appropriate, Miller's Miller (1980, 1991), Noel Hume (1978), Norman indices) are provided for the site. The only artifacts Wilcox (1965), Peirce (1988), Price (1970), South not included in the detailed discussions (but, for (1977), and Walton (1976). Glass artifacts were example, included in the artifact patterns) are the identified using sources such as Jones (1986), Jones Colono wares, which are discussed in greater and Sullivan (1985), McKearin and McKearin detail in the following section of this study. (1972), McNally (1982), Smith (1981), Vose (1975), and Warren (1970). Additional references, Laboratory Processing, and Analysis especially for the porcelains and Colono wares will be discussed in the following sections. The cleaning of artifacts was conducted in Columbia, after the conclusion of the excavations. The analysis system used South's (1977) Cataloging of the specimens was conducted functional groups as an effort to subdivide historic intermittently during mid to late 1995. The analysis assemblages into groups which could reflect of the specimens was conducted during late 1995. behavioral categories. Initially developed for Artifacts were evaluated for their conservation eighteenth-century British colonial assemblages, needs by Chicora personnel at the Columbia this approach appears to be an excellent choice for laboratory during the processing of the collections. the Broom Hall collection. Although criticized for Materials from the site, because of the problems in sample comparability (see, for intermittently wet soils, were in very poor example, Joseph 1989), even the system's condition and no diagnostic materials were detractors note that: identified which warranted conservation efforts. whatever its flaws, the value of As previously discussed, the materials have artifact patterning lies in the fact been accepted for curation by the South Carolina that it is a universally recognized Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology. The method for organizing large collection has been cataloged using this collections of artifactual data in a institution's accessioning practices. Specimens manner which can be easily were packed in plastic bags and boxed. Field notes understood and which can be were prepared on pH neutral, alkaline buffered used for comparative purposes paper and photographic materials were processed (Joseph 1989:65). to archival standards. All original field notes, with 51 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" The functional categories of Kitchen, Architecture, count. Furniture, Personal, Clothing, Arms, Tobacco, and Activities provide not only the range necessary for Although no cross mend analyses were describing and characterizing most collections, but conducted on the glass artifacts, these materials also allow typically consistent comparison with were examined in a similar fashion to the ceramics other collections. to define minimum number of vessel counts, with the number of vessel bases in a given assemblage Another important analytical technique being used to define the MNV. Attempts were used in this study is the minimum vessel count, as made to mend and match vessel bases in order to both an alternative to the more traditional count of ensure the accuracy of the count. If a glass artifact ceramics! and also as a prerequisite to the exhibited a different color and/or form not application of Miller's cost indices. The most represented by the counted bases, then it was common approach for the calculation of minimum designated a separate vessel or container. number of vessels (MNV) is to layout all of the ceramics from a particular analytic unit (such as a The method used to determine the feature), grouping the sherds by ware, type, and occupation span of the excavations at Whitesides variety (e.g., floral motif vs. pastoral). All possible is South's (1977) bracketing technique. This mends are then made. Body sherds are, from this method consists of creating a time line where the point on, considered residual and not further manufacturing span of the various ceramics are considered. Remaining rim sherds, which fail to placed. The left bracket is placed by determining provide mends, are examined for matches in where at least half of the ceramic type bars touch. design, rim form, colors, and other attributes which The right bracket is placed the same way, however, would indicate matches with previously defined it is placed far enough to the right to at least touch vessels. Those which fail to match either mended the beginning of the latest type present (South vessels or other rims are counted as additional 1977:214). We have chosen to alter South's vessels. Since there were no closed features, such bracketing technique slightly by placing the left bar as wells or privies suitable for this level of analysis, at the earliest ending date when that ending date the analytic unit used was all of the units from the does not overlap with the rest of the ceramic type excavations. These were combined for this analysis, bars. using a minimum distinction method for the MNV, which tends to provide a relatively conservative 38CH1471. Main Settlement The investigations at the main settlement consisted of 1,025 square feet of excavations I Although counts are used in this, and virtually every study of historic wares, we know that they are centered on what is thought to be the main house biased as measures of the proportions of types. Simply of the Whitesides' plantation. This work produced put, the proportion by number of sherds of a particular 2,013 artifacts, yielding an artifact density of 2.0 type reflects two things - first, the proportion of that artifacts per square foot or 1.9 artifacts per cubic type in the population, and second, the average number foot. of sherds into which vessels of that type have broken (known among some researchers are their brokenness) Kitchen Group Artifacts in comparison with the brokenness of other types. In general, however, brokenness will vary from one type to A total of 1,558 Kitchen Group artifacts another and also from one size vessel of a particular was recovered, most (999 or 64.1 %) representing type to another size vessel of the same type. Usually, ceramics or glass (359 or 23.0%). Recovered were types with a high brokenness will be over-represented in a wide range of eighteenth and early nineteenth comparison to those with a low brokenness. More importantly, this bias not only affects the study of a century ceramics, including porcelains, white salt single assemblage, but may affect the study, or glazes stonewares, Nottingham stoneware, comparison, of different assemblages which may have a Westerwald stoneware, lead glazed slipwares, delft, different level of brokenness. creamwares, and pearlwares. As discussed below, 52 ARTIFACfS the latest ceramics recovered, which provide the During the eighteenth century utilitarian TPQ date for the sheet midden around the main house, are transfer printed and hand painted pearlwares. Table 7. Major Types of Datable Pottery at 38CH1471 The major types of ceramics are shown in Table 7, revealing that tablewares, such as the Porcelain 4 0.4% Stoneware 127 12.7% porcelains, white salt glazed stonewares, slipware, Brown 52 delft, creamwares, and pearlwares, account for Blue/Gray 68 72.2% of the ceramics. Utilitarian wares,2 such as White 7 the brown and gray stonewares and the coarse Earthenware 868 86.9% earthenwares, account for about 20.1 % of the Slipware 199 collection. This is far in excess of the 5 to 10% Refined 1 utilitarian wares found at the high status areas of Coarse 81 Broom Hall, but is very similar to the distribution Delft 10 found in Area E of Broom Hall, where utilitarian Creamware 305 wares accounted for 17.3% of the collection Pearlware 255 (Trinkley et a1. 1995:138). This suggests that lower Other 17 status occupations may exhibit a higher proportion of ceramics intended for storage or preparation. One reason for this difference may be that on high status sites utilitarian wares tend to be slipwares made in Staffordshire and other parts of concentrated at special use areas, such as kitchen England were exported to the colonies in huge and storage buildings. In contract, at lower status numbers. These were often offered for sale in sites it seems more likely that utilitarian wares newspapers and while no examples are immediately would be found throughout the occupation area, available from Charleston, Jefferson Miller cites serving a variety of functions. several examples from elsewhere: The most common eighteenth century in 1757 a New York merchant pottery was lead glazed slipware. As Noel Hume offered for sale ". . . Crates notes this ware has a red (or salmon) colored Common yellow Wares both cups body, is coated with a white slip through which and Dishes ...." Another New patterns were incised. The result was then covered York vendor, in 1768, advertised with a clear to pale yellow lead glaze that "yellow Dishes by the Crates ..." produced a "rich yellow surface and light-brown (Miller 1974:2). ornament where the body color showed through" (Noel Hume 1978:104). Principal forms were One hundred ninety-eight examples of plates, trenchers, mugs, and pitchers. As John slipware were recovered from the excavations at Cushion observes, the slipware potters were the main settlement and these account for nearly "primarily concerned with producing the everyday 20% of the entire European ceramic assemblage. necessities for the more humble table" (Cushion 1976:79). Recovered from the excavations are six plain slipware bowls, one cup, 10 pans, and one "standing saIL" Two of the five bowls have diameters of 5-inches, while the others include 7, 8, and lO-inch examples. The one cup has a 2 Utilitarian wares are those used in food bulbous body and a straight collar neck with a preparation and storage. They typically include stonewares and coarse earthenwares, but exclude Colono diameter of 3%-inches. Five of the 10 pans or ware, because of the possible ethnic differences in food trenchers are plain and the other five have pie preparation and consumption practices. crust rims. Sizes range from 5-inches to 14-inches. 53 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" The salt is an interesting example rarely found in 1987:111). archaeological collections. The recovered specimen is an example of a "standing salt" properly used at Richard Waterhouse (1989) explores the individual place settings. It would have appeared as structure of values in Carolina society, noting that a small bowl mounted on a turned pedestal food. "the behavior patterns of the wealthy eighteenth Similar examples are found in redware and are century Carolinians were based on luxurious living described by Ketchum (1991:20). and imitation of upper-class English taste and manners" (Waterhouse 1989:103). The reasons for The other eighteenth century wares - such this "exaggerated imitation of the . . . . English as Westerwald, white salt glazed stoneware, and gentry" (including the adaption of the tea delft - are considerably less common, comprising ceremony) were complex, but seem to involve the only 1.7% of the collection. Only four examples of high mortality of the new colony, the long porcelain are present. Two are an overglazed established links between Carolina's elite and the enamelled Chinese porcelain and the remaining English gentry, the close trading (and economic) two are likely English porcelains. Together, ties between the two groups, and the desire for the porcelain accounts for only 0.4% of the ceramics Carolina elite to establish itself as a ruling class from the Whitesides plantation. which was rigidly hierarchical and mobility was severely limited. Waterhouse also contends that the James Deetz observes that at least by ''black majority" of Carolina "deepened the 1780 the porcelain found in colonial inventories is psychological need for South Carolinians to adhere largely limited to: . to the normative values of English culture" (Waterhouse 1989:108). The tea ritual, and the tea sets, and probably associated very expensive imported porcelains were demonstrates the adoption of the one aspect of this overall process. full-blown English tea ceremony for the first time. This custom can There are some components of the tea be considered a good indicator of ceremony at the Whitesides plantation, such as the the re-Anglicization process that small quantity of porcelain, but clearly the was at work at the time (Deetz Whitesides were not either interested, or more 1977:60-61 ). likely, able to participate fully. He points out that porcelain is therefore a socio The other eighteenth century specimens technic artifact and therefore less likely to be from Whitesides include two Westerwald bowls broken, and enter the archaeological record, than with mouth diameters of 6 and 7-inches and one 7- more technomic artifacts. Henry Hobhouse inch jar. The overglazed enamelled Chinese describes this ritual, as well as the ceramics porcelain specimen is a 4-inch bowl, while the two associated with it: English specimens represent a 5-inch bowl and a saucer. The eighteenth century Europeans, like the Japanese but In the 1760s cream-colored earthenware, unlike the Chinese or the creamware, or "Queensware" began to replace the Russians, regarded tea making as tin glazed earthenwares in the world markets. The a ceremony. There was the creamwares were fine lead glazed ceramics with a boiling water, not boiled for too light-colored body and a slight yellowish to green long. There was the specially glaze. While the earliest documented English warmed pot. There was the example has an underglazed blue hand pained infusion time. There was the design and is dated 1743, the ware was not pouring, a little bit of a ceremony perfected until the work of Josiah Wedgwood in all on its own (Hobhouse the 1760s. It wasn't until the 1790s that much was seen in North America. 54 ARTIFACT'S Peter Walton notes that there are four from 5 to 81fz-inches in diameter, 11 annular bowls major decorative styles for creamware - colored (six were 5-inches in diameter, four were 6-inches, glazes (including many molded examples and some and one was 7-inches), one annular and mocha of the so-called "clouded wares"), enamel hand bowl 5-inches in diameter, two annular and cable painting, transfer printing, and slips (Walton bowls 5 and 6-inches in diameter, and three 1976:73). The transfer printed wares, beginning transfer printed bowls. Only one pearlware cup was perhaps as early as 1761, were printed in either an encountered, with four saucers (one polychrome Indian-red, black, or lilac enamel. Subjects hand painted, two hand painted overglaze, and one included pastorals, coats-of-arms, figures, black transfer printed). landscapes, birds, and flowers (Cushion 1976:88). The collection, therefore, included 20 The bulk of the Whitesides collection is plates, 47 bowls, four cups, seven saucers, one mug, undecorated creamwares, although both hand one platter, four jars, 10 pans or trenchers, one painted and transfer printed wares are present. standing salt, and one jug. Table 8 illustrates this The creamwares include six undecorated plates, distribution, revealing the dominance of including one 8-inch, one 81f2-inches, two 9-inches, tablewares, and (within this category) hollowware. one lO-inch, and one l1-inch. There are also 11 Teaware accounts for only a little over 5%, while undecorated bowls, ranging from 4-inches to 8- utilitarian vessels, such as jugs and jars, account for inches in diameter; two cups, bo~h 31fz-inches in diameter; two saucers, both 5-inches in diameter; and one undecorated mug, about 3-inches in Table 8. diameter. There are also five examples of the Shape and Function of Ceramic "Royal" pattern creamware plates (see Noel Hume Vessels 1978:Figure 35), ranging from 8-inches to 11- inches. Only one vessel could be identified with a ShaQe # % Tableware 76 79.2 hand painted overglaze decoration - a bowl with Plates/saucers 27 355 a 5-inch diameter. Bowls 47 61.8 Serving 2 2.6 As potters continued to experiment with Tea & Coffeeware 5 5.2 creamware in an effort to imitate the Chinese Utilitarian 15 15.6 porcelains, pearlware was eventually produced. By 1779 Wedgwood had produced pearlware, what he called an "improvement" on the creamware with a over 15% of the assemblage. bluish glaze (Walton 1976:77; see also Noel Hume 1978:129-132). At Whitesides the pearlwares are The mean ceramic date for the plantation, the second most common European ware, 1779, is shown in Table 9. If only the ceramics following creamware (accounting for 25.5% of the recovered from Feature 1 (the chimney footing) collection). Examples of polychrome hand painted, are used in the calculation the mean date is even blue hand painted, transfer printed, edged, earlier - 1762.7. This table also provides annular, and undecorated wares are present in the information concerning manufacturing date range collection. for the various ceramics. The terminus post quem (or TPQ) date is that date after which the zone or Nine pearlware plates were identified - provenience was deposited. It is based on the latest eight with blue (n=l) or green (n=7) edged dated artifact present in the assemblage. The TPQ decoration ranging from 7 to lO-inches in diameter date for this site is about 1795 and is based on the and one hand painted overglazed plate 7-inches in presence of the transfer printed and poly hand diameter. Twenty-two pearlware bowls were painted pearlwares. Using South's bracketing identified, including one undecorated bowl5-inches technique discussed earlier, the site reveals a range in diameter, four blue hand painted bowls ranging of occupation from about 1762 to 1815. 55 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" These dates closely approximate the previously Table 9. discussed historic range of 1762 Mean Ceramic Date for Whitesides Main House through 1834 for the plantation and Mean Date # its historic mean date of 1798. The Ceramic Date Range (xi) (fi) fi x xi date from the chimney footing, in Overglaze enamelled porcelain 1660-1800 1730 2 3,460 fact, is exactly that anticipated as Nottingham stoneware 1700-1810 1755 7 12,285 the historic beginning date of the Westerwald 1700-1775 1738 2 3,476 plantation and the mean for the White SGSW 1740-1775 1758 6 10,548 entire assemblage is only 19 years Lead glazed slipware 1670-1795 1733 198 343,134 earlier than the posited historic mean. South's bracketing date Decorated delft 1600-1802 1750 1,750 Plain delft 1640-1800 1720 8 13,760 suggests a somewhat earlier cessation of actiVIty at the Q-eamware, hand painted 1765-1810 1805 2 3,610 plantation, but this may reflect the transfer printed 1765-1815 1790 2 3,580 undecorated 1762-1820 1791 301 539,091 very limited activities carried on in the nineteenth century by Pearlware, poly hand painted 1795-1815 1805 7 12,635 Whitesides' widow. blue hand painted 1780-1820 1800 35 63,000 blue transfer printed 1795-1840 1818 11 19,998 edged 1780-1830 1805 33 59,565 Container glass accounts for annular/cable 1790-1820 1805 46 83,030 359 fragments or 23% of the undecorated 1780-1830 1805 122 220,210 Kitchen Group total. The most 783 1,393,132 prevalent glass type is that commonly called "black," which is 1,393,132 7 783 '" 1779.2 actually dark green in transmitted light, comprising 87.2% of the glass found at the plantation (n=313). These represent 1805, while the largest bottle bases most likely ''wine'' bottles commonly used in Europe and North represent beer styles dating from 1750 through America. Olive Jones (1986) has conducted 1810. extensive research on this bottle style, discovering that the cylindrical ''wine'' bottle represents four In addition to these cylindrical bottles distinct styles - two for wine and two for beer - there was also one example of a case bottle. These linked to their size and intended contents. These bottles were blown into a square-sided mold, have four styles, however, were not just used for wines nearly flat bases and relatively thin side walls. They and beers. Other products, such as cider, distilled are often called "Dutch gin bottles," but as Noel liquors, vinegar, and mineral waters might also Hume (1978:62, 69) notes, they were almost have been sold in these bottle styles. In addition, certainly made by both the English and French as they would have been used by private individuals well and housed a range of liquids. as containers for decanting, storing, and serving beverages either bought in barrels or made at Also present in collection are three aqua home. glass fragments, three dark aqua glass sherds, two manganese glass, and 38 clear glass fragments. The At the plantation, seven bottles were clear glass represents two small clear blown bottles, identified: three with basal diameters of 77 mm, both with bases about 50 mm in diameter. The one with a diameter of 95 mm, one with a aqua glass represents a fragmentary panel bottle diameter of 102 mm, and two with diameters of and the dark aqua bottle represents a cylindrical 115 mm. The first two sizes represent wine style bottle with a 15fs-inch base. sizes, dating from 1790-1850 and 1760-1800 respectively. The 102 mm size is most likely an The kitchen artifacts also include 12 undersized beer style, dating from 1765 through fragments of tableware and three kitchenware 56 ARTIFACT'S items. The tableware items represents a minimum small, suggesting considerable fragmentation of the of one goblet with a 2%-inch base and 3 tumblers panes prior to their disposal. All of the glass, with bases of 2, 2112, and 3-inches. Also present is however, had a greenish tint, common to a small fragment of etched glass, possibly eighteenth century specimens (Noel Hume representing a unidentified vessel. 1978:233). All are of lime-metal and colorless. All are The near absence of nails is of no also very plain and likely represent the least particular concern since it may only indicate that expensive wares available. This, however, does not the structure was built using eighteenth century mean to imply that they were "cheap," since glass craft techniques which focused on peg joinery. was often sold by weight and tumblers, even of lime glass, tended to be heavy. There was Timber framing through most of the frequently a great deal of breakage in shipment, eighteenth century relied on labor intensive further increasing the cost (McNally 1982:63). mortise-and-tenon joinery. Pegs, also called treenails or trunnels, were wooden pins used to The kitchenware items included two secure framing members together at their joints. fragments of cast iron kettles and one fragment of Similar pegs might even be used to anchor a light weight metal container, perhaps a tin box or floorboards to sleepers, plank sheathing to wall some form of inexpensive dutch oven. framing, or wood shingles to sheathing or laths (Lounsbury 1994:264, 379). Consequently, it is Architectural Group Artifacts possible to have structures built with virtually no use of metal nails or spikes. The soils at 38CH1471 were exceptionally harsh on metal artifacts, especially small metal Although soil conditions are a significant items such as nails. The combination of high factor affecting the small number of nails present acidity and periodic wetting and drying caused at 38CH1471, it is also likely that the Whitesides extensive corrosion so that of the 353 nails plantation · house was simply constructed with recovered from the excavation only one would be relatively few nails. identified as hand wrought. The remaining 352 could not be identified as either intact or The sparseness of window glass suggests fragmentary, much less as to type. that there were few glassed windows present. Although it is possible that the glass was salvaged The one wrought nail identified had a rose when the structure was abandoned, more than head. This type of nail has a distinctive head eight fragments would be expected just from created by four strikes of a hammer, giving it the normal damage and replacement. There seems to form of a four-leaf clover. Lounsbury (1994:412) be little literature on the availability or use of notes that this style was most commonly used in window glass in the mid-eighteenth century, rough framing and attaching exterior cladding. Regardless, the Whitesides do not seem to have had many glassed openings. The only other architectural remains encountered in the excavations are eight fragments Feature 1 does, however, reveal that the of flat glass (all of which appears to represent interior walls were plaster on riven wood lath. This window glass). Until the modem period window reveals that the structure possessed at least some glass was either crown or cylinder, with crown glass of the refinements expected of planter's homes. dominating the eighteenth and early nineteenth century market. Regardless, it is usually difficult to Furniture Group Artifacts distinguish the two unless certain, usually large, parts of the glass are present (Jones and Sullivan Only one furniture item, representing 0.1 % 1985:171). At Whitesides all of the fragments are of the total collection from the Whitesides plantation, was recovered. This item is a medium- 57 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" B F o 1 2 3 4 eM J K M N p R -S Figure 24. Artifacts recovered from Whitesides main settlement. A-D, lead glazed slipware; E, decorated delft; F, transfer printed creamware; G, hand painted creamware; H, transfer printed pearlware; I, annular pearlware; J-I<, hand painted pearlware; L, brass escutcheon; M, lead flint wrap; N, tobacco pine bowl with Masonic symbols; 0, brass buckle; P, silvered brass button (South's Type 9); Q, domed brass button (no type number); R-S, beads; T, lead fishing weight. 58 ARTIFACTS sized brass escutcheon measuring 1%-inches in one of the major lodges (Anonymous 1935; Jones height and 11f4-inches in width. While it might be 1967). associated with a door lock, it is also the size that might be found on a chest or cabinet. The item is The Masonic order originated largely in simple and offers no additional information on Britain. What was introduced into the south during dating. the colonial period came primarily from the York . Rite. The other major Masonic movement was the Arms Group Artifacts Scottish Rite, which was introduced from either France or the West Indies. The first South Arms artifacts are uncommon at the main Carolina lodge was chartered in 1760. Allen house settlement, with only two being recovered Cabaniss and Ernest Easterly have noted that: (accounting for 0.1% of the total assemblage). These include one gunflint (honey colored) and Masonry spread widely after the lead flint wrap. American Revolution and was a conspicuous feature of southern A review of research concerning gunflints life. Virginian George is provided by Davis (1986). In general, however, Washington used a Masonic Bible both Emery (1979:37-48) and Noel Hume during his first inauguration and a (1978:220) agree that English flints tend to be gray Masonic trowel in ceremonies or black, while French flints tend to be brown or laying the cornerstone for the honey-colored, with the majority of flints found on Capitol building in Washington, colonial sites coming from France because of their giving the Masonic order new superior quality. This appears to be the case at prominence (Cabaniss and Whitesides. Easterly 1989:620). The lead wrap measures 39 mm in length The most common diameter pipe stem is and 40 mm in width. These pieces of folded lead 5/64-inch, accounting for 66.7% of the collection were used to wrap the flints prior to inserting them (n=16), followed by 4/64-inch (n=8, 33.3%). All into the cock grip or jaws of flintlocks (Noel Hume are plain. 1978:2210-221; White 1995 :10). Clothing Group Artifacts Tobacco Group Artifacts This category includes 23 buttons and five The Whitesides main plantation area other clothing items, accounting for 1.4% of the produced 29 tobacco artifacts (representing 1.4% total assemblage from the main settlement. The of the total assemblage), including 24 pipe stem buttons, classified by South's (1964) types, are fragments and five pipe bowl fragments. listed in Table 10. Most (specifically Types 2-9, or 90% of the intact, dateable buttons) are thought to Of the 5 bowls, four were plain and the date from the first three-quarters ofthe eighteenth fifth example had a deer's head peering at the century. The remaining types are nineteenth smoker with masonic symbols on both sides. On century examples. This collection reveals the heavy one side was a motif which incorporated the use seen by the site in the eighteenth century and trowel, square, compass, golden vessels, and "G," its reduced importance in the early nineteenth flanked by three pillars on each side (representing century. wisdom, strength, and beauty and relating to Solomon's temple). On the side of this motif was Other clothing items include two plain also a representation of Jacob's theological ladder brass buckles, one brass decorative element and at the bottom was the mosaic pavement. On perhaps associated with clothing, and one brass the reverse side was a shield, likely representing straight pin measuring 29 rom in length, and one fragmentary iron pin. 59 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" archaeological sites. It is likely that it Table 10. survived because the feature's fill Buttons Recovered from Whitesides Plantation contained large quantities of mortar Type Description # Other (measurements in mm) and plaster which served to somewhat 2 brass dome 16.2 stabilize the soil chemistry. 7 spun brasslwhite metal with eye cast in place 15 2 - 13.2 (gold wash), 14.0, Personal Group Artifacts 2 - 145, 15.1, 163, 17.4, 185, 19.4,21.6, 23.8, 24.4, 24.9, 26.9 (silvered) Only five specimens found at 9 brass disc, hand-stamped Whitesides main settlement could be face design 2 14.7 (gold wash), 35.6 classified as Personal Group items 18 stamped brass 1 19.1 ("GILT/JAS D & CO.) (representing 0.3% of the total 29 cast white metal with assemblage ). These included two wire eye in boss 1 24.2 31 brass, spun back with beads, one coin, and two key drilled eye 1 17.6 fragments. 13/35 clear, faceted glass insert fragment 1 16.0 by 35 One bead is a faceted tube of brass dome with eye soldered to reverse of manganese glass measuring 20.64 mm dome 185 in length and 7.87 mm in width with a 1.8 mm diameter hole. The bead has seven sides, but othelWise closely approximates the Type 1f developed by Kidd and One brass buckle is rectangular, measuring Kidd (1970). I-inch by 1 %-inches. The rims are plain and the buckle is missing its tongue and tongue pin. The other bead is an example of the wire Although· slightly small, this example othelWise wound "doughnut" type in blue glass. It measures matches Abbitt's Type III shoe buckle (Abbitt 4.2 mm in length and 7.1 mm in width. It can be 1973:32). The other buckle is also plain, but has classified as a type WId (Kidd and Kidd 1970). the shape of a flat oval measuring 17/s-inches by 5/16-inches. This was not a shoe buckle, but is use Two iron keys were recovered. One is problematical. The decorative element is a piece represented a shaft fragment measuring 4V2-inches of flat brass measuring 18.7 mm by 23.4 mm which in length and including the key blade, which had been adhered to a leather strap by a number measured 1%-inches in height. The other example of small nails. While this might represent tack is intact and measured 3V2-inches in length. Both hardware, it is rather delicate and more strongly are the type of keys which might be associated with suggests a clothing application. a door lock. Brass pins are occasionally found on The last Personal Group item is a badly historic sites, depending on the size of the screen worn copper coin. Using reflected light and careful and the diligence of the excavators (Noel Hume scrutiny, it appears that this may represent a 1978:254). The example from the Whitesides' copper imitation halfpence from the 1780s. On the excavation was recovered from Feature 1 in the obverse is the head of George III facing right and heavy fraction resulting from water flotation. on the reverse a seated figure holding a wheat ear (Breen 1976:117; see also Newman 1976). The The second, fragmentary, example also British Royal mint ceased the production of came from the heavy fraction of this feature and is coppers in 1775 and did not resume until 1797. In of particular note since it is iron. Noel Hume the intervening years a number were issued by suggests that these were as common as brass pins, different states and the one found at Whitesides but are much more rarely recovered from most closely resembles those from Connecticut, 60 ARTIFACTS with "CONNEC" found to the rear of the King that the activities on the tract were substantially George's bust. reduced. It is also not clear if the settlement was actually used by John's widow. These beginning Activities Group Artifacts and ending dates produce a mean historic date of 1798. This final artifact group includes a total of 29 specimens (or 1.4%ofthe total assemblage from Turning to the archaeological collection, the Whitesides main settlement). The category is the ceramics from Feature 1 - the chimney footing broken down into a variety of classes - for the main house - produce a mean ceramic construction tools, farm tools, toys, fishing gear, date of 1762. While this is based on only three storage items, stable and bam items, miscellaneous ceramics, it is exactly the date of the anticipated hardware, and a rather general class called simply, beginning of the Whitesides plantation. A more "other" (South 1977:96). accurate date, however, is provided by examining the TPQ of the feature. This is 1790, as evidenced At 38CH1471, the only tool item was a by a fragment of annular pearlware. Regardless, badly deteriorated hoe fragment. Fishing gear the feature reveals that the plantation was in included two round lead weights. One measured operation prior to the 1798 plat showing the Sfs-inch in length and %-inch in width. The other settlements of John and Moses Whitesides. was 1f2-inch in length and Sfs-inch in width. Also present was a "home-made" weight, consisting of The mean ceramic date for the entire lead melted and allowed to cool in a spoon bowl. assemblage is 1779, 19 years earlier than the The resulting weight measured 1 Vz-inches in posited mean historic date. This suggests that length, 11f4-inches in width, and 3fa-inch in depth. activities at the plantation were dramatically Afterwards the weight was pierced with a 5/16-inch reduced in the nineteenth century and that the hole. bulk of the ceramics were introduced into the archaeological record prior to the end of the first Miscellaneous hardware items included an quarter of the nineteenth century. This tends to be supported by South's bracketing technique, which iron hook measuring 3Vz-inches in height and 11/Z suggests a beginning date for the plantation of inches in width, a small iron washer, and a 1762 and a terminal date of 1815. fragment of a brass nail. Brass and copper nails are frequently found associated with ship building and This dating reconstruction is supported, at their presence at coastal sites is rather common. least in a general fashion, by the total assemblage. The only identifiable nail is hand wrought, In the "other" category are 12 fragments of characteristic of the eighteenth century. The unidentifiable iron, one lump of melted lead, two buttons are generally eighteenth century styles and cut lead fragments, one fragment of gray flint none of those recovered clearly post-date about which may be a portion of a gun flint, four slate 1830. The single coin is consistent with a late fragments which may represent counting or writing eighteenth century date. In sum, the assemblage slate pieces, and two flint cobble fragments most presents a rather tight date range entirely likely introduced to the site as ballast. consistent with the historic documentation and our expectation that the site primarily represents a An Overview of Dating at the Plantation mid- to late-eighteenth century plantation As previously discussed the historic dates settlement. for the plantation range from about 1762, with the death of Thomas Whitesides and division of his Pattern Analysis estate, to 1834, with the death of John Whitesides. The artifact pattern for the Whitesides Although it continued to operate for a short period main settlement is illustrated in Table 11. A range after John's death, the historic evidence suggests 61 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" of previously defined artifact patterns is provided in the same Table 1l. table for ease of comparison. Artifact Pattern for the Whitesides Main Settlement Compared with Previously Published Patterns The most obvious (numbers in percents) conclusion, of course, is that the Whitesides Elfe Magnolia Revised Carolina Carolina Slave Whitesides artifact pattern appears GrouE 38CH1471 38BK207' 38CH10832 Artifact Pattern' Artifact Pattern' not to fit the pattern suggested by Kitchen 77.4 81.6 89.7 51.8 - 65.0 70.9 - 84.2 Architecture 17.9 7.3 7.7 25.2 - 31.4 11.8 - 24.8 South (1977) and later revised by Furniture 0.1 0.2 - 0.6 0.0 - 0.1 Garrow (1982) for British colonial Arms 0.1 0.4 0.1 - 0.3 0.0 - 0.2 domestic sites. The kitchen Tobacco 1.4 1.3 1.8 1.9 - 13.9 0.3 - 9.7 aothing 1.4 0.5 0.1 0.6 - 5.4 03 - 1.7 artifacts are entirely too numerous Personal 0.3 0.3 0.2 - 0.5 0.1 - 0.2 and the architectural remains are Activities 1.4 3.6 0.9 - 1.7 0.2 - 0.4 almost non-existent. Curiously, the , Trinkley 1985:Table 8 Whitesides assemblage fits the 2 Wayne and Dickinson 1990:Table 11-2 parameters of the Revised , Garrow 1982 Carolina pattern in every other respect. and power (see, for example, Bushman 1992:100- In looking at other, published and 138). Very high status plantations such as Broom generally patterns, the Whitesides main settlement Hall (Trinkley et al. 1995:117) exhibit patterns comes very close to that suggested as typical for which are nearly identical to the Revised Carolina eighteenth century slave settlements in the Pattern and the Charleston Townhouse Pattern, Carolina low country. In fact, the Whitesides serving to emphasize that these patterns may better assemblage fits the slave pattern in all but two be seen as expressions of genteel, or refined, respects - Whitesides exhibits a slightly higher eighteenth century society, than of typical planters. proportion of personal artifacts and a substantially This is especially true as we remember that, as higher proportion of activity related artifacts. Bushman (1992) warns, the materials signs of refinement, elegance, and gentility could be picked These findings, of course, are somewhat and chosen by society at large. disconcerting, at least initially. They would suggest that the artifacts recovered from the main This is even clearer when we realize that settlement more closely resemble those one would there are other plantation main settlements which expect from a slave row than from the dwelling of exhibit equally rude assemblages. One of the a freeholder seeking to establish himself as a earliest studied was that of the Eife Plantation on planter in the eighteenth century. Daniels Island in nearby, and wealthier, St. Thomas and St. Denis Parish. Yet, when the Revised Carolina Pattern is carefully examined it is revealed as reflecting a It is worth re~visiting the Elfe Plantation rather high wealth and status. For example, the and re-examining the explanation for the seeming Charleston Townhouse Profile, developed by poverty· of the site. At the time it was suggested Martha Zierden and her colleagues (Zierden and that during Elfe's lifetime the plantation (which Grimes 1989) to reflect the wealth and prosperity was acquired in 1765 and passed to his widow at of townhouse owners in the late eighteenth and his death in 1775) was a minor investment and as early nineteenth century, is very similar to the a consequence contained very spartan furnishings. Revised Carolina Pattern. In fact, the only real It was suggested that "Elfe's wealth was apparently difference is that the Townhouse Pattern has an contained within the city walls of Charleston" even higher quantity of architectural items that the (Trinkley 1985:34) and Friedlander (1985) was Carolina Pattern, reflecting the former's drawn upon to emphasize that "plantation" in the elaboration of the building as a reflection of wealth colonial period had a considerable range in 62 ARTIFAcrs apparent grandeur, depending of the property's buildings - stable, bam, com crib importance in the owner's portfolio. Later, when and the like. While we may not Elfe's widow Rachel began living on the property, think of these as plantations, it is the Elfe fortune was seriously reduced by the important to remember that the Revolution and her husband's previous support of contemporaries did (Friedlander the Crown. It may be that Rachel · had difficulty 1985:3). maintaining an affluent lifestyle as local commodity prices dropped and import prices rose. This range in what was called, and recognized in eighteenth century society, as a The study suggested that the explanation plantation will exhibit a range in artifact patterns. based on "an understanding of the plantation's These ranges are only now being recognized. original use and importance to Elfe, the economic and political effects of the Revolutionary War and Curiously, sites such as 38BU96 locus 6, at the ensuing years, and the vagary of the Cotton Hope Plantation on Hilton Head Island archaeological record" appeared most reasonable. (Trinkley 1990:Table 16); 38BU1591, the Rose Hill A similar approach to the data at Seasides seems Plantation site in Prince Williams Parish (Adams equally appropriate. et al. 1995:Table 7); and 38BUI289, Stoney Creek Plantation in Prince Williams Parish (Kennedy and In addition, Wayne and Dickinson Roberts 1993: Table 15) all exhibit another (1990:11-1-11-15) support the Elfe data through plantation pattern, with kitchen artifacts ranging the discovery of a similarly impoverished plantation from about 45.0% to 48.9% and architectural items (subsistence farm might be a better term) on the ranging from 43.0% to 46.8%. While these patterns Wando River. The property, known as Magnolia, also fail to fit the conventional Carolina Artifact was given to John Baxter by his wife's father, Pattern, they certainly reflect late eighteenth and Thomas Lynch. Baxter was apparently a minister early nineteenth century plantation development in and the tract was used as his home and farm the Beaufort area. during his tenure in the Charleston area. They note that the house, while having "a substantial The point is that there will be a range of fireplace," was a simple, small two-room frame patterns reflecting what we call plantations. What building. They note that, "the limited and low is seen at the Whitesides settlement is a pattern of status artifact assemblage is pqssibly a reflection of a small, perhaps even poor, planter. That it the early period" (Wayne and Dickinson 1990:11- appears unusual to us should be reason enough to 14). continue research and explore these small planters in even greater detail. The Whitesides settlement begins to place both the Elfe and Baxter settlements in a firmer Ceramics and Status perspective. Some plantations simply do not fit the ideal represented by the Revised Carolina Artifact Since one goal of archaeological research Pattern. There was a range of what might be called (in general and certainly for this project), is to a plantation. Friedlander, fpr examples, observes: better understand how different people lived, a wide variety of techniques have evolved for looking [a] plantation could also mean at status and lifestyle. At times the efforts have something in the order of Cedar devolved into rather simplistic statements, causing Grove, Onslow County, North at least one researcher to remark, "It is well know Carolina. Although owned by the that the rich lived better than the poor," and wealthy and prominent Howard suggest that archaeologists should "count less and family, the settlement complex at think more" (Friedlander 1990:109). Hopefully, it best probably included a fairly is possible to both count more (or at least in simple farmhouse, outlying kitchen, and associated farm 63 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" different ways) and to also think (both more and for an amazing 92% of the collection. Annular and better). edged wares contribute only 3% of the ceramics while painted and printed wares contribute an In the past archaeologists have used additional 6% (Trinkley 1985:Table 5). assemblage level studies to gain some indication of status. For example, Otto (1984:64-67) has Although the sample is very small, it explored the percentages of decorated ceramic appears that at small planter sites undecorated types, finding that nineteenth century coastal wares may dominate the collection. Relegating Georgia slaves tended to use considerably more these wares to the status of "cheap" or undecorated, banded, edged, and hand painted "inexpensive" is difficult since each ware initially wares than the plantation owner, who tended to was expensive and was lowered in cost as its use transfer printed wares. Zierden and Grimes novelty wore off. In addition, as Miller (1980:10) (1989:96) have observed that while porcelains are points out, there were less expensive alternatives, typically taken as indicators of status in the such as tinware, which Whitesides chose not to eighteenth century, they were replaced by transfer extensively use. Regardless of the reason, planters printed wares in the early nineteenth century, with like the Whitesides appear to have preferred this decorative style at upper status townhouse sites undecorated wares. typically accounting for around 22% of the ceramics. In a similar manner vessel form has been used to explore status and wealth, since slave Table 12 assemblages most often contain relatively high Table 12. reveals the percentages of bowls and.utilitarian wares, while Ceramic Motifs by Percent proportion of planters' sites tend to exhibit more plates and different designs teawares. Table 8 reveals that at the Whitesides Motif # MNV on creamwares main settlement tablewares dominate the Annular 33.8 37.1 and pearlwares, collection, accounting for 79.2% of the collection, Edged 24.3 22.9 by both counts with utilitarian wares the next most common. Painted 32.3 28.6 and MNV . Teawares account for only 5.2% ofthe assemblage, Printed 9.6 11.4 Annular and suggesting that the Whitesides were only occasional edged wares participants in the tea ceremony. (typically considered inexpensive) account for between about Among the tablewares, plates or flatware, 58% and 60% of the assemblage, compared to the account for only 35.5%, while bowls contribute hand painted and transfer printed wares (typically 61.8% of the vessel forms. While not dominating considered more expensive and hence of higher the collection, bowls do account for 37% of the status) which account for 40% to 42%. These EIfe collection (Trinkley 1985:Table 6). figures clearly place the Whitesides settlement outside the range of either Cannon Point's planter Bowls have been taken by archaeologists or even overseer. to be evidence of foodways. In particular, bowls and slavery have been linked - with the vessel Of perhaps greater interest are the very form taken to indicate the prevalence of "one-pot" large quantities of undecorated ceramics. When meals, stews, and pilafs. they are added the counts, the combined proportion of annular and edged wares falls to Such an approach, while clearly contrasting 14%, the painted and printed wares account for white and black, provides little information 10% of the assemblage, and the plain wares concerning the degrees found among each group. account for 76% of the collection. It also fails to acknowledge the plebeian origins of the planter class or that differences in status might A similar situation is seen at the Elfe be found within the groups. Bushman, for example, Plantation site, where undecorated wares account notes that the meals of upper and lower classes 64 ARTIFACTS were general very similar, with only one important and deep dishes for everyday difference - the upper classes tended to eat much stews and pottages, a few plates more meat while the more common people "mostly and platters for roasted meats, ate grain, prepared in various ways as bread, gruel, and sundry jugs, bottles, tankards, or porridge" occasionally garnished by vegetables, and flagons to pass around home meat, or cheese (Bushrpan 1992:74). He notes that: brewed beverages (Carson 1994: 597-598). [s ]poon meals, the name given to soups, gruels, porridges, and Once again, our view of "planters" is similar infusions, were well liked distorted by an emphasis on the wealthy and on and prepared the year around. the nineteenth century, when the style of gentility The more important ones, made had been widely adopted that, in Bushman's words, with cereal grains, were porridge, "the line that once divided gentry from the rest of gruels, and brose. Oat porridge society now dropped to a lower level and separated when boiled until a thick, stiff the middle class from workers and marginal jelly was called flummery and was people" (Bushman 1992:xv). highly esteemed. A similar dish made out of whole wheat was One of the most powerful tools for called frumenty. Gruel was made analysis of the economic value of archaeological from a thick dark water poured ceramic assemblages is George Miller's (1980, off the grains after they had been 1991) CC Indices. The technique provides a rough steeped but not yet boiled into approximation of the economic position of the porridge an then allowed to plantation owner depositing the discarded ferment slightly in a wooden ceramics. The indices are best used on discrete, bowl. It was drunk straight with a sealed, and well-dated deposits. In addition, the dash of liquor or ale or thinned indices are best used on collections which date down and heated. The high from the last two or two decades of the eighteenth tables, by contrast, provided century through the mid-nineteenth century. None strange mixtures of spices, of these conditions characterize the Whitesides mashed meats, and sometimes plantation. Nevertheless, Miller's indices may help vegetables in "made dishes" us better understand the wealth of John (Bushman 1992:455-456). Whitesides, as long as it is remembered that the site is hardly an ideal test. Cary Carson observes that the new foods were an integral part of the consumer revolution in Nevertheless, the results are shown in British America. These new foods, he notes: Table 13, revealing that the ceramic index for the Whitesides main settlement is 1.63. Compared begot a bewildering array of new graphically to other studies in Figure 25, the tableware. Traditional "country Whitesides index falls about mid-way along the fare" had usually been served in currently available continuum. While certainly the wooden bowls and trenchers Whitesides' ceramics were less expensive than before the sixteenth century. those at some nineteenth century planter sites, they Thereafter, improving standards were at about the same level as the ceramics of living and rising expectations recovered from Cotton Hope Plantation and higher had set many farmers' tables with than those associated with a free black in pewter and earthenware as well. eighteenth century Charleston. Still and all, eating and drinking vessels had been as few as need be and strictly utilitarian - bowls 65 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" abundant they are all simple, furniture artifacts are Table 13. almost non-existent, and kitchenware items such as Ceramic Index Values for the Whitesides Plantation utensils are absent. There are none of the markers of the planter class seen at plantation sites such as index Broom Hall. value # Plates The archaeological record even paints a undecorated 1.00 11 edged 138 (1802) 8 rather harsh picture of the Whitesides house - HPOG 3.61 (1804) 1 small, timber framed, having only a few glassed Bowls windows, and lacking elaborate hardware. Its most undecorated 1.00 12 durable archaeological feature were the remains of annular 1.60 (1799) 14 the chimney footing, heavily damaged from years painted 233 (1802) 4 HPOG 2.80 (1822) 1 of cultivation. printed 432 (1795) 3 Cups These discussions have already more than undecorated 1.00 2 hinted at the reason the assemblage appears so painted 1.60 (1802) 1 impoverished, noting that our vision of the planting Ceramic Index 1.63 class is distorted by a reliance on nineteenth Summary Sites The CP, Planter assemblage from the SI B. Mam House Sali;s. Middle Class Whitesides SIB. House Slave W. Overseer Plantation provides a CPo Overseer unique glimpse of a Saks. fpc feature I.-PA Slave Charleston planter SIB. Kitchen , W. Postbellum who was only Saks. Hotel , marginally Whitesides CH. Structure 6 participating in what Saks. fpc we have come to Saks. fpc CH. Structure 1 1 understand as BL. Freed Slave M. Fredman "plantation society." Oatland Owner The artifacts might at W Slave MT. 2. Tenant Farmer first glance be HP. Slave , ! TH. Slave dismissed as belonging Saks. Pool Hall to a slave: the W Owner W. Slave assemblage is I I dominated by bowls of 0.0 0.5 1.0 1.5 2.0 2.5 plain or simple Ceramic Index decoration, the ceramic index is relatively low, there Figure 25. Comparison of Miller's Ceramic Indices for a variety of sites (BL= Black Lucy [Felton are few examples of and Schulz 1983], CH = Cotton Hope [Trinkley 1990], CP = Cannon's Point [Spencer table glass items, luxury Wood and Heberling 1987], HP = Haig Point [Trinkley and Hacker 1989], M = . items found marking Mitchelville [Trinkley and Hacker 1986], MT = M. Tabbs, 2, Tenant Farm [Miller 1980], the planter elite are Oatland = Oatland Plantation [Trinkley 1993], Saxs = Princess Street Site, Charleston rare or absent, while [Trinkley and Hacker 1996], SIB = Stoney/Baynard Plantation [Trinkley 1996], TH = Turkey Hill Plantation [Trinkley 1993], W = Willbrook [Trinkley 1993]). clothing items are 66 ARTIFAcrs century data and a tendency to focus on the wealthiest planters regardless of time period. During the nineteenth century the artifacts of gentility and refinement became more common and affordable, allowing their possession by even the middle classes. Consumer goods, as a whole, became more available, and archaeological assemblages dramatically increase in sheer volume. Focusing on the wealthiest planters is probably an inherent bias in the CRM process - sites which "look" larger and contain more artifacts are, we believe, more likely to be seen as "significant." Plantations associated with Carolina's founding families are also more difficult as dismiss than a farm operated by a relatively unknown historical figure. As a consequence, we have a rather large data set of wealthy (relatively speaking) planters, but a fairly small data set of farmers or small planters. The current research improves our ability to examine and understand the common planter of the eighteenth century. 67 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" 68 COLONOWARE Introduction however, does little to resolve the basic inability to consistently separate collections or to help us The most thorough recently published better understand the cultural context of Colono examination of Colono wares is that associated ware. As a result, adaption of the type-variety with the eighteenth century Broom Hall Plantation system appears the most reasonable approach, at and included a macroscopic typological least for the present time. Since varieties in the examination (Trinkley et al. 1995: 198-224 ), coupled type-variety system intergrade, they do not with a petrographic, chemical, and mineral necessarily have to be. sortable. In addition, the characterization of the pottery (Smith 1995). varieties do not have to have the same areal and Readers interested in a broad overview of Colono temporal distributions. While they may overlap, wares will want to consult these studies. The spatially and temporally, they need not always co Broom Hall research, however, built on several exist (see Phillips 1970 for additional discussion of decades of detailed studies by researchers such as the type-variety approach). Ron Anthony (1986), Leland Ferguson (1980,1989, 1992), Thomas Wheaton, and Pat Garrow (Garrow Brief Synopsis of Previous Research and Wheaton 1989; Wheaton et al. 1983). Ferguson (1992:8-9, Figure 14) and others The conventional interpretation is that have noted that, quite logically, Colono wares are most Colono wares, most commonly called found in larger amounts at slave settlements than Yaughan, were produced by slaves for their own at main houses, and more frequently at plantations use, while a somewhat less common pottery, than cities. At Limerick Plantation, Lees and usually called River Burnished or Catawba, is Kimery-Lees (1979:9) noted that the use of Colono believed to have been produced by Native ware decreased through time. From the period Americans for sale or trade. While there are a 1701 to 1725, these wares represented 94% of all number of attributes used to separate these two ceramics. The percentages steadily decreased to wares, thickness and surface treatment are most 27% for the period 1826 to 1850. This decrease has often stressed and appear to be of primary utility been noted at a number of other plantation sites in the gross separation of the two wares. Table 14 and the quantity varies depending on the presence provides a summary of the attributes provides by of a high status occupation. Table 15 provides a Wheaton et al. (1983:229). summary of information on some Charleston area plantation slave sites. This table supports their There remains some disagreement over the contention, although there are some deviances. For use of Yaughan and River Burnished as either instance, the Tanner Road settlement at Limerick types or varieties within a "type-variety" system Plantation had a very large percentage of Colono (see Ferguson 1989, Garrow and Wheaton 1989). wares for its late occupation (Babson 1990). This As will become evident, in neither the Broom Hall may be a result of the site being more self study (Trinkley et al. 1995) or this current sufficient since it was a peripheral settlement. examination, can the two wares be consistently sorted and examination of typological traits reveals Garrow and Wheaton (1989:178) noted at considerable overlap. Some researchers (e.g., Yaughan and Curriboo Plantations that by Anthony 1986) have attempted to resolve this comparing the relative frequencies of Yaughan to problem - the range of variability present in River Burnished pottery there is an indication that Yaughan and River Burnished - by creating while Yaughan wares declined through time, the intermediate "types." This proliferation of types, River Burnished wares increased. Whether this is 69 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" Table 14. Attribute Summaries for Colono ware and River Burnished or Catawba Potteries (from Wheaton et al. 1983) Yaughan Catawba Thickness Average .725 cm thick up to very Average ±5 cm thick; 1.1 cm, regular and uneven on individual vessels and even. even single sherds. Form Generally open incurving bowls and Generally straight sided, open, outflaring small flared mouth jars, lips were bowls, and small well made jars, lips were crudely rounded, or flattened with a tapered and well finished. . finger or stick. Body Wide variation in size, amount and Limited variety of nonplastics, generally fine type of non-plastics, generally particle size and completely oxidized or various water-washed sands, completely reduced. oxidation was usually not complete, leaving a dark core. SUiface Ranged from crudely smoothed to Usually highly polished on interior and polished with obvious evidence of exterior of bowls and wide mouthed jars, the polishing tool, generally polish marks were often evident, color ranges interiors of bowls and exteriors of from black to gray to buff, little variation on jars were polished, color ranged individual sherds, some vessels were from black to dark brown to intentionally reduced. reddish orange, great variation on individual vessels and sherds. Decoration .3% had decoration on interior of 35% of Catawba had undulating "day-glo" bowls including prefiring notched red painted lines on the exterior of jars and rims, reed punctate, thimble the interior of bowls applied after impressed, incised lines; post firing preliminary or final firing of the vessel; incision in the form of a cross in a occasionally red dots were placed around the square and a circle occurred on the undulating line, or around small regular facts interior bottoms of a few bowls. taken out of the interior lip; or both.. Method of Manufacture Bases occasionally coil made and Evidence supports hand modelling but body was hand modelled, poor sample is too small for definite conclusions, control over firing temperature and firing temperature and time were well firing time, handles appeared to be controlled, reduction when it occurs was attached to the surface of the intentional, handles had plugs on the end vessel. which were inserted in the wall and smoothed from the inside. 70 COLONOWARE a site specific occurrence or a regional (i.e., I remember, for example, that it Charleston area) pattern is unknown and future was a confident faith among the research should focus on determining if larger old ladies, that okra soup was proportions of River Burnished wares are always inferior if cooked in any distinctive of later sites. Certainly the relatively but an Indian pot.... Certainly early Broom Hall site (Trinkley et al. 1995:209) an iron vessel is one of the last produced primarily Yaughan pottery, tending to which should be employed in the support this pattern. preparation of this truly southern dish (Simms 1841:122) Garrow and Wheaton also found that the relative frequencies of Yaughan ware attributable Identification of planter preference in Colono ware to "cups!bowls versus cooking/storage vessels" may be difficult to find since slaves tended to do within the slave quarters changed through time. all the cooking on plantations and it is likely that The percentage of cooking and storage vessels if there was a planter preference, it will be masked. declined, while cups and bowls increased. They suggest that: It is also possible, if not highly likely, that some of these River Burnished wares were made The material culture during the locally, that is, within a roughly 30 mile radius and early period appears to have been therefore, the pastes between Colono ware and based on West African and/or River Burnished ware may not by highly variable. Caribbean models, and changed Since it seems overly labor intensive for the as time passed to become more Catawbas to bring fired pottery or even raw clay all like the prevalent Euro American models of the South Carolina coast (Garrow and Table 15. Wheaton 1989:179). Colono wares and European Ceramics from Again, more research is needed to Charleston Area Slave Sites determine if this is a regional trend. Colono European Both the decrease in Colono wares and Site Name wares Ceramics Date Range Context the decrease in cooking and storage Smoky Hill' 74% 26% 1705·1798 MH/SR Early Yaughan' 90% 10% 174Q.1790 SR vessel was seen as evidence for the Curriboo' 88% 12% 174Q.1800 SR acculturation of the African-American Middleburg' 60% 40% 1760·1820 SR population at Yaughan and Curriboo Late Yaughan2 71% 29% 1780-1820 SR Lexington' 88% 12% 1800' SR Plantations (Garrow and Wheaton Spiers Landing' 56% 44% 1792·1830 IS 1989). Tanner Road' 78% 22% 1780-1850 SR Halidon Hill' 36% 64% 1795·1850 SR Broom Hall' 80% 20% 1715·1775 SR Another trend which may exist 38CHll07. Kiawah' 68% 32% 1717·1772 IS is the preference of one ware over another by the planter class. William Key: MH=Main House; SR=Slave Row; IS=Isolated Slave House; '=no range provided. 'Affleck 1990 Gilmore Simms noted in the first , Wheaton et al. 1983 quarter of the nineteenth century that 'Wayne and Dickinson 1990 Indian pots were highly valued and • Drucker and Anthony 1979 , Babson 1990 were: , Trinkley 1995 , Trinkley et al. 1995 considered by most of the worthy house wives of the past the way from their upcountry villages to the generation, to be far Charleston area, they may have been searching out superior to any other. plastic micaceous clays, similar to what they used 71 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" o 2 3 4 c:::::::=.-..... ----e ====M _ Figure 26. Colono ware from Whitesides main settlement. A-B, examples of River Burnished sherds with weak folds to the exterior; CD, examples of River Burnished "pie crust" rim decoration (D also exhibits fire clouding); E, River Burnished sherd with gadrooned rim; F, River Burnished sherd with heavy exterior sooting; G, heavily abraded River Burnished sherd with linear striations; H-I, River Burnished sherds used as hones; J, River Burnished sherd with wear around edges; K, River Burnished sherd with probable argillaceous (ACF) clots in the clay paste. 72 COLONOWARE near their own settlements. approach. This may be especially important as we. attempt to refine our descriptions of the type A number of Yaughan vessels have pre- or varieties. post firing incisions consisting of some variation of an "X", including an "X" alone, within a square or The petrographic study (Smith 1995) of a circle, or some other encirclement located on the the Broom Hall collection found that the two bottom interior or exterior of the vessels. The wares have broadly similar temper mineralogy but marks were all found on Yaughan bowls and none exhibited some textural differences. The different were found on jars. Often these bowls had ring styles of argillaceous (ACF) clots and the grain size bases (Ferguson 1992:113). Archaeologists had difference of the temper materials (primarily initially believed that these marks were maker's or quartz) could be used to separate at least some of owner's marks, however, there was not enough the two wares. However, the proportions of temper variety for them to be owner's marks. While they and paste overlap and do not provide a discrete may be maker's marks, Ferguson (1992:114) states separation index. Based solely petrographic that since many of them are found adjacent to or evidence it would also be difficult, perhaps in water, the marks have some sort of link with impossible in most cases, to distinguish Yaughan water. He suggests that the marks are associated from River Burnished on the basis of muscovite with Bakongo religion since they closely resemble abundance. Mica, in other words, is not a the Bakongo sign of the cosmos (see Ferguson consistently distinguishing characteristic. 1992; Thompson 1983). Given the ubiquitous emphasis on water spirits and circularity in West Chemical data acquired by Smith (1995) African religion, the presence of these marked from the Broom Hall collection suggest that vessels adjacent to water may indicate that they are manganese concentrations may be used to a part of some sort of religious ritual. If this is distinctly separate the two types, although this was indeed the explanation for these markings, then the only one of 32 different chemicals which they will most often be found at sites on rivers, and exhibited consistent meaningful differences. At the will be uncommon, if not absent, on sites without cop.clusion of this study it was not clear whether a major water course. However, more research is manganese would be a consistent identifier, or needed to understand the meaning behind these whether it was specific to Broom Hall. markings. Perhaps mapping the locations of their occurrence will provide more insight. Analytical Methods Turning to the most recent research at The Colono wares from John Whitesides' Broom Hall (Trinkley et al. 1995), the conventional main settlement were analyzed following the typological study, focusing on the examination of procedures established for the study of the Broom variables such as sherd thickness, temper, surface Hall Colono wares (Trinkley et al. 1995:204-205). treatment, and decoration, found that the The variables used in both studies were: collections identified as Yaughan and River Burnished overlapped tremendously. Macroscopic • Sand Temper Size, based on the (including microscopic to 5x) examination of the V.S.D.A. standard sizes for sand sand temper revealed that there were no strong or grains, defined as very fine (up consistent differences in temper size, shape, or to 0.1 mm), fine (0.1 to 0.25 rom), frequency between the two wares. It became medium (0.25 to 0.5 mm), coarse quickly clear that the two wares could not possibly (0.5 to 1.0 rom), and very coarse be consistently sorted into two (or even more) (1.0 to 2.0 rom); groups. As a. result, the work reinforced our impression that the type variety system was the • Sand Temper Shape, also most appropriate for Colono wares. The research known as degree of rounding, also illustrated the benefit of examining the defined as angular (convex shape Colono wares using a consistent, detailed 73 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" and sharp comers), subangular • Presence of charring or sooting; (convex shape with rounded-off comers), and rounded (convex • Evidence of use (i.e. cutlery shape and no comers); marks or spoon scrapes); • Frequency of Sand Inclusions, • Decoration; and using a three point scale of abundant, moderate, or sparse. • Appendages. These can be estimated by reference to percentage inclusion After formal and morphological attributes were estimation charts (see Mathew et determined, rim sherds would examined to al. 1991), with 30% or more being determine the minimum number of vessels abundant, ranges of 10 to 25% (MNV) as well as range of vessel sizes, shapes, and being moderate, and 5% or less styles. being sparse; Some changes were implemented during • Temper type: mica, quartz, clay the Whitesides study. For example, the initial inclusions, and voids; Broom Hall work found that sand temper shape was very difficult to judge even using a 5x hand • Surface treatments: smoothing, lens. There was a very low agreement between the identified when the sherds had a visual inspection and the results of the regular but not glossy surface, and petrographic study. Initially an effort was made to burnishing, identified when the improve the accuracy of this assessment by using a sherds had a semi-glossy finish; binocular microscope at 15x. The vast bulk of the sand inclusions are so fine as to make consistent • Core Cross-Sections, consisting evaluations, even using the higher magnification, of a visual observation of a freshly impossible. Unable to provide consistent (and broken edge. Sherds were replicable) results, the evaluation of sand grain characterized as (1) oxidized with shape was abandoned. no core, (2) oxidized with an interior core margin, and (3) The use of the higher magnification, reduced, being dark throughout however, was very useful in evaluating the presence with no core; of mica. Many River Burnished sherds have small grains which "sparkle," giving the impression that • Rim diameter, measured in the pottery contains abundant mica. The previous centimeters when a reliable arc petrographic examination of the Broom Hall was present; collection, however, revealed that mica inclusions ranged between 1 and 3% of the paste - hardly • Rim form; quantifiable. It appears that certain quartz and feldspar grains are frequently misidentified at a • Thickness, measured in macroscopic level as mica since they have a similar millimeters and taken 3 em below "sparkle." Using the binocular microscope on the the lip of the rim. When this Whitesides collection it became apparent that they, portion of the vessel was not too, lack mica inclusions. present sherd thickness was taken as a distinct measurement; The core cross-sections from the Whitesides collection were also examined in • Vessel form; greater detail and an effort was made to explore those sherds which in the paste had been lumped 74 COLONOWARE as "incompletely oxidized." Table 16. As work progressed on the Whitesides Percentage of Colono Wares and European collection it became obvious that efforts to Ceramics at Eighteenth Century Plantation Sites determine the minimum number of vessels, and the range of vessel sizes, shapes, and styles would Plantation Eurol2ean Ceramics Colono Wares be unproductive. The collection contained Elfe 98 2 relatively few rim sherds (only 27% of the Green Grove 89 11 collection are rim sherds) and all were relatively Whitesides 84 16 Broom Hall 75 25 small (95% were under 2 inches in diameter). Even Archdale Hall 57 43 the rim diameters must be considered estimates. Limerick 52 48 Crowfield (privy) 46 54 In spite of these differences and problems, the analysis of the Whitesides collection is directly comparable to the previous Broom Hall study. trade center (like Limerick). During the 1740s, Further, the information resulting from the study rice prices plunged which caused plantations to is highly reliable and represents a significant data become more self sufficient. It is likely that this source for further Colono ware studies. could also account for the larger quantity of Colono wares during this period. When the low Results of Traditional Analytical Techniques country economy became more established by the mid-eighteenth century, money was more abundant Proportion of Colono and European Wares and manufactured items were easier to obtain. This may account for the drop in Colono wares at this The proportion of Colono ware to time. The increase in use around the tum of the European ceramics was briefly explored at the century is perhaps due to the effects of the Whitesides' main settlement to examine the American Revolution. Again, the economy was in reliance a small planter in close proximity to ruins since during the war the exportation of both Charleston might have on either slave or Native rice and indigo were drastically curtailed (Lees American made wares. At the main house complex 1980). After the war, the indigo market never (38CHI471) Colono wares represent 15.7% of the recovered and it was not until the tum of the ceramic collection, with European wares century that a new staple crop was identified. representing the remaining 84.3%. Eventually, as European ceramics became cheaper, the need for Colono wares diminished. The relatively low quantities of Colono ware at main house sites is relatively common. The pattern at the Limerick main house is Table 16 provides comparative information from also evident at Broom Hall. While the percentage Charleston area eighteenth century plantation main of Colono wares through time is much lower at houses. This table illustrates that although Colono Broom Hall, this is perhaps due to the planter's ware percentages are low, there is a wide range in wealth, to the plantation's proximity to the frequency. This may be a factor of occupation span Charleston markets, or to planter/slave relations. or perhaps more likely, the strength of the African There is some indication that during the early American presence in the main house complex. occupation of Broom Hall there is a heavier reliance on Colono wares. Mean dates in the 1740s Previous research by Lees (1980) at the contain the highest quantities of Colono wares for Limerick plantation main house plotted the the eighteenth century. From the 1750s to the tum frequencies of Colono ware through time. This of the century the use of Colono wares remains suggests that perhaps when the plantation was steadily low. Colono wares peak to their highest pioneered, planters may have relied on Colono use around 1800, perhaps as a result of the wares since manufactured items were difficult to American Revolution, and then drop off again by come by, especially the further one was from a th,,: 1820s. It could also be argued that the increase 75 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" in Colono ware use correlates to increases in the Another variable may be associated with importation of slaves directly from Africa. The the ability of slaves to procure the time to produce patterns in importation roughly approximate the their own wares, as opposed to using wares patterns in Colono ware use at Broom Hall, provided by the planter. It may be that on some although there appears to be a lag effect. plantations the slaves' time was more valuable as labor in the fields than as producers of pottery. The sherds from Whitesides' main Just as many small planters found it more cost settlement were initially sorted into categories of effective to purchase food for his slaves rather than Yaughan or River Burnished, using the attributes raising it, they may have found purchasing Catawba previously discussed and generally accepted as pottery cheaper than having their slaves take time "valid" indicators by other researchers. There were from other tasks to make pottery. 185 sherds included in this analysis, representing all of the Colono pottery recovered from Certainly at the Whitesides plantation, in 38CHI471, regardless of size. The decision to the late eighteenth century, the slaves were using include all pottery, rather than just those sherds very large quantities of River Burnished wares, over I-inch in diameter, was made because of the presumably made by Native Americans, while using small collection size and our desire to obtain a few slave-made vessels. valid sample. Non-plastic Inclusions Sherds classified as River Burnished were by far the most common "type" of low fired Through macroscopic examination both pottery. Of the total assemblage, 173 or 93.5% Yaughan and River Burnished sherds were found were classified as River Burnished and 12 or 6.5% to contain varying degrees of primarily quartz sand. were classified as Yaughan. Both wares also included a small number of sherds with what are called voided, apparently reflecting Wheaton has suggested that the use of organic matter which burned out during the firing. River Burnished wares began in the late eighteenth For the most part these appeared to be very small century and increased through time (Wheaton et rootlets, suggesting incomplete preparation of the al. 1993). Examination of his data, drawn primarily clay. These voids were considerably more common from the Awendaw area of northern Charleston in the Yaughan wares than in the River Burnished County, supports this assessment. The presence of (Figure 27). River Burnished wares increased greatly sometime between 1775 and 1789. By the 1820s Percent the percentage of River Burnished wares 100r------, declines dramatically, probably because by this time the Catawba had stopped trading their 80 wares in the low country (Simms 1841). There seems to be good evidence that River Burnished 60 wares will peak at sites with mean ceramic dates around the tum of the century. 40 It is, however, also possible that areas closer to major trade centers, such as 20 Charleston, had greater access to the wares and for a wider range of time than areas around o Awendaw and on the Santee. As a result, not Quartz Quartz and clay Quartz and voids only would these areas have higher proportions Temper Type earlier and later than areas further from trade _ Yaughan !m River Burnished centers, but might also have higher proportions Figure 27. Temper shape. during the peak of trade. 76 COLONOWARE Present only in the River Burnished Percent collection were also a small number of sherds 100 with clay lumps included in the paste. These appear to be very similar to the argillaceous 80 (ACF) clots found in the Broom Hall collections. At Whitesides they also appear to 60 represent small amounts of dried clay which had become included in the paste during the manufacturing process. 40 Although the more highly burnished 20 River Burnished wares tended to reveal inclusions which "glittered," neither ware 0 produced recognizable quantities of mica Sparce Moderate Abundant inclusions at even 15x. As suggested by the Frequency of Sand Inclusions Broom Hall petrographic study, mica does not _ Vaughan ~ River Burnished appear to be a significant inclusion nor does it Figure 29. Frequency of sand inclusions. appear to be a defining feature of either River Burnished or Yaughan pottery. Just as quartz sand inclusions in the River Figure 28 illustrates the distribution of Burnished wares were smaller, they were also temper size of the low fired earthenwares. This considerably less common (Figure 29). Inclusions suggests that the slaves used clays for their vessels in the Yaughan pottery, in contrast, were more which a range of particle sizes, although the bulk common, even abundant. were fine sands. In contrast, the producers of the River Burnished ware apparently either sought out In sum, the paste analysis suggests the clays with only very fine sand inclusions or same general differences between the two wares as intentionally prepared their clay by sorting out the pointed out by other researchers and revealed in larger sands. Regardless, there is a very clear the Broom Hall study - the River Burnished macroscopic difference in non-plastic inclusions. pottery is finer and includes less sand, the Yaughan pottery is coarse and includes more non- plastic inclusions. The current study continues to Percenl support the conclusions from the Broom Hall 100r------, Study (Trinkley et al. 1985:214). It appears that the Native Americans gathered their clays from 80 sources along river beds where the clays are well sorted. In contrast, the slave gathered their clays from both river and upland areas, probably to 60 maximize clay sources within circumscnbed areas. Slaves, producing pottery not for sale or 40 trade but only for local use, may also have been less concerned with the quality of the clay, its 20 firing characteristics, or its appearance. Manufacture o Very Fine Fine Moderate Sand Temper Size Most of the sherds of both Yaughan _ Vaughan ~ River Burnished and River Burnished from Whitesides' main Figure 28. Sand temper size range. settlement were reduced with dark surface colors (Figure 30). For the River Burnished 77 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" The next most common form of 100~~~------, incomplete oxidation are sherds with a fully oxidized exterior surface and a reduced interior. 80 This suggests that the vessels were placed upside down, or somehow otherwise had their mouths covered during firing. The vessel interiors were 60 fired in a reducing atmosphere, while the exteriors were exposed to oxygen and were 40 consequently oxidized. 20 Fire clouding, caused by the differential access to air during firing and cooling, is observed on only 2.9% of the River Burnished o Complete Reduced Incomplete collection. This suggests that while firings with Oxidation both abundant air and very little oxygen were _ Yaughan ~ River Burnished conducted, they were relatively well controlled. Figure 30. Oxidation observed from fresh breaks. This is perhaps the most notable difference between the Whitesides collection and that from Broom Hall (Trinkley et al. 1995:214), where wares the next most common condition was fire clouds were common on River Burnished complete oxidation, which produced bluffs, reds, wares. and browns. Six examples of spalled surfaces were Although a relatively small quantity of the identified in the collection - all from River River Burnished wares were incompletely oxidized, Burnished wares. Spalling is usually a firing defect there sherds are worth special attention since they and its presence suggests firing on-site since there may help us to better understand firing and use has been an assumption that defective vessels conditions. Curiously ,sherds evidencing incomplete would not have been sold. Functional vessels, oxidation in an oxygen rich environment are however, may have been sold regardless of relatively uncommon, comprising only 5.8% of the appearance, albeit at reduced pricing. River Burnished collection. Also present were a very few sherds (comprising less than 1% of the Since there were so few rim sherds in the River Burnished collection) which had been fired collection, sherd thickness was measured on all in a reduced atmosphere, but which were rapidly examples, regardless of what portion of the vessel cooled in open air. they represented. As observed fairly consistently, River Burnished pottery tends to be thinner than The most common incompletely oxidized Yaughan - this was also the case at Whitesides' sherds were those with reduced interiors and main house. The mean thickness of the River exteriors, but an oxidized core. During normal Burnished pottery is 6.85 mm with a standard firing temperatures and in an oxidizing deviation of 1.41 mm and a range of 3.6 to 10.0 atmosphere, the surface of the vessels with organic mm. In contrast, the Yaughan collection, in spite matter in the clay will have a black color as the of its small size, had a mean thickness of 7.98 mm carbon is moved to the surface of the clay before and a standard deviation of 0.9 mm. The range for being burned off - resulting in an oxidized core the Yaughan was 6.5 to 8.8 mm. While the mean and reduced surfaces. This same cross-section, for the Yaughan is thicker (8 mm compared to 7 however, can also result from reduction when mm) the range of the Yaughan pottery is entirely organics are not originally present in the clays. subsumed within the range of the River Burnished. Given the prevalence of reducing firing atmospheres, this latter explanation seems more likely. 78 COLONOWARE Surface Treatment and Decoration While burnishing facets are often found As was expected, the River Burnished associated with the River Burnished ware (hence vessels exhibited a high to moderate degree of its name), they were relatively rare on the smoothing on a large percentage of the wares Whitesides collection. This may reflect post (Figure 31). Very few of the River Burnished depositional erosion and damage. On the other vessels had rough, or poorly prepared surfaces. hand, this (taken in conjunction with the incidence Some of these, in fact, may be explained by post of spalling) may suggest that John Whitesides was depositional damage. In contrast, the Yaughan purchasing less expensive Catawba pottery. wares exhibited, on the average, very poorly finished surfaces. Very few exhibited a high degree A single River Burnished sherd evidenced of smoothing. These patterns are fairly consistent highly smoothed cord impressions. Since the sherd when both interior and exterior smoothing is is too small to reflect the portion of the vessel considered. represented, it is impossible to determine whether these impressions are the result of the vessel being built on a cord mat, with an attempt to Percent 100 obliterate the resulting impressions, or whether this is an intentional decoration. No evidence of grass punctations like those found at Broom 80 Hall (Trinkley et al. 1995:218-219) were observed. Nor were examples of paint slips 60 present in the Whitesides collection. 40 Rim/Lip Types Lips were identified as flat, beveled, 20 rounded, or other, with the first three including a range of variation and elaboration. For 0 example, beveled lips included those which were High Moderate Absent beveled to the interior or exterior, as well as Degree of Exterior Smoothing those which were beveled to a point. Rounded _ Yaughan _ River Burnished lips included those which were rounded to the Percent interior or exterior. The "other" category 100r------, includes bulbous lips and those with interior and exterior folds. In all at least 13 different lip 80 styles were identified prior to being collapsed into the current typology. 60 As Figure 32 reveals, the greatest variation is found among the River Burnished 40 wares, although variations of the flattened and rounded lips are the most common. The 20 Yaughan pottery, perhaps because the sample size is so small (n=2), reflected only the rounded and flattened styles. High Degree of Interior Smoothing Rim decoration was found on about a _ Yaughan _ River Burnished third of the River Burnished examples (Figure Figure 31. Degree of exterior and interior smoothing. 33). The most common was the "pie crust rim" common to the English lead glazed slipware 79 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" Percent this, however, probably should come as no 100,------. surprise. 80 It appears that the Whitesides' main complex had a fairly even distribution of sizes, 60 with a slight preference for 32 em. rim diameter vessels. Such a clear trend is not seen in the Broom Hall data, although there does appear to 40 be a significant peak in the number of vessels around 26 em (Trinkley et al. 1995:220). 20 Use and Wear o Flat Beveled Rounded Other Vessels used for cooking will sometimes Lip Form retain evidence of this use through the presence _ Yaughan ~ River Burnished of sooting or charring. Although laboratory Figure 32. lip forms of the Colono ware. processing will sometimes remove this evidence, lab personnel were instructed to carefully clean all low fired earthenware. We do not believe vessels. One example of a gadrooned edge was that processing had a significant impact on the found, imitating both ceramics and silver vessels Whitesides collection. (Feild 1987:105). In addition, cord impressions were found perpendicular to two rims. These finds Sooting, or charring, is present on very'few tend to suggest that the smoothed over cord of the River Burnished sherds and none of the impressions on the body sherd may have been Yaughan specimens (Figure 36). Where identified, intentionally applied. Vessel Forms Cord lmpro.. ed 4.2% Cadroon fonn 2.1% As previously mentioned, the sherds recovered from the Whitesides plantation are not typically large enough to provide much information concerning vessel forms. The rims tended to reveal two basic vessel forms - a fairly shallow bowl and a deeper form resembling a jar. Three probable plate forms were also recovered, although no examples of foot rings were encountered. Undecorated 66.6~ Figure 34 reveals that the vessels ranged in Figure 33. Rim decorations found on River size from about 16 em in diameter to upwards of Burnished sherds. 40 em. (about 6 to 16 inches). When these are examined as trends (Figure 35), there are clear peaks at 20 em (8 inches), 26 em (10 inches), 32 it is more common on the exterior, suggesting use em (12V2 inches), and 36 (14 inches) em. The over open fires burning resinous woods, such as regularity of these divisions is somewhat startling . pine. and suggests that there may have been some degree of standardization of size among the The collection, unfortunately did not allow makers of River Burnished wares. Given the further examination of sooting by vessel form. In degree that European forms were being copied addition, there was sufficient post-depositional damage that wear analysis (scratch marks, abrasion 80 COLONOWARE Percent diameter in the center of the exterior face. No 20r------, striations are apparent and the sherd may have been used in a circular motion on a flat surface to smooth or grind relatively soft materials. Such use might be evidenced by grinding dried herbs. A second sherd, about 4.5 by 2.5 em in size, has been severely ground down, losing approximately 50% of its body thickness. The sherd reveals clear linear striations in reflected light, indicating that it was used to abrade a relative hard object using back and forth 16 18 20 22 24 26 28 30 32 34 36 38 40 motions. Vessel diameters. in cm. a River Burnished A slightly concave rim sherd, 6.5 by 4.5 Figure 34. Vessel diameters of the River Burnished collection. em in size, shows evidence of wear around the edges. This wear is suggestive of use in grinding or smoothing where only the edges of the sherd caused by use) was not undertaken. and not the central, concave portion, came into contact with the material. Since the edges are Four sherds, however, evidenced post broken, it is difficult to determine more, although depositional re-use as abraders or hones. Since the wear appears to suggest a soft, yielding these sherds can provide considerable insight into material was being ground. Percent Two additional sherds exhibit very 20r------, similar wear patterns closely resembling those + expected for hones. One reveals two wear areas 15 + + - one measuring about 3 mm in width and a minimum of 2.4 em in length (the sherd is broken and the terminal end of the hone is not + + present). The remaining end reveals that the wear gets deeper toward the central edge of the sherd, suggesting a sharpening motion which starts shallowly and moves downward with each stroke. Such wear might result from sharpening a needle or pin. A second sherd reveals a very 16 18 20 22 24 26 26 30 32 34 36 36 40 similar wear pattern, measuring about 5 mm in Vessel diameters. in cm. width and again broken at each end. ~ River Burnished Figure 35. Vessel diameters of River Burnished specimens Also associated with the former sherd is plotted as trends. another wear area, 10 mm in width but broken at both ends. The wear in this example is deepest in the center of the sherd and more shallow toward the edges. It might have been the lives of the site occupants they are worthy of formed by rubbing a small object back and forth special mention. with a slight circular twist. One sherd, about 2.5 em in diameter, These sherds reveal that the Colono evidences a circular worn spot about 1.4 em in 81 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" Percenl Using the generally accepted criteria for 100r------separating River Burnished from Yaughan, the Colono wares from 38CH1471 are dominated by 80 River Burnished materials. That is to say, the bulk of the collection is somewhat thinner and has a much finer paste with almost no sand 60 inclusions. 40 The prevalence of River Burnished wares may be a result of the site's proximity to 20 Charleston and the major trading route of the Catawba coupled with the early date of the site, which fits well into the height of the River OL------~===------~~~--- Inlerior Exterior Nol Present Burnished trade. The near absence of Yaughan Sooting material may also reflect the poverty of the site, _ Vaughan ~ River Burnished suggesting that the owner would prefer to Figure 36. Evidence of sooting. purchase cheap wares for utilitarian use than spare any of his slaves' time to make pottery. pottery, even when broken, continued to be used. While there are many possible Found in the main complex it is likely that these explanations for the reliance on River Burnished abraders and hones were devised and used by the and near absence of Yaughan, taken together the owner and his family rather than by the slaves. COIO~lO ware potteries comprises only about 16% of the total ceramic assemblage - placing the site Relatively little information is available in at end of the continuum dominated by European most studies concerning secondary uses of Colono rather than Colono pottery. While this is often ware pottery. The Broom Hall study (Trinkley et taken for granted at main house complexes, even al. 1995:218) found only one such example, a there Table 16 reveals that Colono wares may vary Yaughan sherd from the slave settlement which from only 2% of the collection to over 50%. had been abraded to create a shallow bowl-like surface. The suggestion was made that it was used Those plantations with 20% or more as a mortar to grind herbs in medicine or food Colono in their main house collections are typically preparation. plantations of very wealthy planters - Broom Hall, Archdale, Limerick, and Crowfield. Given the Conclusions small sample size this may be a spurious relationship. Or it may be an indication that the Aside from site-specific features, the River wealthier planters needed, purchased, and used a Burnished and Yaughan pottery from 38CH1471 greater variety of cooking and storage vessels, closely resemble that from other sites, especially while the less wealthy planters either had less need sites like Broom Hall were detailed typological or were forced to make-do with fewer vessels. studies have been conducted. There continues to be compelling evidence that no matter how The relatively low incidence at Whitesides detailed the analysis, the "types" Yaughan and may therefore reflect the economic or social status River Burnished cannot be consistently separated of the owner. By this we mean that Whitesides based on any typological criteria. As suggested by economic status may have prevented him from the Broom Hall study, this should be adequate to purchasing more Colono vessels, or alternatively, recommend the adoption of a type-variety that his social status reduced his need for approach with both Yaughan and River Burnished entertaining and hence storing and preparing a accepted as varieties of the Colono ware type. variety of dishes. 82 POLLEN ANALYSIS Dr. Arthur D. Cohen University of South Carolina Only one sealed context was identified debris. Some larger fragments were identifiable as during the field investigations of the Whitesides gymnospermous (pine-like wood) and some main ~ettlement - that associated with the posited resinous globs were present. Sufficient well-preserved pollen were obtained to construct a pollen diagram. However, Table 17. given the small numbers of nonarboreal pollen Pollen Materials Identified present, it was decided to construct a single pollen from Feature 1 diagram on the basis of the total number of palynomorphs, rather than to separate the arboreal Types Identified # Counted/lO slides Arboreal and nonarboreal types. Table 17 provides Pinus (pine) 175 information on the types recovered from the Quercus (oak) 7 feature and Figure 37 provides the information Carya (hickory) 27 graphically. Myrica (wax myrtle) 1 Liquidambar (sweet gum) 2 The large variety of arboreal forms is Nyssa (gum) 2 luglans (walnut) 1 1 Ulmus (elm) 80.0,------~ Nonarboreal "":':'" 70.0 - ~:~:~ various unidentified ferns 10 ::::: Chenopodiaceae (various pigweed or goosefoot weeds of open land) 2 60.0- ~i :~:~: Unidentified 4 50.0- ::::: ::=:: chimney footing identified as Feature 1. t::~ !i:i! Approximately 1 pound of soil was collected =:=:= from this feature specifically for pollen analysis. 20.0- ~t The goal of this work was two fold: first, to ::::: determine if cultigens might be present and second, to determine if the samples might help to better understand the landscape surrounding l:::-~iTj~~~~.T.:.:~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~9=~~~~~~~ m I., I.. I.. I.. I., I", ., Ie t) ., the main settlement. Ig .c: ., a ~ .. ...~ .s'" ~ >. oS'" t) .~ !:l... U >. Z bO 1 ::> ..'" '" & ~ ..., :5l :a ..; "0 '" 0 '" '" The samples were macerated for pollen g. P. ·a ·a 0 and to slides were scanned to identify pollen :.:l .: ::> ::> ..c::'" types and percentages. The organic matter U within the maceration consisted of angular Figure 37. Pollen recovered from Feature 1. fragments and some very dark, fine grained 83 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" interesting. In fact, with the exception of the Chenopodiaceae, this sample is more characteristic of a forested area than a cleared area. No cultigens were encountered in the study. Most pollen and spore types are suggestive of relatively dry, open, sand lowland woods. The presence of Nyssa (gum) and ferns would indicate that some swampy areas may have been located nearby. 84 PHYTOLITH ANALYSIS Dr. IIwin Rovner Binary Analytical Consultants Introduction maize produces panicoid phytoliths as does rice and millet. Festucoid grasses favor cooler, moist Phytolith analysis was conducted on a soil conditions, such as those found in northerly sample collected at the Whitesides main latitudes and higher elevations. Wheat, barley, oats, settlement. The sample was taken from a rye, and Old World animal fodder grasses fall into depression underneath and around disarticulated the festucoid phytolith group. Chloridoid grasses brick, mortar, and plaster rubble associated with a tend to dominate in warm, dry conditions such as posited chimney footing, identified as Feature 1. in short grass prairies and deserts. They also occur The sample is thought to represent the in disturbed ''barrens'' and in any soil which rapidly environmental (edaphicand taphonomic) drains such as on sand dunes or in coastal conditions of the eighteenth century plantation ecologies. I know of no obvious ethnobotanic prior to or during its formation. significance for chloridoid grasses (i.e., no cereal cultigens) in this region. The project goals and methods followed those stated in the phytolith study conducted For angiosperms (e.g., deciduous trees and concurrently at the Seabrook Plantation on Hilton shrubs) and conifers, Rovner (1971), Geis (1973), Head Island (Rovner 1995d). Klein and Geis (1978) provide some guidance for eastern woodland flora content. The most No phytolith reference database developed elaborate work to date in these taxa has been done from phytolith extracts of living plants in the site's by Japanese experts (Kondo 1974, 1976, 1977; region was available or specifically prepared for Kondo and Peason 1981; Kondo and Sase 1986; this study. This severely limits taxonomic specificity Kondo et al. 1987), primarily on Asian flora. in interpreting phytoliths present and, predictably, However, considerable similarity of illustrated leaves a substantial number of morphologically phytolith forms at the genus level between distinctive (and sometimes frequent) phytolith American and Japanese plants provide confident types in the category of "unknown." Recent guidance in the taxonomic assignment of distinctive publications, especially Rapp and Mulholland phytoliths in these categories. Most recently studies (1992), provide substantial verification for both by Cummings (1992) and Bozarth (1992) have general and specific taxonomic assignments of confirmed and refined the typology and taxonomy phytoliths. of phytoliths in dicotyledonous taxa. Distinctive material can now be attributed specifically to In the absence of a regional phytolith Asteraceae (Compositae) - a dicotyledonous database, published typological information was group well represented and ethnobotanically employed for classification of phytolith types. For significant in the eastern United States. While soil grasses, the three tnbe classification of Twiss et al. phytolith studies in the general region of the mid (1969) into panicoid (lobate forms), chloridoid Appalachians and Atlantic Seaboard are few in (saddle-shaped forms), and festucoid (trapezoids, number, general comparisons can be drawn from cones, hats, sinuous-sided forms), along with studies at such eastern historic period sites as elaborations by Brown (1984), was used. Panicoid Monticello, Virginia (Rovner 1988b); Hampton, grasses favor (and tend to dominate) under warm, Virginia (Rovner 1989); Harpers Ferry, West moist conditions. Ethnobotanically significant Virginia (Rovner 1994); Jordon Site (31NH256), 85 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" North Carolina (Rovner 1984); and 31MK683, textured surfaces, several long and narrow plates North Carolina (Rovner 1995). with a one thickened lateral margin (taxon assignment unknown), along with the usual Results abundance of "dicot junk phytoliths" testify to a strong presence of trees in this sample. The small Sample extract was relatively large and the spheres with distinctive conical surface projects, slide mount, dense with abundant biosilica of many tentatively attributed to palmetto, were recognizable categories. Morph ologically distinctive unexpectedly rare. Likewise, aquatic bioliths - individuals and categories of "unknowns" were diatoms and sponge spicules - were present but videotaped for future reference. Qualitatively and also quite rare. quantitatively, this extract resembled the shell midden extracts from Seabrook Plantation (Rovner Grass phytoliths were common and an 1995d). A frequency count of 200 phytoliths in important part of the assemblage. Compared to the selected phytolith type categories used with the Seabrook samples, grass phytolith counts increase Seabrook Plantation study was conducted for in absolute numbers. This is clearly a statistical comparison. Diatoms and sponge spicules were artifact of the rarity of palmetto spheres. Thus, tabulated as separate counts. When 200 phytoliths relative frequencies, e.g., rations of festucoids to were reached, the aquatic particle counts were panicoids to chloridoids, are more instructive. arbitrarily ended as well to provide a frequency Large grass cells, e.g., elongates (a.k.a. rods, relative to the phytolith population. fundamental elements), squares, rectangles, bulliforms (fan-shaped water storage cells which Results from the Whitesides .Plantation are often square to rectangular if oriented on a samples were appended to the Seabrook Plantation slide), trichomes (a.k.a. hook-bases, prickle cells), tabulations and are provided in Table 18. This is were counted. These have a high potential for intended to provide some relative comparisons and taxonomic significance, but no relevant study of should not be taken literally, i.e., as accurate these for this region now exists. They are used as quantifications. While each sample was processed a general marker for the presence of grass with no and mounted in similar fashions, no specific taxonomic subdivision. Grass short cells, on the attempts were made to control or equalize soil other hand, have more precise taxonomic and weight or volume processed, to measure the ecological significance. volume or weight of phytoliths extracted, or to control the density of each slide mount. The Whitesides Plantation feature Table 18. contained a majority of amorphous cellular Frequency Counts of Selected Phytolith Types from globules, plates, aggregate clusters, and Whitesides and Seabrook Plantations intercellular silica bodies which largely occur Whitesides Seabrook in trees, shrubs, and dicotyledonous weeds Feature 1 3676 3677 3678 3569 3593 and herbs. Further taxonomic assignment is Pahnetto 2 4 8 116 70 tenuous at best in this category, but some Panicoid 14 2 3 19 8 categories were repetitive and some Chloridoid 38 4 3 12 28 Festucoi~ 1 3 9 3 tentative taxonomic assignment is possible. Elongate 41 5 19 11 47 In . particular, several narrow, Y-shaped Square 31 8 24 10 7 bodies reported from oak (Quercus sp.) and Bulliform 54 5 18 15 21 a few irregular rectangles with scalloped Trichome 2 1 2 6 5 3 surfaces attributed to magnolia (Magnolia . Rectangle 14 1 3 2 13 Diatom 1 4 6 6 12 68 sp.) were observed. These, amid a high Sponge 4 7 5 21 26 40 frequency of well formed polygonal Total # 200 15 21 87 200 200 (pentagonal and hexagonal) plates, some showing distinctive stippled or otherwise Diatoms and sponges are not included in the phytolith population counts. 86 PHYTOLITH ANALYSIS Panicoid and chloridoid short cells were of tree cover in the water shed for housing and commonly observed in these samples, with a clear agricultural fields, is obvious. Plowed field runoff dominance of chloridoids. The high chloridoid and/or deliberate modification to surface hydrology frequency coincides with the relative dryness could cause ponding and other similar localized signature provided by the rarity of diatoms and conditions contributing to the appearance of sponge spicules. Panicoids should dominate in the wetness indicators in the phytolith assemblages. general climate of South Carolina when moisture Obviously verification may be sought through is available while chloridoid frequency should geomorphological and related analyses and reflect high drainage loss in coastal sandy soil, recourse to historic records and documents. especially during hot, dry summer periods favoring seasonal "desert grass" growth. Festucoid grasses The rarity of palmetto at Whitesides should represent either introduced European compared to its ubiquity at Seabrook is clearly grasses (including cultigens) or local minority grass significant. The most reasonable explanation, of occurring under specific ecological conditions such course, involves the different ecological setting of as near permanent water along streams, and so the two plantations with Seabrook within the forth. maritime forest on the edge of a large tidal drainage, and Whitesides in an area further inland Discussion and dominated by upland vegetation. The first notable aspect of the Whitesides The Whitesides pre-architectural sample is sample is the substantial reduction in two expected to show no evidence of landscaping or categories abundant at Seabrook Plantation on gardening - and does not. At Seabrook Plantation, Hilton Head Island - aquatic bioliths and ornamental flowers appear at one structure while palmetto spheres. The former is a strong signature maize and wheat phytoliths appear at another - a of drier conditions at Whitesides compared to potentially interesting difference helpful ill Seabrook. The most obvious explanation is the assessing behavioral activities and patterns difference in proximity to the marsh and open associated with these features. waters - Seabrook was on a major tidal drainage while Whitesides' settlement was 3000 feet from Short cell grass assemblages are perhaps high marsh and over a mile from open tidal water. the most instructive - enhancing interpretation of A more subtle alternative explanation may derive both the Whitesides and Seabrook phytolith data. from differences in land management conditions at An absence of agricultural activities in the the time of phytolith deposition. The Whitesides Whitesides sample is based on a dominance of sample likely predates house construction and chloridoid grasses, and absence of maize phytoliths, plantation management practices, while the and the low level of festucoid short cells. There is Seabrook samples reflect a plantation in full strong agreement between the pre-construction operation. Whitesides short grass profile and the ratios of short cells at Seabrook Plantation's Structure 1, but The Whitesides pre-construction sample not at Seabrook's Structure 2 (Table 19). The indicates a mixed floral ecology of trees, probably Structure 2 sample is anomalous by comparison as including oak and magnolia, interspersed with relative percents of both panicoids and festucoids open grass meadow dominated by chloridoid grasses. Surely other trees and meadow plants are present in the Table 19. phytolith assemblage hiding in the host Ratios of Grass Short Cells at Whitesides and Seabrook of "unknowns" precluding any attempt at assessing the profile or relative Sample Chloridoid Panicoid Festucoid frequencies of most non-grass taxa. At Whitesides, Fea. 1 95 35 1.0 2.7 Seabrook Plantation, general reduction Seabrook, Struct. 1 9.3 1.0 Seabrook, Struct. 2 1.3 2.1 1.0 87 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" The presence of maize and wheat phytoliths are the obvious contributors reinforcing the earlier assessment for agricultural presence at Seabrook Structure 2 (Rovner 1995d). Conclusions The feasibility test of phytolith analysis at 38CH1471 was successful. Phytoliths were present, well preserved, and represented a variety of important taxonomic groups, broadening the range observed at Seabrook Plantation in Beaufort County, South Carolina. In conjunction with the Seabrook data, the relative frequencies of distinctive morphological categories varied substantially and significantly between the respective samples. Both environmental and cultural modulations of the ecology were evident. Although Whitesides Plantation provided only a single sample for study, its cultural context contributed considerable insight into local ecology and ethnobotanic practices. Whitesides Plantation prior to architectural construction appears to have been a relatively dry locale, interspersing forest - including oak, magnolia, and very little palmetto - with open grass meadow dominated by chloridoid grasses. No evidence of agriculture or landscaping appears prior to construction. This study further supports and emphasizes the necessity of a reference phytolith data base for regional flora to address identification of the many "unknowns" observed in the sample. The results of this study also contribute to the development of effective sampling strategies in application of phytolith analysis. It is not difficult to appreciate how much more insight could be gained if undisturbed contexts for the active period of plantation operations were available for phytolith sampling and analysis. It may be necessary to wait for the investigation of other plantation sites where both pre-architectural and plantation contexts are available. Alternatively, such samples may be available from the investigation of the slave settlement by Brockington and Associates, especially since several large, sealed feature contexts were present. 88 FLORAL AND FAUNAL REMAINS Ethnobotanical Remains detail. An examination of wood species may also assume that the species present represent woods The excavations at the Whitesides main intentionally selected for use as fuel - probably settlement produced very little ethnobotanical the easiest assumption to accept if due care is used material. Most of the proveniences were collected to exclude the results of natural fires. While this by dry screening through %-inch mesh - this work method probably gives a fair indication of the trees resulted in one hand picked sample, recovered in the site area at the time of occupation, there are from the post hole in Unit 3. The low incidence of several factors which may bias any environmental hand picked samples is probably related to the reconstruction based solely on charcoal evidence, difficulty encountered in screening the wet, gummy including selective gathering by site occupants soils. Only one flotation sample was taken, from (perhaps selecting better burning woods, while Feature 1, the chimney footing associated with the excluding others) and differential self-pruning of main house. the trees (providing greater availability of some species other others). Smart and Hoffman (1988) Handpicked typically produce little provide an excellent review of environment information on subsistence since they often interpretation using charcoal which should be represent primarily wood charcoal large enough to consulted by those particularly interested in this be readily collected during either excavation or aspect of the study. screening. Some handpicked samples are particularly useful for providing architectural Flotation samples, offering the potential to information through examination of the wood recover very small seeds and other food remains, species present. Since the one sample was are expected to provide the most reliable and encountered in a post hole it may represent the sensitive subsistence information. Samples of 10 to wood used as the post. This does not, however, 20 grams of processed fill or carbonized material necessarily mean the post (and associated are usually considered adequate, if no bias was structure) had to bum. An 1825 building guide introduced in the field. Popper (1988) explores the remarked that charring posts and other wood "cumulative stages" of patterning, or potential bias, timbers was the "most effectual mode of preserving in ethnobotanical data. She notes that the first timber from decay" (quoted in Fitchen 1986:133). potential source of bias includes the wodd view Charcoal from post holes may therefore simply and patterned behavior of the site occupants - reflect the lingering charred fragments from a post how were the plants used, processed, and long rotted away. discarded, for example. Added to this are the preservation potentials of both the plant itself and Charcoal may also provide ecological the site's depositional history. Of the materials information. Such efforts assume that charcoal used and actually preserved, additional potential from different species tends to bum, fragment, and biases are introduced in the collection and be preserved similarly so that no species naturally processing of the samples. For example, there may produce smaller, or less common, pieces of be differences between deposits sampled and not charcoal and is less likely than others to be sampled, between the materials recovered through represented - an assumption that is dangerous at flotation and those lost or broken, and even best. Such studies also !issume that the charcoal between those that are considered identifiable and was being collected in the same proportions by the those that are not. In the case of 38CH1471 only site occupants as found in the archaeological one feature was identified and available for study. record -likely, but very difficult to examine in any The entire feature, however, was retained for 89 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" flotation, so the volume was approximately 15 entire amount of soil present in the feature after gallons. This soil was water floated (using a the removal of plaster, mortar, and brick. The machine assisted system) after the excavations at resulting flotation sample was subdivided to Chicora's Columbia laboratories. produce a sample of 10.12 g. The results of this analysis were rather disappointing - only trash, a Procedures and Results normal component of flotation samples, a small quantity of fish bone, present in the heavy fraction The handpicked · sample was examined as well, and wood charcoal were recovered. There under low magnification with the wood charcoal is no evidence of food remains. The sample identified to the genus level using comparative included 2.86 g of trash - primarily rootlets, and samples, Pan shin and de Zeeuw (1970), and small brick and mortar fragments - accounting for Koehler (1917). Wood charcoal samples were 28.3%. Fish bone and scales accounted for 0.03 g selected on the basis of sufficient size to allow the or only a trace percent. The remainder, or 7.23 g fragment to be broken in half, exposing a fresh representing 71.4% of the sample, is wood transverse surface. A range of different sizes were charcoal. examined in order to minimize bias resulting from differential preservation. The one sample available, Given that the sample was dominated by from the post hole in Unit 3, produced only pine wood charcoal, the larger fragments were selected (Pinus sp.). for taxa identification. Pine was the primary constituent, account for 79.3% of the collection. Lounsbury notes that one of the most Oak (Quercus sp.) accounted for an additional common woods used was yellow pine, which: 6.8%, followed by sweetgum (Liquidambar styraciflua) at 2.1%. T~pelo (Nyssa sp.) was found became the principal building to contnbute 1.9% of the sample, while dogwood material in the colonial and early (Comus florida) was found to represent 1.5% of national periods. Pine, the most the sample. The remaining 8.4% represented versatile of woods, was used in unidentifiable woods and resinous particles. framing, flooring, weatherboards, shingles, wainscotting, and other The collection is unusual, even among interior woodwork (Lounsbury historic sites where relatively few food remains are 1994:274). found, in the prevalence of pine. This may reflect the materials used to built the Whitesides house, Yellow pine was also called turpentine pine, hard or more likely, it reflects the choice of firewood by pine, fat pine, heart pine, and pitch pine, and was the planter. most commonly the longleaf pine (?inus palustris). The wood was heavy and hard, straight-grained, As previously discussed in the making it perfect for building and construction. environmental and historical overviews, pine was abundant on many colonial plantations. Robert The one flotation sample (from Feature 1) Weir, however, mentions that wood burning was prepared in a manner similar to that described fireplaces in Charleston during the colonial period byYamell (1974:113-114) and was examined under were not only so common as to be rapidly low magnification (7 to 3Ox) to identify carbonized eliminating the vast stands of pine, but were also plant foods and food remains. Remains were putting out so much smoke that ships were identified on the basis of gross morphological sometimes prevented from entering the harbor features and seed identification relied on (Weir 1983:44). Mills (1972 [1826]) found the same Schopmeyer (1974), United States Department of abuse of the woodlands in the antebellum and Agriculture (1971), Martin and Barkley (1961), and recommended that planters begin conserving their Montgomery (1977). This particular float sample forest tracts. Regardless, pine was almost certainly consisted of the charcoal obtained from the dominant fire wood among all classes for many approximately 15 gallons of soil (by volume) - the 90 FLORAL AND FAUNAL REMAINS years. R.V. Reynolds and Albert H. Pierson (1942) for firewoods. and Henry S. Graves (1919) found that pine produces between about 77 and 80% of the heat The dogwoods are found on a wide range value of coal. The choice of a wood for fuel, of soils, usually as understory trees. The wood however, does not depend solely on its calorific produces a particularly hot fire, yielding 97% of power. Other factors may be equally, or even the heat of coal. While not as difficult to split as more, important. While it tends to bum somewhat gum and tupelo, it isn't as easy to deal with as rapidly and is smoky, pine is easy to ignite and pine. It is also difficult to ignite and tends to spark. easy to split. When adequately dried it tends to throw relatively few sparks. All in all, it was Summary probably found to be not only easily accessible, but a relatively adequate heating and cooking wood. The ethnobotanical materials yield no real surprises. The presence of pine associated with Oak was also a favorite fire wood, architectural features is reasonable. The failure to providing a relatively hot fire. Oaks, for example, identify food remains in the flotation sample is have a heat value estimated at about 86% that of unfortunate, but not unexpected given its context coal (Reynolds and Pierson 1942:Table 1). (see, for example Zierden and Trinkley 1984). The Compared to pine, oak provides a steadier, longer woods identified from the feature may all represent lasting fire. It is, however, more difficult to fire woods associated with the main house. procure. Faunal Materials Oaks, including live oaks and water oaks, were also favorites of plantation owners to create The faunal collection from around the avenues and other landscape features. Thomas main house at Whitesides consists of bone Chaplin, at Tombee on nearby St. Helena Island, elements and fragments weighing 157.80 g. mentions digging up oaks to later "set out" Material was recovered by dry-screening unit soil (Rosengarten 1987:399). through 1f4-inch mesh or hand sorting the heavy fraction of the Feature 1 water flotation. The sweet gum, tupelo, and dogwood are all found in such low quantities that they may No detailed analysis of the collection has represent opportunistic encounters of downed been undertaken since it represents a very small trees. Sweetgum is very tolerant of a wide range of sample - far under the 200 individuals or 1400 soils, and may even be found as understory trees bone elements recommended for statistically valid with pine. It, however, prefers the moist, alluvial studies. Consequently, the collection was only loams of wet areas and would most likely be found briefly examined to provide information on the in the numerous wet areas of the Whitesides range of species. plantation. Sweetgum is moderately heavy and difficult to split or work. It is an unlikely Results architectural timber and provides only 68% of the heat output of coal. Mammals contributed the greatest amount of bone, 152.38 g or 96.8% of that recovered. Tupelo, possibly either the black tupelo Identified species include cow (Bos tauntS), pig (N. sylvatica) or the water tupelo (N. aquatica), can (Sus scrofa), and raccoon (Procyon Zotor). Based on be found on soils ranging from well-drained light bone weight the next most common material was sands to low, wet flats or sloughs. While it is about fish, accounting for 5.42 g or 3.4% of the equal to the heat output of pine (71 % that of collection. The only immediately recognized coal), the wood is moderately heavy to heavy and species was drum (Sciaenidae), the bulk of the exceedingly difficult to split. The butt logs of the collection consisting of fish scales and vertebra water tupelo are typically somewhat softer, but it is measuring 1 mm and less. unlikely that these would have been first choices 91 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" Absent from the collection are reptiles and swarm like Vermine upon the earth" largely birds. In fact, when the material from Feature 1 is because they "find their own Support in the removed, the collection is dominated by large Woods, without any Care of the Owner" (Carson mammal bones - items which are most likely to be 1985:2). Most period cookbooks concentrate on recovered when attempting to dry screen gummy recipes for preserving the meat, typically listed as soils through %-inch mesh. Considering the "For making Bacon," using salting and smoking to importance of this site, and the potential of faunal preserve the meat. studies to contribute to our understanding of the foodways associated with small planters, this is Although cattle have been an important unfortunate. meat source during the history of the United States, they are in many ways a more burdensome When the mammal remains are examined, resource to raise than pigs (see Hilliard 1972:112- 47.0% of the bones by weight are pig. Cow 140; Towne and Wentworth 1950, 1955). Cows comprise the second largest category at 29.5%, provide less of a return for the energy input with unidentifiable mammals remains ranking third necessary to raise them (Towne and Wentworth at 21.8%. The raccoon remains account for only 1950:7-8). They feed on grain and grasses, and will 1.7% of the mammals remains at the site. not produce good weight gains without quality arid quantity sources for both. Also, cattle store only Pigs are one of the most important about 11 % of the calories they consume and yield domestic mammals used for food in the only 50% to 60% dressed meat. Beverly comments Southeastern United States (see Hilliard 1972:92- that in Virginia beef was inferior to English meat, 111). Pigs require little care, as they can be largely because of his countrymen's habit of allowed to roam free, or they can be penned. Their starving young cattle. Even when penned and fed diet can consist of a variety of food resources, grain they were still lean and tough. In spite of including seeds, roots, fruits, nuts, mushrooms, this, recipes for beef are common, and include snakes, larvae, worms, eggs, carrion, mice, small such dishes as "calves head," "beef alamode," mammals, kitchen refuse, feces, and grain. Pigs "collard'd beef," ''beef collops," beef potted like store about 35% of the calories they consume, and venison, calves head dressed in imitation turtle, .can gain about 2 pounds for every 15 to 25 pounds and rump of beef (Horry 1984 [1770]). Balanced of feed (Towne and Wentworth 1950:7-8). Within against the greater labor required to raise cattle 18 months, a pig can gain up to 200 pounds, of above that for swine and the fact that beef does which about 120 pounds can be consumed. not preserve as well as pork (Tomhave 1925:275) Dressed, a pig carcass can yield between 65% and there has been a significant demand for secondary 80% meat. It is difficult to estimate the size of the products such as the hides, milk, and butter. pigs that were available to the inhabitants of Christ Church during the late eighteenth century. Prior to Raccoon bones are present in small 1800 there were no standard breeds of pig (Gray numbers in many historic faunal assemblages. The 1933:206). An idea of the possible size of the pigs mammal served as a food resource for both blacks that were available, however, can be gained from and whites, although its meat was apparently less the average weight of 140 pounds for 4,000 prized than that of the opossum (Hilliard 1972:80). southern pigs slaughtered in 1860 (Fogel 1965:206). Gathering raccoons could be done using firearms Pork preserves very well, is satisfying due in part to and hunting dogs, to which blacks presumably had its high fat content, and is a very good source of less access than whites prior to the later portion of thiamine (Towne and Wentworth 1950:249). the nineteenth century. Raccoons could also be obtained by trapping. This nocturnal mammal is This view is largely espoused by the early able to adapt to a variety of habitats, although they eighteenth century Virginia historian, Robert prefer wooded areas near water. The low wet Beverly, who remarked that swine were the best of sloughs common to the Seaside area would have all domesticated animals. He recounted that "hogs provided a perfect habitat for raccoons. Since eighteenth century recipe books were designed for 92 FLORAL AND FAUNAL REMAINS the emerging gentry it isn't surprising that remains were significantly more common than pig traditional foods, like raccoon, are not present. at both the planter's residence and the slave settlement. The only fish species identified from the collection is drum. Members of the drum family For pig to be so noticeable in the (Scianidae) include black drum, silver perch, Whitesides assemblage suggests there may be seatrout, spots, red drum, star drum, and Atlantic either a social or status difference between large croaker. All of these are commonly found in bays and small planters or perhaps that the plantation, and estuaries, such as those associated with the participating in ranching, chose not to eat their marshes and sounds of Christ Church Parish. cattle profits. William Elliott, who liv~d on Beaufort's Most surprising is that 60.6% of the pig sea islands, discusses drum fishing at length (Elliott ., remains represent jaw and jowl cuts, and that all 1994:110-116 [1846]). Although the fish were of the cow bones are teeth. These cuts are typically available every month of the year except December considered very low status, being relegated to the and January, April (when they spawned) was the slaves. Not only does their recovery help confirm only month in which they could be taken by hook. that the butchering was taking place on the He observed that in one season the Beaufort plantation, but it also suggests that the Whitesides planters, "succeeded in taking ... at least twelve were keeping only the least expensive cuts. The thousand of these fish; and . . . that except the better, more meatier cuts were going elsewhere - small number consumed in their families, the perhaps being sold or traded into Charleston as remainder were salted and distributed among their either fresh or salted meats. slaves" (Elliott 1994:112 [1846]). For the time, they were among the largest fish taken, with the average Conclusions about 3 feet in length and weighing 30 to 40 pounds. A sport fish among those on the coast, Relatively little can be made of these drums may have been acquired through indirect results given the very small (and likely biased) behaviors such as trade or gift-giving. Drum was samples. The findings, however, are curious and also one of the few fish with any commercial value. offer a new perspective on the foodways of Although it was distributed among the slaves, it eighteenth century small planters. seems to have had a special place on the planter's table, where it might be boiled, stewed, baked, or The faunal assemblage from the roasted. Whitesides Plantation is dominated by pig, not beef, and by low status cuts with relatively little Only one bone was found with butchering meat. The combination would seem more marks reveals knife cuts. No saw marks are indicative of a slave settlement than a main house, present. This suggests that the butchering took but again we must be careful in our interpretations. place on the plantation. This is not, however, Not only were few remains found, but those unexpected, especially for the time period. It is present tend to be large items easily recovered more likely that livestock was being traded into from screening. Charleston than that it was being purchased. Regardless, the apparent importance of pig The prevalence of pig, when compared to in the diet may be a result of the plantation'S focus beef, is more surprising. Reitz (1986:51-53) has on ranching during the late eighteenth century. found that cow is typically more common than pig Cattle may have been too valuable a commodity to at rural plantation sites, although she observes that be slaughtered for home consumption on a regular pig is likely underrepresented because of basis. Pigs, however, were likely more cost-effective differential preservation practices. At the very high and therefore a more viable option for the small status eighteenth century Broom Hall Plantation, planter. The emphasis on jaw and jowl cuts tends Hogue et a1. (1995:272-273) found that cow to support the notion that John Whitesides was 93 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" attempting to maximize his financial returns. Much of even those cattle slaughtered on the plantation may have been sold or traded to neighbors, leaving his own table with the least desirable cuts. While there is greater variety among the pig bones, jaw and jowl cuts are still the most common, again suggesting that Whitesides may have converted as much of his livestock into cash proceeds as possible. The meat cuts present would most often have been prepared as soups and stews, corresponding to the large numbers of bowls. There is relatively little evidence of roasts, reducing the need for plates and platters. While fish remains were only common from the one feature this is most likely a result of collection technique rather than feature function or some other cultural indicator. Forced to speculate, we are inclined to suggest that fish may have been a much more significant resource on the Whitesides Plantation than recognized. While slaves are frequently associated with pottery, or baskets, or rice, the connection between the African American bondsman and fishing is rarely made. Timothy Silver is one of the few scholars to comment that: South Carolina colonists discovered that Africans were especially adept at using small dugout canoes to fish the numerous rivers and creeks of the low country. Slaves from coastal regions of West Africa were also skilled at coasting large nets that could corral large numbers of migrating ocean species (Silver 1990:135). The location of the plantation, coupled with the owner's modest resources, suggest that fish may have been an important dietary supplement - perhaps far more important than previously recognized. 94 CONCLUSIONS Throughout this study we have been laying some was grown along the Wando River, efforts to out, piece by piece, a relatively simple scenario. grow "Carolina Gold" on "Seashore" plantations ere We have attempted to build on each section and apparently limited to small impoundments its results, tying them together when appropriate associated with the poorly drained soils. Cotton and drawing on other research where possible. never seems to have been profitable for most the Much like some legal cases, much of the "evidence" planters in Christ Church. The only saving grace, at the Whitesides settlement is circumstantial. No it seems, is that the area is in close proximity to one piece can be seen as conclusive, or even as Charleston. particularly startling. Only when all the pieces are viewed together does the picture become clear and, The historical documentation reveals the we believe, convincing. relative poverty of Christ Church throughout its history. Not only where the assemblymen from One of the greatest dangers in this study, Christ Church less wealthy in the colonial period it has seemed, has been that of creating a "straw than their colleagues from other parishes, but they argument." Certainly no one would deny that there owned fewer slaves. Many of the "Seashore" tracts were less wealthy planters than others. Nor would were relatively small, limiting their profitability. anyone deny, we suspect, that they less wealthy left Christ Church, even into the late antebellum, behind a different archaeological "signature." Yet offered only limited potential for planters. Christ when the archaeological literature for South Church contained about 10% of the improved Carolina is examined there seems to be hardly a acreage of Charleston County, but produced only trace of these smaller planters, especially for the 1% of the county's rice and less than 2% of its eighteenth century. The archaeological community, cotton. Instead, the parish had focused on orchard for reasons of no particular consequence to our products (contributing 20.7% of those produced in discussions, has focused on planters of the Charleston County), oats (again contnbuting over nineteenth century and, when the eighteenth 20%), and wool (accounting for 18% of all the century was examined, planters of wealth. John wool production in Charleston). In other words, a Whitesides stands is stark contrast. strange mix of cattle ranching, subsistence farming, and cash cropping had developed and matured in Overview of Ecology, History, Artifacts Christ Church. and Ecofacts The bits and pieces of the Whitesides The environmental and ecological overview history support this "bigger picture." Acquiring a suggests that portions of Christ Church Parish, relatively small tract of 220 acres from his father's especially those along the "Seashore" were estate in 1762, John Whitesides apparently focused relatively unproductive. The soils were low and on quickly establishing his settlement with his small wet. The Whitesides tract, for example consists family and slave holding. All we know historically entirely of Rutlege, Scranton, Chipley, and tidal about his agricultural activities is that he was marsh soils. Of these only the Chipley soils, planting rice and com - again representing a accounting for only 8.9% of the plantation, are mixture of subsistence farming and cash cropping. even moderately well drained. The remainder of Into the 1820s his wealth was limited. He the plantation requires extensive ditching for apparently attained no political office and his serve drainage. This affected not only crops, but also the to Christ Church was marred by a dispute with the health and well-being of its occupants. The rector, who descnbed John Whitesides as more fit topography was not especially good for rice. While to be a tavern keeper than a member of a church 95 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" committee. His physical settlement consisted of a potentially significant differences with the Carolina main house and four outbuildings - all within a Slave Artifact Pattern that at first glance it seems single acre. A bam was situated midway between to resemble. For example, the Whitesides his settlement and his four slave houses. settlement exhibits over three times as high a proportion of Activity Group artifacts than The collection of artifacts from his anticipated at slave sites. Personal artifacts are also settlement is consistent with the historic dates. The more common at Whitesides than might be chimney footing produced a mean ceramic date anticipated at a slave site - perhaps not by much, corresponding the death of John Whitesides father, but by enough to perhaps suggest a significant although the TPQ is 1790, probably much closer to difference between the two patterns. the origin the main settlement. The mean ceramic date for the entire assemblage is 1779. This is But the site's artifact pattern is not the somewhat earlier than the posited mean historic only suggestion of poverty. When the ceramics are date, but this may only suggests that new ceramics examined most are undecorated; those which are were only begrudgingly accepted by the Whitesides, decorated are inexpensive painted and annular either because of their cultural conservativism or wares. Of course not all plain wares are perhaps because oftheir poverty. Alternatively, the inexpensive. In addition, the assemblage does earlier mean historic date may suggest that the contain, albeit in small quantities, some very high plantation lapsed into disuse much more quickly status items such as teaware, overglazed enamelled after John's death than previously thought. wares, and transfer printed wares. Regardless, the assemblage dates from the last half of the eighteenth century into the first or second The ceramics include large proportions of decade of the nineteenth century. utilitarian wares and the tablewares are dominated by bowl forms. While these features have been When the assemblage is viewed using associated with slavery, it seems equally reasonable Stanley South's artifact groups to explore its to associate them with the foodways of "country pattern, the collection is not particularly similar to folk" which focus on "spoon meals" of soups, what has been suggested should typify British gruels, and porridges. Meat, well into the colonial sites in the Carolinas. In fact, it bears a nineteenth century, was a luxury food used much stronger resemblance to eighteenth century sparingly by all but the wealthiest. The simple fare slave sites, exhibiting a very high proportion of of country farmers requires few plates, but many kitchen artifacts to a rather meager proportion of bowls coupled with storage containers for a variety architectural remains. of goods. Yet when the Carolina Artifact Pattern is Miller's ceramic index for Whitesides, examined, one wonders if it might not better be while requiring very cautious interpretation, called the wealthy white artifact pattern. It seems nevertheless suggests an individual falling into a to nicely fit the assemblages left by the elite middling status - certainly not a wealthy planter, Charleston townhouse owners and the wealthy but above many of the free blacks and slaves of plantations such as Broom Hall. But not everyone Carolina. fits this stereotypic version of a Southern planter. Those who did not should certainly be expected to The archaeological evidence concerning exhibit a different artifact pattern. And Whitesides Whitesides' house is ambiguous. The only feature (along with a few other examples such as the Elfe recovered was that thought to represent the and Magnolia plantations) provides clear evidence chimney footing - a mass of mortar and brick of this. The pattern we see is one of poverty, not rubble. The scatter of artifacts suggests the slavery. structure's orientation. The scatter may even provides some vague indication of size, although if It is just as important to stress that the so it represents a very small structure, perhaps no Whitesides main settlement also exhibits some 96 CONCLUSIONS larger than 20 or so by perhaps 30 or 40 feet. are also present. While we don't know much concerning the The faunal evidence, while limited, is size of the structure, and absolutely nothing perhaps the most revealing. Pig is the single largest concerning internal arrangement, we can suggest most abundant species in the collection, followed that it was built using good eighteenth century by cow. This is unexpected, since in typical craft traditions, including mortise and tendon plantation assemblages cow is found more construction. There are very few nails - certainly frequently than pig. Pig may be a social indicator, not enough to account for framing, attachment of being found more commonly on lower status weather boarding, and shingling. There is also plantations, while beef is found either on those relatively little flat glass, meaning that windows eighteenth century plantations where the owner is were either uncommon or where not glassed. We able to imitate high status English foodways or on do, however, known that the house was plastered, nineteenth century sites where the pattern has based on recovered plaster from Feature 1. been well established among all classes. Alternatively, since the plantation may have been The ecofact evidence at Whitesides is in engaged in ranching, they may have chosen not to some ways less revealing than the artifactual. The eat cattle that could be more profitably sold. pollen data suggests that the environment of the site was much as it is today and certainly as the This latter explanation is given additional historic evidence suggests - dominated by pine credence by the examination of meat cuts. When with evidence of wet type vegetation. cow is present, it is found only a jaw and jowl cuts. Unfortunately no evidence was found of cultigens, These less meaty cuts are considered lower status but the technique must not be blamed. Far more and suggest that the Whitesides were selling the samples, from a variety of contexts, are necessary. prime cuts, retaining for themselves only those cuts For example, soils from the slave settlement may which would not bring much return. While jaw and be more likely to provide pollen evidence of the jowl cuts dominate the pig remains, other cuts are plantation's cash crops. also present, reflecting a more balanced use of this animal. The phytolith study was an. effort to explore a new avenue for plantations research in An usually large amount of fish was South Carolina and in that sense it was recovered from the heavy fraction associated with exceptionally successful. Phytoliths in large Feature 1. Fish was apparently much more quantities were found from Feature 1 and they common at the site than the hand collected largely confirm the pollen study, providing an remains from %-inch screening would suggest. It ecological view of the plantation at its inception. may be that the situation of the Whitesides Again, no evidence of cultigens were found, but plantation on the "Seashore" of Christ Church the ~tate of phytolith preservation suggests that this allowed ready access to fish or it may be that fish line of research should be explored at other sites, represented a relatively inexpensive and readily most especially those associated with the accessible dietary supplement. Whitesides slave settlement. The Research Questions The ethnobotanical data was likewise largely confined to Feature 1. The carbonized The reader will recall that five research material provides no evidence of cultigens or any questions were posed in the introduction to this food remains. They do, however, provide us with a study. Without belaboring what has already been range of woods which may have been used either said they were: in the building of the plantation house or as fuel woods in its fireplace. Pine dominates, as might be • The nature ofEuro-Amencan architecture expected, although oak, gum, tupelo, and dogwood at small plantations during the early to mid- 97 "WITH CREDIT AND HONOUR" eighteenth century; although the proportion of cattle and pig, combined with the apparent significance of "spoon • The effects of the economic base of cattle meals," does begin to suggest some differences ranching on owner lifeways; among the planter class. These results also emphasize the possible range which may exist in • Euro-American foodways during· the the archaeological data. Indirectly related to this colonial period; question is the continuing evidence that which enough samples pollen and phytolith studies can • The relationship of such small plantation make a significant contribution to our settlements to the close urban setting of Charleston; understanding of historic foodways. and Perhaps our least success was found in the • The nature of landscape altering activities area of Whitesides relationship to the urban setting on the plantation. of Charleston. This is partially the result of having so few comparative sites - it is difficult to know if Our success in addressing these questions the evidence at Whitesides is aberrant or may has been variable. Our inability to answer some reflect a wider pattern. Similar results from the questions (or to even contribute much data) should Elfe plantation on Daniels Island suggests that not be viewed as a failure. Rather it should Whitesides may be a valid reflection of a larger encourage additional research. pattern. In addition, the unusual butchering pattern also suggests an aspect of the site's As previously discussed, there IS relationship with Charleston. For the most part, archaeological data which suggests that the however, this topic will require more detailed Whitesides house was little more than a small exploration. farmhouse with little architectural detailing and perhaps even lacking windows. The absence of a The final question, concerning landscape clear floor plan prevents us from going further with altering activities, was only partially addressed in this question, but emphasizes the need for careful this research. We found that the soils were not block excavations at archaeological sites where conducive to identifying post holes. We found that architectural data might be present. Once again we metal detecting was of no use, either because of see a site where, had the overlying soils simply the very wet soils or, more likely, because the been stripped off after limited testing, we would buildings did not contribute large quantities of have no data with which to address this question. metal artifacts to the archaeological record. We also found that a much larger excavation area Our tentative suggestion is that cattle would be necessary for landscape studies and it ranching, while perhaps a stable means of earning may be in this regard where site stripping has some a living, was unlikely to quickly propel an appropriate use. individual into wealth. In this regard we are inclined to agree with Starr - there were more Toward a Broader View of Planters profitable avenues than ranching. But these avenues were dependent on both having Historians clearly recognize the diversity in appropriate land and having an adequate supply of the planter class - in fact one need only look at labor. Not all (perhaps many) could not meet one the writings of any economic historian to realize or both of these conditions. Such was certainly the this truism. Yet archaeologists have tended to case of John Whitesides. In this respect, ranching focus on the wealthier planters. As previously was likely his only option. suggested, this is probably a result of both the CRM process, which sometimes forces research The floral and faunal remains allow us to justification into social prominence, and our say relatively little about foodways and diet, emphasis on nineteenth century plantations, by 98 CONCLUSIONS which time many divisions based on material goods economically (see McCury 1995 for this had become obscured. discussion). The Whitesides Plantation forces us to What we see in the archaeological record recognize the diversity in the archaeological record at 38CH1471, therefore, is likely a reflection of already seen by historians. David Hacket Fischer many small planters throughout the South Carolina begins his discussion of planter wealth in Virginia: low country. The assemblage is spartan, appearing poor by the standards we have developed to look "Praised be to God," wrote a at plantation society. But "poverty" is a relative gentleman of Virginia in 1686, " I term and must be used with as much caution as neither live in poverty nor pomp, "status." but in very good indifferency and to a full context." This ideal of Hopefully the investigations at the material moderation was widely Whitesides settlement have done more than simply shared by Virginians. The reality, document the archaeological signature of this one however, was very different. From family. Ideally this research has demonstrated the the outset, the distribution of need to expand on our views of planters and wealth was profoundly unequal. plantation society. Sites need to be better explored During the late seventeenth and before being characterized. Sites from a much early eighteenth century it broader range of social, political, and economic became even more so (Fischer "classes" need to be explored, compared, and 1989:374). contrasted. Most particularly we need to understand that a very large segment of society He moves on to discuss these divisions, noting that lived with "credit and honour" leaving little more in Surry County, Virginia, a low swamp filled than archaeological remains to document their country directly across the James River from lives and contributions. The challenge is to help Jamestown, landowners with 350 or more acres provide these planters with a more compelling, and accounted for only 30% of the free landowners. accurate, voice. The remaining 60% owned fewer than 350 acres. John Whitesides, in this sense, was a common planter. He was not rich, he did not possess a grand mansion, he did not circulate among the social or political elite of Charleston. The Whitesides name is not listed in the index of historical tomes as a significant contributor to the colony. In fact, he lived his life in relative obscurity. Whitesides, however, maintained his family, as the title of this study suggests, ''with credit and honour." Whitesides was only a partial participant in the movement toward gentility which characterizes the latter half of the eighteenth century. He picked up odd bits and pieces, adopting what he could, probably ignoring much that seemed either pompous or simply unobtainable. Nevertheless, he was a planter - he owned land, he owned slaves. 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South Carolina Antiquities 16:87-104. 110 Archaeological Investigations Historical Research Preservation Education Interpretation Heritage Marketing Museum Support Programs Chicora Foundation, Inc. PO Box 8664 ▪ 861 Arbutus Drive Columbia, SC 29202-8664 Tel: 803-787-6910 Fax: 803-787-6910 www.chicora.org